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Gramsci meets emergentist materialism: Towards a neo neo-gramscian perspective on world order

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 May 2018

Jonathan Pass*
Affiliation:
Lecturer, Universidad Pablo de Olavide
*
*Correspondence to: Jonathan Pass, Departamento de Derecho Público, Universidad Pablo de Olavide, Carretera de Utrera, km. 1, 41013, Sevilla, Spain. Email: jonapass@upo.es.

Abstract

Neo-Gramscians have made invaluable contributions to expanding traditional IR/IPE theory. Nevertheless, as the following article indicates, the ontological, epistemological, and methodological positions they adopt results in a rather one-sided interpretation of Antonio Gramsci and a partial, at times erroneous, account of the nature of the current global system. In highlighting these oversights, the neo neo-Gramscian approach presented here – rooted in a critical realist philosophy of science, specifically ‘emergentist materialism’, and involving a more complete reading of Gramsci – seeks to lay the basis for the elaboration of a more convincing theoretical and conceptual framework to analyse the changing dynamics of contemporary world order, without which the Coxian critical theory dream of engendering social emancipation cannot be fully realised.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© British International Studies Association 2018 

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References

1 See Cox, Robert W.: ‘Social forces, states, and world orders: Beyond International Relations theory’, Millennium, 10:2 (1981)Google Scholar; ‘Gramsci, hegemony and International Relations: an essay in method’, Millennium, 12:2 (1983); ‘Middlepowermanship, Japan and future world order’, International Order, 44:4 (1989); ‘Global Perestroika’, Socialist Register, 28 (1992); ‘Towards a post-hegemonic conceptualization of world order: Reflections on the relevancy of Ibn Khaldun’, in Robert W. Cox, with Timothy J. Sinclair, Approaches to World Order (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Cox, Robert W., Production, Power, and World Order: Social Forces in the Making of History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987)Google Scholar.

2 See Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (New York: McGraw Hill, 1979)Google Scholar.

3 As a positivist ‘problem-solving theory’ it is: (i) implicitly conservative; (ii) prone to methodological dualism; (iii) liable to dubious ‘objective’ knowledge claims; (iv) often guilty of ahistoricism; and ultimately (v) unable to theorise change. Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 91–2.

4 ‘Theory is always for someone and for some purpose.’ Ibid., p. 87.

5 Ibid., pp. 87–90.

6 See, for example, Kindelberger, Charles, The World Depression 1929–1939 (Berkley, CA: University of California Press, 1973)Google Scholar; Krasner, Stephen D., Defending the National Interest: Raw Materials Investments and Foreign Policy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978)Google Scholar; Keohane, Robert O., After Hegemony, Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984)Google Scholar.

7 Cox, Production, Power, p. 355.

8 Ibid., p. 105, p. 6.

9 Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 95–6.

10 Ibid., p. 97.

11 Cox, ‘Gramsci, hegemony’, pp. 135–7.

12 Cox, Robert W., ‘Structural issues of global governance: Implications for Europe’, in Stephen Gill (ed.), Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 259260 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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14 Cox, ‘Social forces’, p. 111; Cox, Production, Power, p. 359.

15 For simplicity’s sake this article will differentiate between the ‘Coxians’ and the ‘Amsterdam School’. The former, the most commonly referred to here, consists of those neo-Gramscians that draw directly from Robert Cox, which include, among others, Stephen Gill, Mark Rupert, Adam D. Morton, Andreas Bieler, and William I. Robinson. The ‘Amsterdam School’, on the other hand, while applying many of Cox’s concepts, draws more directly from Gramsci and Marx. These include Henk Overbeek, Kees van der Pijl, Bastiaan van Apeldoorn, Otto Holman, and Marianne Marchand.

16 Cox, ‘Social forces’, p. 95.

17 Cox, Production, Power, p. 4; Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 97–8.

18 Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 98–100.

19 Ibid., pp. 100–01.

20 Considered as the principal collective actors ‘engendered by the production process’, which encapsulate certain configurations of social class forces and operated within and across all spheres of activity.

21 Drawing on Gramsci’s ‘integral State’, Cox understands FOS as historically contingent ‘state-society complexes’ whose particular nature is determined by the underlying configurations of social-class forces as expressed in its HB. Cox, ‘Social forces’, p. 86; Cox, Production, Power, p. 105.

