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Medieval Vietnam and Cambodia: A Comparative Comment

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 April 2011

Extract

Messrs. Chandler, Ebihara, Haines, and Whitmore have written thoughtful and stimulating essays. But they have not been overwhelmingly concerned with exposing any great differences between medieval Vietnam and its nearest Theravada Buddhist neighbour, Cambodia. No doubt unintentionally, the two societies have been made to seem rather similar to each other. After all, Vietnamese literati, like the authors of Cambodia's normative poems, also consecrated what David Chandler has called “the propriety of hierarchies, rote-learning, and tradition”. Vietnamese social theory, like that of the chbap, stressed “the teacher-pupil relationship”. May Ebihara's argument that Cambodian social strata were permeable, and were characterized by “fluidity of membership” rather than resembling “rigidly structured Indian castes”, could also be applied to Vietnam, as could, obviously, her theme of Cambodia's oscillation between periods of centralized and decentralized political power. Even the social categories the two societies used have similarities: the Vietnamese equivalent of the Khmer term neak chea (“good people”, meaning relatively free men) was also “good people” (lương dân) and referred to citizens like farmers, with morally valuable occupations, as opposed to people like actors who were thought to be “mean”. One is left with the impression that the countries of sixteenth-century Southeast Asia embraced much less social and economic diversity than the countries of sixteenth-century Europe, with all their sharp contrasts between Venetian patricians and Antwerp merchants, Italian rice fanners and Dutch market gardeners, conservative English craft guilds and revolutionary Flemish ones. Can any faith still be placed in Harry Benda's old suggestion that the “constant” clashes between Vietnamese and Khmers be “analyzed in terms of a basic polarization between different…social and political systems?”

Type
Symposium on Societal Organization in Mainland Southeast Asia Prior to the Eighteenth Century
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1984

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References

1 Benda, Harry, “The structure of Southeast Asian history: some preliminary observations”, in Continuity and change in Southeast Asia: collectedjournal articles of Harry J. Benda (Yale University Southeast Asia Studies, New Haven, 1972), p. 129Google Scholar.

2 Binh, Phan Ke, Viet-Namphong tuc (Vietnamese customs), (Saigon, 1970 ed.), pp. 1617Google Scholar.

3 Lang, Ngo Cao, Lich trieu tap ky (Miscellaneous annals of successive courts), (Hanoi, 1975), trans, into modern Vietnamese by Bang, Hoa (Hoang Thuc Tram), I: 321–24Google Scholar.

4 Leach, Edmund, “The frontiers of ‘Burma’”, Comparative studies in society and history (The Hague) III (1960): 4967. For a more detailed consideration of the Leach hypothesis with respect to Sino-Burmese relations in the 1700s, seeGoogle ScholarWoodside, A., “The Ch'ien-lung reign”, The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 9, edited by Wakeman, F. and Twitchett, D., forthcomingGoogle Scholar.

5 See Quynh, Truong Huu, “Van de bao ve dan dinh tu do trong luat Hong Due” (“The question of the preservation of free adult male commoners in the Hong Due code”), Nghien cuu lich su (Historical researches), Hanoi, 165 (11–12, 1975): 2633. See p. 26. Comparing medieval Vietnam with Siam, one is struck by the impression — no more than that — that Thai rulers were considerably more worried by “lazy” peasants who might self-indulgently volunteer to be someone's slave. Was less stigma attached to servitude in Siam became family ties were less sacramental than in Vietnam?Google Scholar