Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-jr42d Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-20T00:57:27.745Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

From Second-Best to First-Best Veto Point: Explaining the Changing Uses of Judicial Review and Referendums in Uruguay

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 May 2023

Florencia Antía
Affiliation:
Florencia Antía is an associate professor of political science. florencia.antia@cienciassociales.edu.uy.
Daniela Vairo
Affiliation:
Daniela Vairo is an associate professor of political science. daniela.vairo@cienciassociales.edu.uy.

Abstract

The use of veto points to block policy change has received significant attention in Latin America, but the different institutional venues have not been analyzed in a unified framework. Uruguay is exceptional in that political actors use both referendums and judicial review as effective ways to oppose public policies. While the activation of direct democracy mechanisms in Uruguay has been widely studied, the surge in the use of the judicial venue remains underexplored. This article argues that veto point use responds to the ideological content of policies adopted by different coalitions and the type of interest organization affected. It shows that policy opponents predominantly activate referendums when center-right coalitions rule and judicial review when center-left coalitions govern. It illustrates the causal argument by tracing the politics of court and referendum activation. This approach helps to bridge the gap between research on direct democracy and judicial politics, providing a unified framework.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the University of Miami

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

Both in the Departamento de Ciencia Política, Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad de la República, Montevideo, Uruguay.

Conflicts of interest: Florencia Antía and Daniela Vairo declare none.