22 Referring to ‘the particular configuration of forces which successively define the problematic of war and peace for the ensemble of states’, allowing critical theorists, such as Cox, to envision the possibility of other alternative forms of WO. ‘Order’ here refers to ‘the way things usually happen’ (for example, established practices), rather than the absence of ‘disorder’. Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 100, 117, fn. 2.

23 Cox, ‘Social forces’, p. 137.

24 Ibid., p. 131.

25 Cox, ‘Towards a post-hegemonic’, p. 149.

26 Cox, Production, Power, p. 395.

27 Cox, ‘Towards a post-hegemonic’, p. 151.

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31 Ibid., p. 162.

32 For Gramsci’s ideas on the ‘relations of force’, see Ibid., pp. 175–85.

33 Antonio Gramsci, Quaderni del Calcere: Quaderni di traduzioni (1929–1932), ed. Guiseppe Cospito and Gianna Francioni (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 2007), Quaderni 11, p. 1422.

34 This interpretation was borne out by Gramsci’s definition of a ‘determined market’: a ‘determined relation of social forces in a determined structure of the apparatus of production, this relationship being guaranteed (that is, rendered permanent) by a determined political, moral and juridical superstructure’. Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 410.

35 Ibid., pp. 137, 418.

36 Ibid., p. 366.

37 See Thomas, Peter D., The Gramscian Moment: Philosophy, Hegemony and Marxism (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2011), pp. 136142 Google Scholar.

38 Bhaskar, Roy, The Possibility of Naturalism (3rd edn, London: Routledge, 1998 [orig. pub. 1979])Google Scholar. According to Bhaskar: ‘Society is both the ever-present condition (material cause) and the continually reproduced outcome of human agency. And praxis is both work, that is conscious production, and (normally unconscious) reproduction of the conditions of production, that is society.’ (pp. 43–4).

39 Archer, Margaret S., Realist Social Theory: The Morphogenetic Approach (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. According to Archer’s three-stage morphogenetic cycle structural conditions, (T1) pre-condition social interaction, (T2) which leads to structural elaboration (morphogenesis), or reproduction (morphostasis) (T3), which in turn preconditions future interaction (T1) and the subsequent launching of a new morphogenetic cycle.

40 See Bhaskar, Roy, A Realist Theory of Science (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2008 [orig. pub. 1975])Google Scholar; Bhaskar, The Possibility of Naturalism; and Roy Bhaskar, Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation (London: Verso, 1986). The term ‘critical realism’ was not in fact originally used by Bhaskar – constituting an elision of his ideas ‘transcendental realism’ and ‘critical naturalism’ set out in his first two volumes – but which he later came to recognise.

41 Bhaskar, The Possibility of Naturalism, p. 27.

42 For simplicity’s sake, the following text will refer to ‘positivism’ and ‘interpretism’, although Bhaskar himself tends to use ‘empirical realism’, and ‘neo-Kantian transcendental idealism’, respectively.

43 Bhaskar, A Realist Theory of Science, p. 12.

44 Ibid., p. 11.

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48 Sayer, Andrew, Realism and Social Science (London: Sage, 2000), p. 73 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A ‘closed’ system involves isolating or screening off one or more generative mechanisms from external influences in order to ‘test’ a hypothesis. While technically possible in the ‘natural’ world under laboratory conditions, once outside the artificial enclosure of the experiment in the real world (‘open system), an array of factors derived from different causal mechanisms could interact in unforeseeable ways.

49 Tony Lawson illustrates: ‘the world is composed not only of such “surface phenomena” as skin spots, puppies turning into dogs, and relatively slow growth productivity in the UK, but of underlying and governing structures and mechanisms such as … viruses, genetic codes and British system of industrial relations.’ Lawson, Tony, Economics and Reality (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 22 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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52 Ibid., pp. 26–7.

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57 Lawson, Economics and Reality, p. 23.

