Three broad categories of transformative changes have been recommended in The Economics of Biodiversity: The Dasgupta Review (henceforth Review): (i) The need to address the imbalance between our demands on Nature and its supply. (ii) The need to change our measures of economic success. (iii) The need for institutional change. However, what the private citizen would like to find in the Review differs from what someone in a government department or an international agency or a private company seeks. These notes have been prompted by the many virtual meetings I have had since the Review’s launch and they further explore aspects of the Review’s recommendations.

Much was written about the potential benefits and costs of North Sea oil when production had scarcely begun; for example, Hamilton (1978), Johnson (1978), Robinson and Morgan (1978) and Page (1977). In recent years, with concrete experience to draw on, there has been much argument as to the effects of oil on the British economy: in particular, whether, as argued by Forsyth and Kay (1980), a structural change was a necessary consequence, involving a relative decline in the manufacturing sector. This debate includes contributions from Richardson (1980), Worswick (1980), Barker (1980), Brooks (1981), Eastwood and Venables (1982) and Byatt et al. (1982).

Few industries can have had such a reversal of expectations in so short a time as the coal industry. In April 1956 the National Coal Board, looking at the prospects for the next ten years, could say confidently: ‘Even in the longer term, the problem of over-production for the coal industry can scarcely arise’. Over the next four years, total coal production fell 7 per cent, and coal stocks more than doubled.

We all recognise environmental problems—the pollution of air and rivers, the destruction of rain forests, global warming. The article argues that environmental problems are less the result of inappropriate values than of an incorrect calculus, and that economic evaluation and economic instruments have a major role to play in the correction of that calculus.

The green prescription of lower growth as a means of reducing environmental damage is dismissed—if higher output is often the cause of the problem, it is also what enables us to afford to deal with it. Policy should start from an adequate evaluation of the costs and benefits of action and inaction; the article instances nitrate in water, where the costs of rectification seem out of proportion to any likely benefit. Market mechanisms—such as taxes and tradeable licences—are often the best way of tackling environmental problems; but economists are sometimes as naive about their general applicability as non-economists about the effectiveness of prescriptive regulation.

The sharp rise in the real price of oil has taken it up to or above the levels seen after the second oil crisis of the late 1970s (depending on the currency considered) and has been, to say the least, somewhat disruptive to a world which had anticipated relatively cheap oil, probably for the indefinite future. At the very least, it is hard to imagine that some major consuming countries would have saved as little as they did, had they given proper attention to oil's status as an exhaustible resource. In this commentary the current situation is viewed from that perspective. The short-term impact of high oil prices is discussed on pp. 34–8.

Since our last forecast in April 2008 there have been further increases in oil prices, as is illustrated in figure 1, which tracks oil price projections in our forecasts this year, and compares them to the projection we made in January and July 2007. Over the past eighteen months oil prices have risen from around $60 per barrel to a currently projected level of $123 in 2009. Oil prices have recently reached a peak of $145.6 a barrel before falling back to around $134. Our projection for the short term is based on those of the US Energy Information Agency and uses information from forward markets as well as an evaluation of supply conditions. In the longer term we presume that real oil prices will rise in line with the real interest rate, as is discussed on pp. 4–7 of this Review. This note looks at the impacts of recent increases in oil prices on the path for real wages by investigating the share of fossil fuels in costs. It also evaluates the impact of the rise in prices since our last forecast, and investigates the impact on oil prices of the growth in demand outside the OECD.

During the last eight years there have been dramatic increases in the world price of oil. However, the incentive to use less energy comes from increases in the ‘real’ prices paid by consumers for fuel and the increases in these prices have been far smaller. This note examines the changes since 1973 in real prices for different fuels in different sectors in the UK and compares these price movements with those in some other Western developed countries.

Carbon pricing has been the most prominent climate change mitigation policy for the EU since the launch of its emissions trading system (ETS) in 2005. Since then, the context of international climate policy as well as of the socio-political and economical context of decarbonisation has changed considerably. The 2015 Paris Agreement engages virtually every country unlike its predecessor, while non-carbon pricing policies have led to rapid cost reductions in renewables, even if other sectors (particularly in energy-intensive industry) have not seen similar developments. This paper examines how the role of carbon pricing in the EU climate policy mix has evolved from its beginnings as a means to help achieve modest targets under the Kyoto Protocol, to a policy instrument increasingly augmented by a wider policy mix aimed at reaching no net emissions of greenhouse gases by mid-century.

This study uses an econometric approach to investigate the role of IPR protection on renewable energy adoption using panel data of 102 countries at five-year intervals over the period 1990–2005. The Ginarte-Park index is used as a measure of the strength of intellectual property protection while the adoption of renewable energy is measured by the share of renewable energy in total final energy use. The results reveal that the level of intellectual property rights protection and reform of the intellectual property rights regime do not have significant impact on renewable energy adoption, suggesting that IPR protection is not a cause for concern in the global quest for clean energy transition. On the contrary, we find that trade openness has a stronger influence in the transition to clean energy. Based on the findings of the study, we conclude that IPR protection does not influence renewable energy adoption except in high R&D countries; rather policy makers should concentrate efforts on economic factors, such as trade openness, that drive the adoption of renewable energy technologies.

The need to decarbonise the economy in order to slow the pace of climate change is now recognised as one of the most pressing international policy challenges. While the UK cannot by itself materially affect global climate change, it has an opportunity to play an influential role, both by persuading others of the need for action but also by reshaping its domestic economy to benefit from a low-carbon transition.

Far from hampering competitiveness, adoption of a coordinated policy approach to climate change today would generate positive benefits for the UK economy, especially if it addresses the multiple market failures that promote pollution and places decarbonisation at the heart of structural economic policy.

Desirable strategies would include public support for research, development, and deployment of new technologies, and measures to foster an environment where innovation can rapidly shift the economy from dirty to clean production systems. Focusing UK industrial strategy on securing strong domestic supply chains for green products and services, for example, could help create an early mover advantage in rapidly growing global market sectors. Interventions could include the establishment of a National Infrastructure Bank to support decarbonisation in crucial sectors such as energy and transport, and would also need to encompass measures to assist structural adjustment in affected industries and their workforces.