Article contents
Abstract
Use of the ‘states and markets’ pair to conceptualise the international is pervasive. This article narrates the intellectual genesis of this dyad in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century British political œconomy. Adam Smith's arguments in Wealth of Nations are central, for there the analysis of strength is uncoupled from the analysis of wealth, de-politicising the international and making the economic denunciation of war possible. In the process the international economy is elaborated as a new theoretical object.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © British International Studies Association 2010
References
1 C. K., Some Seasonable and Modest Thoughts Partly Occasioned by, and Partly Concerning the Scots East-India Company (1696), p. 4.
2 Mill, James, Commerce Defended (New York: A. M. Kelley 1965 [1808]), p. 74Google Scholar .
3 Gilpin, Robert, The Political Economy of International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1987), p. 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar .
4 Gilpin, Robert, with the assistance of Jean M. Gilpin, Global Political Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press 2001), p. 45Google Scholar .
5 Ohmae, Kenichi, The End of the Nation State: The Rise of Regional Economies (London: Harper Collins 1995), pp. 2–4, 8, 15, 20, 64, 68Google Scholar .
6 Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World-System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (London: Academic Press 1974), pp. 67, 162, 353Google Scholar .
7 Hardt, Michael and Negri, Antonio, Empire (London: Harvard University Press 2000), pp. 9, 332–333Google Scholar .
8 See Walter, Ryan, ‘The Economy and Pocock's Political Economy’, History of European Ideas, 34 (2008), pp. 334–344, esp. pp. 342–344CrossRefGoogle Scholar .
9 Tribe, Keith, Land, Labour and Economic Discourse (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1978), ch. 5Google Scholar .
10 Steuart, James, An Inquiry Into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, Vol. 1 (London 1767), p. 2Google Scholar . Steuart did not use the ligature ‘œ’ as Smith did.
11 Ibid., p. 4. For patriarchalism in early modern political thought more generally see Schochet, Gordon, Patriarchalism in Political Thought: the Authoritarian Family and Political Speculation and Attitudes, Especially in Seventeenth-century England (New York: Basic Books 1975)Google Scholar .
12 Hobbes, Thomas, Leviathan, ed. Richard Tuck (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1991 [1651]), p. 180Google Scholar .
13 Ferguson, Adam, An Essay on the History of Civil Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1995), p. 131Google Scholar .
14 Idem.
15 See Pincus, Steven, ‘The English Debate Over Universal Monarchy’, in Robertson, John (ed.), A Union for Empire: Political Thought and the British Union of 1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1995)Google Scholar ; Sheehan, Michael, The Balance of Power: History and Theory (London: Routledge 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar .
16 Davenant, Charles, Essays Upon I. The Balance of Power. II. The Right of Making War, Peace, and Alliances. III. Universal Monarchy (London, 1701), pp. 269, 275Google Scholar .
17 Ibid., pp. 272–3, 276.
18 Ibid., pp. 277, 289.
19 Davenant, Charles, An Account of the Trade Between Great Britain, France, Holland, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Africa, Newfoundland &c. Part II (London 1715), p. 72Google Scholar .
20 Ibid., pp. 67–9.
21 Law, John, Money and Trade Consider'd; With a Proposal for Supplying the Nation with Money (London 1720), p. 49Google Scholar .
22 Webster, William, The Consequences of Trade, as to the Wealth and Strength of Any Nation (London 1740), pp. 9–10Google Scholar .
23 Revolution, William, The Real Crisis:, Or, The Necessity of Giving Immediate Succour to the Emperor Against France and her Present Allies (London 1735), p. 25Google Scholar .
24 Pollexfen, John, England and East-India Inconsistent in their Manufactures (London 1697), pp. 6–7Google Scholar .
25 Clement, Simon, A Discourse of the General Notions of Money, Trade, and Exchanges (London 1695), pp. 26, 32Google Scholar .
26 Steuart, , An Inquiry, p. 374Google Scholar .
27 Mortimer, Thomas, A New and Complete Dictionary of Trade and Commerce vol. 1 (London 1766)Google Scholar , s.v. ‘circulation’.
28 Locke, John, Locke on Money, vol. I, ed. Kelly, P. (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1991 [1696]), p. 233Google Scholar .
29 Paterson, William, Brief Account of the Intended Bank of England (London 1694), pp. 1, 13–15Google Scholar .
30 Davenant, Charles, ‘A Memorial Concerning the Coyn of England’, in Payson, Abbet (ed.), Two Manuscripts (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press 1942 [1695]), p. 8Google Scholar .
31 Tribe, , Land, Labour, p. 88Google Scholar .
32 As Adam Anderson put it, who presented a survey of Britain's colonial possessions in terms of what they traded and with who, the size of their populations, institutions of government and so on. An Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of Commerce, from the Earliest Accounts to the Present Time Vol. II (London, 1764), p. 332.
33 Paterson, William, ‘A Proposal to Plant a Colony in Darien’, in Bannister, S. (ed.), The Writings of William Paterson Vol. I (London: Effingham Wilson 1858 [1701]), p. 117Google Scholar .
34 Ibid., pp. 119–20.
35 Ibid., pp. 127–8.
36 Ibid., p. 120.
37 Ibid., p. 135.
38 Ibid., pp. 139–45.
39 Ibid., p. 148.
40 Ibid., pp. 151–4.
41 Ibid., p. 153.
42 Ibid., p. 155.
43 Armitage, David, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 149CrossRefGoogle Scholar .
44 This was significant in the ideological context that Armitage has so skilfully mapped: the republican fear that empire corroded liberty, which was activated forcefully in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Britain, could be assuaged when empire was conceived as maritime and commercial in nature. See Ibid., chaps 5 and 6.