58 Archer, Realist Social Theory, p. 16.

59 Retroduction begins by first identifying an observable phenomenon or event at the ‘actual’ level before hypothesising on the necessary and internal properties of the underlying ‘hidden’ generative mechanism, located at the ‘real’ level expressed in its causal powers. The newly discovered generative mechanism (intransitive dimension) is then re-examined at the ‘actual’ level again before being brought back again to the abstract/theoretical level for refinement utilising the theories, concepts, models, and other cognitive resources at one’s disposal (transitive dimension). See Bhaskar, Roy, ‘On the possibility of social science knowledge and the limits of naturalism’, Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 8 (1978), 128 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Roy Bhaskar, ‘The logic of scientific discovery’; Tony Lawson, ‘Economic science without experiments’; and Margaret S. Archer, ‘Introduction: Realism in social sciences’, all in Margaret S. Archer, Roy Bhaskar, Andrew Collier, Tony Lawson, and Alan Norrie (eds), Critical Realism: Essential Readings (London: Routledge, 1998).

60 Sayer, Andrew, Method in Social Science: A Realist Approach (2nd edn, London: Routledge, 1994), p. 87 Google Scholar.

61 See Lawson, Economics and Reality, pp. 213, 243; Bhaskar, Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation, pp. 7, 53–4; and Bhaskar, ‘The possibility’, pp. 59–61.

62 According to Tony Lawson, ‘demi-regularities’ (or ‘demi-regs’) are partial event regularities, ‘the occasional, but less than universal, actualisation of a mechanism or tendency over a definite region of time-space’. Quoted in Archer et al., Critical Realism, p. 13.

63 Joseph, Jonathan, ‘Philosophy in International Relations: a scientific Realist approach’, Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 35:2 (2007), p. 345 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 ‘All science would be superfluous if the outward appearances and essences of things directly coincided’. Marx, Karl and Engels, Friedrich, Capital: A Critique of Political Economy: Volume III (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1966), p. 817 Google Scholar.

65 Yalvaç, ‘Critical realism’, pp. 179–81.

66 Set out in Creaven, Sean, Marxism and Realism: A Materialistic Application of Realism in the Social Sciences (London: Routledge, 2000)Google Scholar and Creaven, Sean, Emergentist Marxism: Dialectical Philosophy and Social Theory (Abingdon, Oxford: Routledge, 2007)Google Scholar.

67 Creaven, Marxism and Realism, p. 280.

68 Creaven, Emergentist Marxism, pp. 28, 56, 71–141.

69 The following description of Joseph’s conceptualisation of hegemony is taken from: Joseph, Jonathan, Hegemony: A Realist Analysis (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 128133 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 210–13; and Jonathan Joseph, ‘The international as emergent: Challenging old and new orthodoxies in International Relations theory’, in Joseph and Wight (eds), Scientific Realism and International Relations, pp. 61–4.

70 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 377.

71 Ibid., p. 376.

72 Antonio Gramsci, Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, ed. and trans. Derek Boothman (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1995), p. 395.

73 See, for example, Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 184, 277–318, 410, 425–72. Gramsci claimed his ‘philosophy of praxis’ was essentially ‘Hegel plus David Ricardo’. Ibid., pp. 400–01.

74 Ibid., pp. 171–3, 401. Indeed, none of Gramsci’s key concepts – hegemony, the integral State, historical bloc, philosophy of praxis, organic intellectuals, common sense, the Modern Prince, and passive revolution – make any sense outside a world historical capitalist system of uneven development, as revealed in his study of the effect of ‘Americanism and Fordism’ on Italy. Ibid., pp. 279–318.

75 Ibid., p. 178.

76 See, for example, Bieler, Andreas and Morton, Adam D., ‘The Gordian Knot of agency: Structure in International Relations’, European Journal of International Relations, 7:1 (2001), pp. 555 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Morton, Adam D., Unravelling Gramsci, Hegemony and Passive Revolution in the Global Political Economy (London: Pluto Press, 2007), pp. 129131 Google Scholar.

77 Burnham, Peter, ‘Neo-Gramscian hegemony and the international order’, in Andreas Bieler, Werner Bonefeld, Peter Burnham, and Adam D. Morton, Global Restructuring, State, Capital and Labour: Contesting Neo-Gramscian Perspectives (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p. 70 Google Scholar.