References

Aguirre, Gonzalo. 2013. Leyes Inconstitucionales (1742). Búsqueda, December 5. https://www.busqueda.com.uy/Secciones/Leyes-inconstitucionales-uc12998 Google Scholar
Altman, David. 2011. Direct Democracy Worldwide. New York: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Anria, Santiago, Bentancur, Verónica Pérez, Rodríguez, Rafael Piñeiro, and Rosenblatt, Fernando. 2021. Agents of Representation: The Organic Connection Between Society and Leftist Parties in Bolivia and Uruguay. Politics & Society 50, 3: 384412. https://doi.org/10.1177/00323292211042442 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Antía, Florencia. 2016. La política tributaria durante el gobierno de Mujica: ¿hacia el fin del secreto bancario? In El decenio progresista. Las políticas públicas, de Vázquez a Mujica, ed. Bentancur, Nicolás and Busquets, José Miguel. Montevideo: Fin de Siglo/DCP-FCS-Udelar. 301–26.Google Scholar
Antía, Florencia, and Vairo, Daniela. 2019. Política y justicia en Uruguay: el poder de la Suprema Corte de Justicia (1990–2018). Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política 28, 2: 6186. https://doi.org/10.26851/RUCP.28.2.3 Google Scholar
Antía, Florencia, and Vairo, Daniela. 2021. Las políticas públicas del Frente Amplio bajo la lupa: los recursos de inconstitucionalidad ante la Suprema Corte de Justicia. In Fin de un ciclo: balance del estado y las políticas públicas tras 15 años de gobiernos de izquierda en Uruguay, ed. Bidegain, Germán, Freigedo, Martín, and Zerbriggen, Cristina. Montevideo: Instituto de Ciencia Política, Universidad de la República.Google Scholar
Beach, Derek, and Pedersen, Rasmus. 2016. Causal Case Study Methods: Foundations and Guidelines for Comparing, Matching, and Tracing. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. https://doi.org/10.3998/mpub.6576809 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bennett, Andrew, Fairfield, Tasha, and David Sofier, Hillel. 2019. Comparative Methods and Process Tracing. Final Report of Qualitative Transparency Deliberations Working Group III.1. American Political Science Association Organized Section for Qualitative and Multi-Method Research.Google Scholar
Bergara, Mario, Pereyra, Andrés, Tansini, Ruben, Garcé, Adolfo, Chasquetti, Daniel, Buquet, Daniel, and Moraes, Juan Andrés. 2006. Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes, and Policy Outcomes: The Case of Uruguay. Working Paper No. R-510. Latin American Research Network. Washington, DC: Inter-American Development Bank.Google Scholar
Bergonzini, Chiara. 2016. The Italian Constitutional Court and Balancing the Budget: Judgment of 9 February 2015, No. 10; Judgment of 10 March 2015, No. 70. European Constitutional Law Review 12, 1: 177–91. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1574019616000110 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bidegain, Germán, and Tricot, Víctor. 2017. Political Opportunity Structure, Social Movements, and Malaise in Representation in Uruguay, 1985–2014. In Malaise in Representation in Latin American Countries, ed. Joignant, Alfredo, Morales, Mauricio, and Fuentes, Claudio. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 139–60. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59955-1_6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bobbio, Norberto. 1995. Derecha e izquierda: razones y significados de una distinción política. Madrid: Taurus.Google Scholar
Breuer, Anita. 2011. Obstacles to Citizen Participation by Direct Democracy in Latin America: A Comparative Regional Analysis of Legal Frameworks and Evidence from the Costa Rican Case. Democratization 18, 1: 100–34. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.532619 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Brinks, Daniel M., and Blass, Abby. 2017. Rethinking Judicial Empowerment: The New Foundations of Constitutional Justice. International Journal of Constitutional Law 15, 2: 296331. https://doi.org/10.1093/icon/mox045 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Buquet, Daniel, and Piñeiro, Rafael. 2014. La consolidación de un nuevo sistema de partidos en Uruguay. Revista Debates 8, 1: 127–48.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Búsqueda . 2020. El Frente Amplio prepara su apoyo al referéndum, aunque sea un “error político.” October 8. https://www.busqueda.com.uy/Secciones/El-Frente-Amplio-prepara-su-apoyo-al-referendum-aunque-sea-un-error-politico--uc1857 Google Scholar
Caetano, Gerardo. 1992. Partidos, estado y cámaras empresariales en el Uruguay contemporáneo (1900–1991). In Organizaciones empresariales y políticas públicas. Aportes del seminario Organizaciones empresariales y políticas públicas, ed. FESUR, CIESU, and ICP. Montevideo: Ediciones Trilce. 1548.Google Scholar
Centre for Research on Direct Democracy (C2D). 2022. Database on Direct Democracy. https://c2d.ch Google Scholar
Chiaramonte, Alessandro, and D’Alimonte, Roberto. 2012. The Twilight of the Berlusconi Era: Local Elections and National Referendums in Italy, May and June 2011. South European Society and Politics 17, 2: 261–79. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2012.701793 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Della Porta, Donatella. 2020. How Social Movements Can Save Democracy: Democratic Innovations from Below. Cambridge: Polity.Google Scholar
la diaria . 2020. FA buscará difundir “cómo afectará” la LUC en “la vida cotidiana.” July 11. https://ladiaria.com.uy/politica/articulo/2020/7/fa-buscara-difundir-como-afectara-la-luc-en-la-vida-cotidiana Google Scholar
Epp, Charles. 1998. The Rights Revolution: Lawyers, Activists, and Supreme Courts in Comparative Perspective. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Epstein, Lee, Kobylka, Joseph F., and Stewart, Joseph F.. 1995. A Theory of Interest Groups and Litigation. In Research in Law and Policy Studies, ed. Nagel, Stuart S.. Greenwich, CT: Jai Press. 105–26.Google Scholar