45 Smith, Adam (ed.), An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (eds), Campbell, R. H., Skinner, A. S., Todd, W. B. (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1976 [1776]), Vol. I, p. 10Google Scholar .
46 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 330.
47 Margaret Schabas, , The Natural Origins of Economics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 2005), pp. 89–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar .
48 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 10.
49 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 14–5.
50 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 16.
51 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 31.
52 See Tribe, Keith, ‘Reading Trade in the Wealth of Nations’, History of European Ideas, 32 (2006), pp. 58–79, esp. pp. 65–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar .
53 Smith, , An Inquiry, vol. I, pp. 360–362Google Scholar .
54 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 362. Emphasis added.
55 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 366.
56 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 372.
57 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 364.
58 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 368.
59 Idem.
60 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 368–71.
61 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 368–9.
62 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 372, 447.
63 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 372.
64 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 428.
65 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 429–51. Smith's description therefore does violence to the mode of analysis he disrupts, and his construction of mercantilism is one we still labour under.
66 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 453.
67 Idem.
68 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 456.
69 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 457.
70 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 463. Support of the Navigation Acts in the name of national defence is, on the surface, a continuation of old arguments. What has changed is that now the analysis must be interrupted, through the device of exceptions, to bring the question of national defence into the argument. Arguments in the analysis of wealth before Smith already geared towards defence, since strength and wealth are interintrusive; in WoN their analysis is separate and strength has become an add-on consideration, since the categories of capital and annual produce do not directly speak to it.
71 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 465.
72 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 468.
73 Idem.
74 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 469.
75 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 469–72.
76 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 489.
77 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 495.
78 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 496.
79 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 497.
80 Idem.
81 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 564.
82 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 564–5, 572.
83 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 591.
84 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 575–77.
85 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 595–7, 600–1, 604.
86 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 604–5. Smith is referring here to ‘the contest with America’. Fortunately for Britain, the ‘disorder’ caused by American independence and the resulting loss of that trade was mitigated by five unforeseen and compensating events, see pp. 606–7.
87 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 612.
88 Here is one of the several particular conditions required for Smith's ‘invisible hand’ to work to national advantage, namely, the right setting of the merchant's variable character.
89 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 609–10.
90 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 616–7.
91 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 624.
92 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 625–6.
93 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 626.
94 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 626–7.
95 The more well known typology is Smith's stages of society, and it more directly underwrites imperialism, as when, in Chapter I of book V, Smith argued that trade ‘with barbarous and uncivilized nations’ will often need to be facilitated by fortified outposts. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 731.
96 Mill, James, Commerce Defended (New York: A. M. Kelley 1965 [1808]), p. 105Google Scholar .
97 Ibid., p. 13.
98 Ibid., p. 29.
99 Torrens, Robert, The Economists Refuted and Other Economic Writings, (ed.) Groenewegen, P. D. (Fairfield, NJ: A. M. Kelley), p. 2Google Scholar .
100 Ibid., pp. 7–9.
101 Ibid., p. 13.
102 Ibid., p. 22.
103 Mill, , Commerce Defended, pp. 108–109, 115–116Google Scholar .
104 Torrens, , Economists Refuted, p. 33Google Scholar .
105 Ibid., p. 32.
106 Torrens added that this is not a benefit that can be expected unless the colonies are settled by Europeans, since the indigenous peoples do not have the skill or industry to create a beneficial division of labour, Ibid., p. 26.
107 Ibid., pp. 25–7.
108 Ibid., p. 28.
109 Mill, , Commerce Defended, p. 38Google Scholar .
110 Ibid., p. 36.
111 Ibid., p. 116.
112 Ibid., p. 47.
113 Ibid., pp. 51–2.
114 Ibid., p. 74.
115 Ibid., p. 122.
116 Smith, , Wealth, Vol. I, p. 497Google Scholar .
117 For a classic statement see Marcuse, Herbert, One Dimensional Man (London: Sphere 1968)Google Scholar .
118 Consider Duncan Snidal's comment: ‘The relative gains hypothesis applies to economy as well as security. In part, this is because economic gains can ultimately be transformed into security gains, so that in the long run, security and economics are inseparable.’ Snidal's ‘long run’ is elusive because security and economy are now apprehended by separate discourses. Snidal, Duncan, ‘Relative Gains and the Pattern of International Cooperation’, in Baldwin, David A. (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York: Columbia University Press 1993), p. 173Google Scholar . Kenneth Waltz suggested that ‘When faced with the possibility of cooperating for mutual gain, states that feel insecure must ask how the gain will be divided’. An analogous premise also guided the old analysis, a premise that is challenged by the image of a self-regulating and mutually-enriching international economy. Waltz, Kenneth N., Theory of International Politics (New York: Random House, 1979), p. 105Google Scholar .
119 Hont, Istvan, Jealousy of Trade: International Competition and the Nation-State in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press 2005), p. 155Google Scholar .
120 See Helliwell, Christine and Hindess, Barry, ‘“Culture”, “Society” and the Figure of Man’, History of the Human Sciences, 12 (1999), pp. 1–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar .
- 1
- Cited by