78 Cox, Production, Power, p. 396.

79 Ibid.

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82 Ibid., p. 11.

83 Lacher, Hannes, ‘History, structures and world orders’, in Alison J. Ayers (ed.), Gramsci, Political Economy, and International Relations Theory: Modern Princes and Naked Emperors (rev. edn, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p. 88 Google Scholar.

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86 Bieler and Morton, ‘The Gordian Knot’, p. 22.

87 Albeit that state autonomy ‘is exercised within a structure created by the state’s own history’. Cox, Production, Power, p. 400.

88 Ibid., p. 399.

89 Ibid., pp. 219–30.

90 Cox, ‘Social forces’, p. 105.

91 Cox, Production, Power, pp. 253–65.

92 Cox, ‘Structural issues’, p. 260. See also Robinson, William I., Transnational Conflicts: Central America, Social Change and Globalisation (London: Verso, 2003), pp. 4546 Google Scholar, 62.

93 Nicos Poulantzas, State, Power, Socialism, trans. David Fernbach (London: New Left Books, 1978), p. 132, emphasis in original.

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96 Poulantzas, State, Power, pp. 97, 127.

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98 Cox, Robert W. with Michael G. Schechter, The Political Economy of a Plural World: Critical Reflections on Power, Morals and Civilization (London: Routledge, 2002), p. 33 Google Scholar.

99 See Bieler et al. (eds), Global Restructuring, p. 170, emphasis in original.

100 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 116, 176.

101 See Morton, Unravelling Gramsci.

102 Cox, ‘Middlepowermanship’, p. 245.

103 Ibid., p. 151.

104 Cox, Production, Power, p. 285.

105 See, for example, Gill, Stephen and Law, David, The Global Political Economy: Perspective, Problems and Policies (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1988)Google Scholar.

106 Anderson, Perry, ‘The antinomies of Antonio Gramsci’, New Left Review, I:100 (November/December, 1976)Google Scholar. Anderson denounces what he considers as serious theoretical inconsistencies throughout the Prison Notebooks due to Gramsci’s particular reading of Machiavelli, Croce, and Lenin. Countering this critique Thomas explains the evolving nature of Gramsci’s conceptualisations and the methodological distinction but dialectical unity of the dichotomies, compatible with the emergent materialist position forwarded here. See Thomas, The Gramscian Moment, pp. 41–83.

107 For a dismantling of Anderson’s critique, see Thomas, The Gramscian Moment, pp. 41–83.

108 Panitch, ‘Globalisation and the state’, pp. 20, 89, 119.

109 Laclau, Ernesto and Mouffe, Chantal, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics (London: Verso, 1985), ch. 2 Google Scholar.

110 See, for example, Rupert, Mark, Ideologies of Globalisation: Contending Visions of a New World Order (Florence, KY: Routledge, 2000)Google Scholar.

111 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 181–2.

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113 Ruggie, John G., ‘International regimes, transactions and change: Embedded liberalism in the postwar economic order’, International Organisation, 36:2 (1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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116 Ibid., p. 183.

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118 Gramsci, Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 261, 243–4, 160; Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 160.

119 Gramsci, Quaderni del Calcere, Quaderni 19, p. 1962.

120 The most significant contributions here come from Stephen Gill and Kees van der Pijl. For Gill, see: American Hegemony and the Trilateral Commission (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) and Power and Resistance in the New World Order (2nd edn, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008). For van der Pijl see: From the Cold War to Iraq (London: Pluto Press, 2006); Nomads and Empires (London: Verso 2007); and ‘Is the East still Red? The contender state and class struggle in China’, Globalizations, 4:9 (2012).

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125 Organised around the Trilateral Commission, Mont Pelerin Society, Bilderberg Group, etc. Gill, American Hegemony.

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130 Cox, ‘Social forces’, pp. 111–12.

131 Cox, ‘Global Perestroika’, pp. 305–-08.

132 Stephen Gill, ‘Epistemology, ontology and the Italian School’, in Gill (ed.), Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations, pp. 10, 40.