El Espectador . 2013. ICIR: Mujica propuso hacer “cambios constitucionales.” February 14. http://historico.espectador.com/politica/258492/icir-mujica-propuso-hacer-cambios-constitucionales Google Scholar
El País. 2020. Pit-Cnt analiza realizar manifestación contra la LUC y detalló críticas hacia el proyecto. 18th May 2020, Uruguay. https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/sindicales/pit-cnt-analiza-realizar-manifestacion-contra-la-luc-y-detallo-criticas-hacia-el-proyecto Google Scholar
Fairfield, Tasha. 2015. Private Wealth and Public Revenue: Business Power and Tax Politics in Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Federación ANCAP. 2020. FANCAP sobre la LUC: “Neoliberal, clasista, regresiva, represiva, antidemocrática, punitiva y privatizadora.” Blog post. Pitcnt. Uy, July 17. https://www.pitcnt.uy/novedades/item/3632-fancap-sobre-la-luc-neoliberal-clasista-regresiva-represiva-antidemocratica-punitiva-y-privatizadora Google Scholar
Federación Rural del Uruguay (FRU). 2011. Impuestos a la tierra. Reflexiones de La Federación Rural. http://sacl.com.uy/wordpress/?p=636 Google Scholar
Fernández, Emilio, and Piñeiro, Diego. 2008. Organizaciones rurales. In El campo uruguayo: una mirada desde la sociología rural, ed. Chiappe, Marta, Carámabula, Matías, and Fernández, Emilio. Montevideo: Facultad de Agronomía, Udelar. 127–52.Google Scholar
Frente Amplio (FA). 2020. Declaraciones de la Mesa Política 23-10-2020 sobre LUC. https://frenteamplio.uy/declaraciones/item/1810-declaraciones-de-la-mesa-politica-23-10-2020 Google Scholar
Gerber, Elisabeth R. 1999. The Populist Paradox: Interest Group Influence and the Promise of Direct Legislation. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Gloppen, Siri, Wilson, Bruce M., Gargarella, Roberto, Skaar, Elin, and Kinander, Morten. 2010. Courts and Power in Latin America and Africa. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Goertz, Gary, and Mahoney, James. 2012. A Tale of Two Cultures: Qualitative and Quantitative Research in the Social Sciences. Princeton: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hibbs, Douglas A. Jr. 1997. Political Parties and Macroeconomic Policy. American Political Science Review 71: 1467–87.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hilson, Chris. 2002. New Social Movements: The Role of Legal Opportunity. Journal of European Public Policy 9, 2: 238–55. https://doi.org/10.1080/13501760110120246 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Huber, Evelyne, and Stephens, John D.. 2012. Democracy and the Left: Social Policy and Inequality in Latin America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Immergut, Ellen M. 1992. Health Politics: Interests and Institutions in Western Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Immergut, Ellen M. 2010. Political Institutions. In The Oxford Handbook of the Welfare State, ed. Castles, Francis G., Leibfried, Stephan, Lewis, Jane, Obinger, Herbert, and Pierson, Christopher. New York: Oxford University Press. 121. https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199579396.003.0015.Google Scholar
Joignant, Alfredo, Morales, Mauricio, and Fuentes, Claudio. 2017. Malaise in Representation: Attitudes, Beliefs, Behaviors, and Causalities. In Malaise in Representation in Latin American Countries, ed. Joignant, Morales, and Fuentes. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 143. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-59955-1_1 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kapiszewski, Diana. 2012. High Courts and Economic Governance in Argentina and Brazil. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kay, Stephen J. 1999. Unexpected Privatizations: Politics and Social Security Reform in the Southern Cone. Comparative Politics 31, 4: 403–22.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kitschelt, Herbert P. 1986. Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies. British Journal of Political Science 16, 1: 5785. https://doi.org/10.1017/S000712340000380X CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kitschelt, Herbert, Hawkins, Kirk A., Luna, Juan Pablo, Rosas, Guillermo, and Zechmeister, Elizabeth J., eds. 2010. Latin American Party Systems. Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Korpi, Walter. 1983. The Democratic Class Struggle. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Lanzaro, Jorge. 2011. Uruguay: A Social Democratic Government in Latin America. In Levitsky and Roberts 2011. 117–38.Google Scholar
Levitsky, Steven, and Roberts, Kenneth M., eds. 2011. The Resurgence of the Latin American Left. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Linder, Wolf, and Mueller, Sean. 2021. Swiss Democracy: Possible Solutions to Conflict in Multicultural Societies. New York: Springer/Palgrave Macmillan.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lissidini, Alicia. 2012. Direct Democracy in Uruguay and Venezuela: New Voices, Old Practices. In New Institutions for Participatory Democracy in Latin America, ed. Cameron, Maxwell A., Hershberg, Eric, and Sharpe, Kenneth E.. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. 149–79. https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137270580_7 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Luna, Juan Pablo. 2014. Segmented representation: Political party strategies in unequal democracies. Oxford University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Luna, Juan Pablo, and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal, eds. 2014. The Resilience of the Latin American Right. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mainwaring, Scott, Bizzarro, Fernando, and Petrova, Ana. 2018. Party System Institutionalization, Decay, and Collapse. In Party Systems in Latin America, ed. Mainwaring. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1733. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781316798553.002 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Miller, Kenneth P. 2009. Direct Democracy and the Courts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511805202 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Monestier, Felipe. 2007. Movimientos sociales, partidos políticos y democracia directa desde abajo en Uruguay (1985–2004). Informe final del concurso: Partidos, movimientos y alternativas políticas en América Latina y el Caribe. Programa Regional de Becas CLACSO. Buenos Aires: CLACSO. http://bibliotecavirtual.clacso.org.ar/ar/libros/becas/semi/2004/partidos/mone.pdf Google Scholar
