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Southeast Asia in the Global Political System

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 April 2011

Extract

History may regard the summer of 1976 as a watershed of sorts in the evolution of Southeast Asia's place in world politics. Following the official reunification of the two Vietnams, there occurred in rapid succession the removal of the last American combat troops from the Southeast Asian mainland and the first positive stirrings by Vietnamese officials in response to ASEAN overtures for a normalization of relations. Although it is too early to determine the ultimate consequences of these events, their combined symbolic significance is unmistakable.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1978

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References

1 This author does not accept the argument that the Vietnam War at least permitted the region additional time to prepare itself for the vicissitudes of world politics. Or, one must say there has been precious little preparation.

2 Fisher, Charles A., “Geographical Continuity and Political Change in Southeast Asia,” Conflict and Stability in Southeast Asia, ed. Zacher, Mark W. and Milne, R. Stephen (New York, 1974), p. 4Google Scholar.

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11 For Southeast Asia, detente, paradoxically, could usher in a period of decreased manoeuvrability because the region would be considered so unimportant that its demands could be disregarded.

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31 See Melvin Gurtov, “The Soviet Presence in Southeast Asia: Growth and Implications,” Ibid., pp. 283–87.

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35 Internal conflict may become linked to interstate conflict when one domestic faction seeks or is offered external assistance as in the case of the Vietnam War. See Modelski, George, “The International Relations of Internal War,” International Aspects of Civil Strife, ed. Rosenau, James N. (Princeton, 1964), pp. 1444Google Scholar.

36 Chee-meow, Seah, “The Muslim Issue and Implications for ASEAN,” Pacific Community, Oct. 1974, pp. 154–55Google Scholar.

37 Some observers now believe that ethnic-secessionist issues pose greater dangers to the region than does communism. See Kattenburg, Paul M., “South-East Asia Reconsidered,” Southeast Asian Spectrum, Jan.-Mar. 1976, pp. 1719Google Scholar.

38 For data on the demographic distribution of the overseas Chinese, see Fisher, op. cit., p. 36 and R. Stephen Milne, “The Influence on Foreign Policy of Ethnic Minorities with External Ties,” Zacher and Milne, eds., op. cit., p. 88.

39 Victor C. Funnell, “The Development of Relations between China and the ASEAN Countries,” Southeast Asian Spectrum, July 1975, p. 23.

40 For a description of various government practices, see R. Stephen Milne, op. cit., pp.90–93.

41 Cited in Boyd, R.G.. Communist China's Foreign Policy (New York, 1962), p. 20Google Scholar.

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48 Martin, Edwin W., “Burma in 1975: New Dimension to Non-Alignment,” Asian Survey, Feb. 1976, p. 176Google Scholar. The other articles in this volume reach similar conclusions.

49 Although the countries of Southeast Asia share many of the interests and perceptions of the members of the so-called Group of 77 in the United Nations, they have so far shown considerable restraint in collaborating in the pursuit of a global redistribution of wealth and the “new economic order”.

50 See Young, Oran R., “Political Discontinuities in the International System,” World Politics, 20 (Apr. 1968), 369–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

51 Bell, op. cit., p. 488. Emphasis in original.

52 Kattenburg, op. cit., p. 20. See also Chee-meow, Seah, “ASEAN and Regionalism in Southeast Asia,” Southeast Asian Spectrum, Apr. 1974, pp. 15Google Scholar.

53 A.W. Stargardt, “Neutrality within the Asian System of Powers,” Lau Teik Soon, ed., op. cit., p. 111.

54 For the alternative emphasis on balance of power, see the text of a speech by Singapore's foreign minister, Rajaratnam, S., “The Power Game in Southeast Asia,” The Straits Times (Singapore), 29 June 1976Google Scholar.

55 Mount, Frank, “South-East Asia's Global Strategic Context.” Southeast Asian Spectrum, July 1974, p. 49Google Scholar.