Excavations in northern Honduras have produced evidence of initial village life that is among the earliest cases documented in Mesoamerica. Settlement beginning prior to 1600 B. C., the production of sophisticated pottery by 1600 B. C., and integration in economic exchange networks extending into Guatemala and Mexico by 1100-900 B. C. (calendar ages), are all consistent with patterns recorded in the Gulf Coast, Central Highlands, and Pacific Coast of Mexico. Supported by a suite of 11 radiocarbon dates, these findings overturn traditional models that viewed Honduras as an underdeveloped periphery receiving delayed influences from Mexican centers.

The Tierra Blanca Joven (TBJ) eruption of the Ilopango caldera in central El Salvador was one of the largest Holocene volcanic events in Central America, and its ecological and cultural impacts were felt throughout El Salvador and adjoining areas of Guatemala and Honduras. Early radiocarbon measurements established a ca. A. D. 260 ± 114 calendar date for the eruption. However, a reevaluation of the original 14C dates, in addition to new AMS 14C assays, shows that the TBJ eruption occurred at least a century and a half later than originally estimated. The revised 14C composite supports an Early Classic Period calendar date for the eruption: 1 sigma = A. D. 421(429)526; 2 sigma = A. D. 408(429)536. A review of archaeological settlement, ceramic, and radiocarbon evidence from sites throughout the area of greatest devastation reveals a large-scale demographic collapse following the event. We believe that the population crash was caused both by the biophysical effects of the eruption and by the resulting disarticulation of the "Miraflores" cultural-economic sphere. The affected areas of El Salvador and south-eastern Guatemala did not completely recover until the seventh century A. D.

As one of the most common artifact categories found on Spanish colonial sites, the wheel-made, tin-glazed pottery known as majolica is an important chronological and social indicator for archaeologists. Initially imported from Europe, several manufacturing centers for majolica were set up in the New World by the late sixteenth century. The study of colonial majolica in the Viceroyalty of Peru, which encompassed much of South America, has received less attention than ceramic production and trade in the colonial Caribbean and Mesoamerica. Prior to 1650 the Viceroyalty of Peru was supplied with majolica largely produced in the city of Panama Vieja, on the Pacific. Panama Vieja majolica has been recovered from throughout the Andes, as far south as Argentina. Majolica made in Panama Vieja provides an important chronological indicator of early colonial archaeological contexts in the region. The reproduction of Iberian-style majolica for use on elite tables was symbolically important to the imposition of Spanish rule, and thus Panamanian majolicas also provide an important indicator of elite status on Andean colonial sites.

The results of an analysis of cranial measurements obtained from 223 skeletal samples, exhumed in 11 archaeological sites of Arica littoral and the Azapa valley, in extreme north Chile are presented. The object of this analysis is to reconstruct the biological history of the prehistoric inhabitants of the coast and the valley, in the context of their interaction with demographically and culturally more developed centers around Lake Titicaca. To this end, an osteological collection exhumed in that region is included in the analysis. The results reveal the microevolution of a coastal population with Andean roots that possibly arrived at the coast of Arica some 9,000 years ago, whose phenotypic features are recognizable until the time of contact with populations of the XVI century. This group gave origin to the inhabitants of the valleys, which during the Formative Period (3,500 B. P.) became farmers. The coastal groups maintained contact with certain groups from the valley (AZ-70). Nevertheless, the characteristic coastal features are accentuated starting from the Late Archaic Period (PLM-7 site), possibly due to genetic drift not compensated for by immigration. During the Formative Period, gene flow occurred from the highlands to the valleys, judging by a decrease in biological distance. This flow reached its maximum intensity in the Middle Horizon and the Late Intermediate Period (AZ-8). It is suggested that the migrations from the highland to the valleys are related to the disintegration of Tiwanaku.

Andean scholars have long debated the nature of the relationship between two Middle Horizon (ca. A. D. 750-1000) Andean states; many assumed Tiwanaku dominated Wari and preceded Wari in time. Recent research at the Wari administrative center of Cerro Baúl in the only known region occupied by both states (the Moquegua Valley of southern Peru) indicates that Tiwanaku may not predate Wari in Moquegua and that, contrary to previous assertions, both states occupied the valley for the last three centuries of the Middle Horizon. In support of this position, I review recent excavations at Cerro Baúl. Then I present eight new 14C dates and summarize the evidence for two major construction episodes at Cerro Baúl. I interpret the local Wari construction chronology based on the 12 14C dates now available from excavation contexts and I suggest that the new data, in comparison with 24 published 14C dates from other Wari centers, support a later date for Middle Horizon 1B Wari expansion than previously postulated.

The origin of maize has been a topic of interest to both biologists and archaeologists. During the twentieth century, the view point that maize is a domesticated form of teosinte received convincing support from biological data and is now broadly accepted among biologists familiar with the issues and data. There is no support of any kind for an alternative view that maize is a hybrid of the grasses Zea diploperennis and Tripsacum.

MacNeish and Eubanks (2000) reject the AMS radiocarbon dates on maize from the Tehuacán Valley, claiming that the specimens were contaminated with a substance called Bedacryl. We do not believe that the dated fragments were contaminated, and we review the processes by which they were selected and analyzed. We also describe Bedacryl and conclude that, had it been present as a contaminant, the resulting 14C ages should have been older rather than younger than expected. Considered along with recent AMS dates on cultigens from Tamaulipas, it seems evident that post-depositional disturbances in rock-shelter sites sometimes caused mixing of older and younger objects. Direct AMS radiocarbon dating is currently the best and least destructive way to determine whether or not an individual plant specimen is the same age as seemingly associated wood charcoal.

This paper addresses objections raised in an article by Bennetzen et al. (2000) in response to MacNeish and Eubanks (2000). Bennetzen et al. interpret the findings reported by MacNeish and Eubanks as opposition to the teosinte hypothesis for the origin of maize. However, by demonstrating a mutagenic mechanism that could have generated the genetic diversity essential for the transition from teosinte to maize, and the subsequent explosive evolution of maize in the archaeological record, the Tripsacum-diploperennis introgression derivatives confirm that teosinte is a progenitor of maize. Although Bennetzen et al. claim that the Tripsacum- diploperennis crosses are not credible, DNA fingerprinting verified that the hybrids contain genes from their teosinte and Tripsacum parents. Archaeobotanical remains of teosinte, Tripsacum, and hybrid specimens have been reported from Tamaulipas and Oaxaca. One of the "hybrid" specimens from Tamaulipas is virtually identical to an experimental Tripsacum-diploperennis segregate. The ability to experimentally reproduce forms that closely resemble archaeological specimens lends compelling support to the hypothesis that intergeneric hybridzation gave rise to the mutations that, through human selection, transformed teosinte into domesticated maize.

Long and Fritz argue that AMS dates on early maize were rejected because MacNeish suspected they were contaminated with bedacryl. In fact a letter from MacNeish to Long in 1988 addressed several possible explanations for the problems with the dates. The dates were rejected because they were inconsistent with well-established stratigraphic sequences and associated artifacts and ecofacts. The evidence is briefly summarized here, and the inconsistencies in the Arizona dates pointed out. It appears that the problem lies less with possible contamination with bedacryl, and more with the treatment of the samples by the Arizona laboratory.