Montevideo Portal. 2012. Productores contra el ICIR. Blog post. June 12. https://www.montevideo.com.uy/Noticias/Productores-contra-el-ICIR-uc169663 Google Scholar
Palmer-Rubin, Brian, Garay, Candelaria, and Poertner, Mathias. 2021. Incentives for Organizational Participation: A Recruitment Experiment in Mexico. Comparative Political Studies 54, 1: 110–43. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414020919927 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Papadopoulos, Yannis. 2001. How Does Direct Democracy Matter? The Impact of Referendum Votes on Politics and Policy-making. West European Politics 24, 2: 3558. https://doi.org/10.1080/01402380108425432.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pavone, Tommaso, and Stiansen, Øyvind. 2021. The Shadow Effect of Courts: Judicial Review and the Politics of Preemptive Reform. American Political Science Review 116, 1: 322–36. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055421000873 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Pérez Bentancur, Verónica, Rodríguez, Rafael Piñeiro, and Rosenblatt, Fernando. 2019. How Party Activism Survives: Uruguay’s Frente Amplio. New York: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108750851 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ralev, Radomir. 2022. Slovenian Court Suspends Controversial Law on Swiss Franc Loans—NLB. SeeNews, March 15. https://seenews.com/news/slovenian-court-suspends-controversial-law-on-swiss-franc-loans-nlb-777007 Google Scholar
Rómboli, Luis. 2012. Concentración de recursos. la diaria, August 14. https://ladiaria.com.uy/politica/articulo/2012/8/concentracion-de-recursos Google Scholar
Rossel, Cecilia, and Monestier, Felipe. 2021. Uruguay 2020: el despliegue de la agenda de centro derecha en contexto de pandemia. Revista de Ciencia Política (Santiago) 41, 2: 401–24. https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-090X2021005000119 Google Scholar
Senate, Finance Commission. 2011. Impuesto a la Concentración de Inmuebles Rurales (ICIR). Creación. 8th December 2011, Uruguay. https://parlamento.gub.uy/documentosyleyes/ficha-asunto/109040 Google Scholar
Schmalz, Stefan, Ludwig, Carmen, and Webster, Edward. 2018. The Power Resources Approach: Developments and Challenges. Global Labour Journal 9, 2: 113–34. https://doi.org/10.15173/glj.v9i2.3569 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Silva, Joaquín. 2021. La artesanal validación de firmas contra la LUC, huella por huella: así trabajan en la Corte Electoral. El País, July 20. https://www.elpais.com.uy/informacion/politica/artesanal-validacion-firmas-luc-huella-huella-asi-corte-electoral.html Google Scholar
Skaar, Elin. 2011. Judicial Independence and Human Rights in Latin America. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230117693 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Sociedad Uruguaya Mírate. Diario Digital. 2012. Evento “ICIR, la política ¿está encima de la constitución?” Blog post. November 28. https://www.sociedaduruguaya.org/2012/11/evento-icir-la-politica-esta-por-encima-de-la-constitucion.html Google Scholar
Taylor, Matthew M. 2008. Judging Policy: Courts and Policy Reform in Democratic Brazil. Stanford: Stanford University Press.Google Scholar
Teršek, Andraž, Dragan, Jure, Pavlin, Damijan, Nastran, Barbara, and Vražič, Nastja. 2021. On the Legality and Constitutionality of the Measures by Which the Slovenian Government Restricted Constitutional Rights and Freedoms Before and After the 2020 Coronavirus Pandemic. Part 1. Open Political Science 4, 1: 147–73. https://doi.org/10.1515/openps-2021-0015 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Tsebelis, George. 2002. Veto Players: How Political Institutions Work. Princeton: Princeton University Press.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Uleri, Pier Vincenzo. 2002. On Referendum Voting in Italy: YES, NO or Non-Vote? How Italian Parties Learned to Control Referendums. European Journal of Political Research 41, 6: 863–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Vanhala, Lisa. 2012. Legal Opportunity Structures and the Paradox of Legal Mobilization by the Environmental Movement in the UK. Law & Society Review 46, 3: 523–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Welp, Yanina. 2020. La agenda de investigación. In El diablo está en los detalles: referéndum y poder político en América Latina, ed. Soldevilla, Fernando Tuesta and Welp. Lima: Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. 922.Google Scholar
Wilson, Bruce M., and Rodríguez Cordero, Juan Carlos. 2006. Legal Opportunity Structures and Social Movements: The Effects of Institutional Change on Costa Rican Politics. Comparative Political Studies 39, 3: 325–51. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414005281934 CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zovatto, Daniel. 2006. Instituciones de democracia directa en América Latina. In La política importa: democracia y desarrollo en América Latina, ed. Zovatto, Mark Payne, and Díaz, Mercedes Mateo. Stockholm/Washington, DC: International IDEA/Inter-American Development Bank. 241–62.Google Scholar
Žuber, Bruna, and Kaučič, Igor. 2019. Referendum Challenges in the Republic of Slovenia. Białostockie Studia Prawnicze 24, 1: 137–50. https://doi.org/10.15290/bsp.2019.24.01.10 CrossRefGoogle Scholar