¹ International Theological Commission, Sensus Fidei in the Life of the Church (Rome 2014), n.75Google Scholar; the text used is that on the Vatican's website.

² See Heb 2:17; 3:1; 4:14‐5; 5:1, 5, 10; 6:20; 7:26; 8:1, 3; 9:7, 11, 25; and 13:11; all other references in documents in the canonical collection (e.g. Mt 26:51) are to individuals who held the office of high priest in the Jerusalem temple.

³ Mt 26:51, 57, 58, 62, 63 and 65.

⁴ Mk 14:47, 53, 54, 60, 61, 63 and 66.

⁵ Acts 4:6; 5:17, 21; 7:1; 9:1; 19:14; 22:5; 23:2, 5; and 24:1

⁶ The word is used on 9 occasions in John (e.g. 11:49) and on 15 occasions in Hebrews (e.g. 2:17).

⁷ The translation is taken from Flannery, A. ed., Vatican Council II: The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents (Dublin 1975)Google Scholar. There is a reference to the sermons of Leo the Great (note the misprint in the translation: magnus became ‘martyr’) but this does not add any significant information.

⁸ The Latin text is that found on the Vatican website.

⁹ This care‐of‐household dimension was not picked up in the Vulgate which uses dispensator.

¹⁰ We need to keep in mind the problems of interpretation, within the reception of the Church, of the Pastoral Epistles: we locate these, probably in the second century, within communities with well established histories; early generations treated them as Paul's work and belonging to the first days of the movement. See Collins, A. Yarbro, ‘The Female Body as Social Space in 1 Timothy’, New Testament Studies 57 (2011) pp.155–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar for an example of these problems.

¹¹ See, for example, Num 35:25; Jos 20:6; Neh 3:1; Sir 50:1; Hag 1:12; and 1 Macc 14:30.

¹² There were variations in the text of the remainder of the antiphon but these need not concern us.

¹³ It was given as the ‘Epistle’ for the Common of a Confessor Bishop; and the biblical claim is taken from the editio typica of 1962.

¹⁴ Nor could it be found in any other biblical version (e.g. the Vetus Latina).

¹⁵ This reading is examined in detail by Jeffrey, P. in Translating Tradition: A Chant Historian Reads Liturgiam Authenticam (Collegeville, MN 2005) pp.56–7Google Scholar.

¹⁶ It is increasing common in scholarly literature to reserve the use of the term Christian for situations later than the time of the composition of the Didache, it is used here because the Didache remained in widespread use for several centuries.

¹⁷ The translation is from O'Loughlin, T., The Didache: A Window on the Earliest Christians (London 2010) p.169Google Scholar; it is based on the Greek text as edited by Holmes, M.W., The Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations (Grand Rapids, MI 1992) p.266Google Scholar.

¹⁸ For example: Ex 23:19; 34:26; Lev 2:12; Num 18:12; and Dt 18:4.

¹⁹ See the extensive commentaries on this in Niederwimmer, K., The Didache (Minneapolis, MN 1998), 188–93Google Scholar; and Milavec, A., The Didache: Faith, Hope, and Love of the Earliest Christian Communities, 50‐70 C.E. (Mahwah, NJ 2003) pp.491–525Google Scholar.

²⁰ The Didache is a first century document and while there have been many debates as to its dating (see my ‘Reactions to the Didache in Early Twentieth‐century Britain: A Dispute over the Relationship of History and Doctrine?’ in Brown, S.J., Knight, F., and Morgan‐Guy, J. eds, Religion, Identity and Conflict in Britain: From the Restoration to the Twentieth Century. Essays in Honour of Keith Robbins (Farnham 2013) pp.177–94.)Google Scholar, there would be few who do not envisage it as revealing a situation much earlier than that in which Hebrews was written.

²¹ Didache 10:7; and see O'Loughlin, T., ‘‘The “Eucharistic Words of Jesus”: An Un‐noticed Silence in our Earliest Sources,’ Anaphora 8,1 (2014) pp.1–12Google Scholar.

²² Didache 11:3‐12; and seeMilavec, A., ‘Distinguishing True from False Prophets: The Protective Wisdom of the Didache,’ Journal of Early Christian Studies 2 (1994) pp.117–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²³ On the identity of ‘the prophets’ and their place in the early churches, seeDraper, J.A., ‘Social Ambiguity and the Production of the Text: Prophets, Teachers, Bishops, and Deacons and the Development of the Jesus Tradition in the Community of the Didache’ in Jefford, C.N. ed., The Didache in Context: Essays on its Text, History, and Transmission (Leiden 1995) pp.284–312Google Scholar; idem, ‘Weber, Theissen, and “Wandering Charismatics” in the Didache,’ Journal of Early Christian Studies 6 (1998) pp.541–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and idem, ‘Performing the Cosmic Mystery of the Church in the Communities of the Didache,’ in Knight, J. and Sullivan, K. eds, The Open Mind: Essay in Honour of Christopher Rowland (London 2015) pp.37–57Google Scholar (I am indebted to Prof. Draper for drawing my attention to the latter article while writing this note).

²⁴ This late emergence of the episkopoi as the significant group has been obscured by the common reliance on the Eusebian dating of the letters of Ignatius to the first decade of the second century CE; however, these need to be dated to sometime in the latter half of the second century, see Barnes, T.D., ‘The Date of Ignatius,’ Expository Times 120 (2008) pp.119–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ SF 75.