133 These include Henk Overbeek, Kees van der Pijl, Bastiaan van Apeldoorn, Otto Holman, Marianne Marchand.

134 See, for example, Henk Overbeek and Kees van der Pijl, ‘Restructuring capital and hegemony: Neo-liberalism and the unmaking of the post-war order’, in Overbeek (ed.), Restructuring Hegemony in the Global Political Economy; and van Apeldoorn, Bastiaan, ‘Theorizing the transnational: a historical materialist approach’, Journal of International Relations and Development, 7:2 (2004), p. 159 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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138 van der Pijl, Transnational Classes, p. 70.

139 van der Pijl, From the Cold War, pp. xiv, 28.

140 van der Pijl, Transnational Classes, pp. 80–4.

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147 van der Pijl, From the Cold War, p. 28.

148 Ibid., p. xi.

149 van der Pijl, ‘Ruling classes’, p. 19.

150 van der Pij, Transnational Classes, p. 98.

151 See, for example, Mittelman, James H. and China, Christine B. N., ‘Conceptualising resistance to globalization’, in Louise Amoore (ed.), The Global Resistance Reader (London: Routledge, 2000)Google Scholar; Morton, Unravelling Gramsci, ch. 7; Ayers (ed.), Gramsci, Political Economy, and International Relations Theory, chs 7–11; and Stephen, Matthew, ‘Globalisation and resistance: Struggles over common sense in the global political economy’, Review of International Studies, 37 (2011), pp. 209228 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

152 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, p. 181.

153 See Thomas, The Gramscian Moment, pp. 224–8.

154 Gramsci, Quaderni del Calcere, Quaderni 8, p. 37.

155 Cox, Production, Power, p. 164; Cox, ‘Gramsci, hegemony’, p. 120.

156 See Gill, Stephen, ‘The global panopiticon? The neoliberal state, economic life, and domestic surveillance’, Alternatives, 20:1 (1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Gill, Power and Resistance.

157 Robinson, ‘Gramsci and globalization’.

158 See, for example, Panitch, ‘Globalisation and the state’.

159 See Gowan, Peter, The Global Gamble: Washington’s Faustian Bid for World Dominance (London: Verso, 1999)Google Scholar; Harvey, David, The New Imperialism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Arrighi, Giovanni, Adam Smith in Beijing: Lineages of the Twenty-First Century (London: Verso, 2008)Google Scholar; Gowan, Peter, ‘Crisis in the heartland: Consequences of the new Wall Street system’, New Left Review, 55 (Jan–Feb 2009)Google Scholar; Panitch, Leo and Gindin, Sam, The Making of Global Capitalism: The Political Economy of American Hegemony (London: Verso, 2013)Google Scholar; and Budd, Class, States and International Relations. Gill and van der Pijl also emphasise the importance of Washington in underpinning the globalisation process, including launching foreign military interventions against ‘contender states’ (for example, Iraq). Unless this action is seen in hegemonic or imperial terms – which sits uneasily with the neo-Gramscian transnational HB thesis – it implies that actions taken by the American state are ipso facto, done in the interests of the Lockean heartland: a rather debatable assertion.

160 Rubin, E. R. and Weisberg, J., In An Uncertain World: Tough Choices from Wall Street to Washington (New York: Random House), 2003, p. 215 Google Scholar.

161 Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 116, 176; Antonio Gramsci, ‘The revolution against “capital”’, Selections from Political Writings, 1910–1920 (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1977), p. 69.

162 Gramsci, Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 222–3.

163 Gramsci, Quaderni del Calcere, Quaderni 2, p. 166.

164 van der Pijl, From the Cold War; van der Pijl, Nomads and Empires. See also van Apeldorn, Bastiaan, ‘Geopolitical strategy and class hegemony: Towards a historical materialist foreign policy’, Spectrum Journal of Global Studies, 6:1 (2014)Google Scholar.

165 A dualist categorisation that divides the WO between Lockean state-society complexes (civil society-centred, transcendent comprehensive concept of control, bourgeoisie, self-regulating, and transnational) and their Hobbesian counterparts (state-centred, national interest, state class, centralised administration, and international). Van der Pijl, Transnational Classes, p. 84.

166 Ibid., chs 3–5, 8.

167 Callinicos, Alex, ‘Does capitalism need the state system?’, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4 (2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.