¹ Cf. Michael Banton, “Voluntary Associations: Anthropological Aspects”, and David L. Sills, “Voluntary Associations: Sociological Aspects”, in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 16, ed. David L. Sills, pp. 357–62 and 362–79.

² Little, Cf. Kenneth, West African Urbanization: A Study of Voluntary Associations in Social Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965)Google Scholar; Little, Kenneth, “Urbanization and Regional Associations: Their Paradoxical Function”, in Urban Anthropology: Cross-Cultural Studies of Urbanization, ed. Southall, Aidan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), pp. 407-23Google Scholar; Levine, Donald N., Wax and Gold: Tradition and Innovation in Ethiopian Culture (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1965)Google Scholar.

³ See Rudolph, Lloyd I. and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, “The Political Role of India's Caste”, Pacific Affairs 33, 1 (1960): 9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also their book The Modernity of Tradition: Political Development in India (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967)Google Scholar.

⁴ See for example, Freedman, Maurice, “Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth Century Singapore”, Comparative Study in Society and History 3,1 (1960): 25–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lim-Keak, Cheng, Social Change and the Chinese in Singapore: A Socio-economic Geography with Special Reference to Bang Structure (Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; Skinner, G. William, Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1958)Google Scholar.

⁵ See Population and Housing Census of Malaysia 1991: State Population Report — Sarawak (Kuala Lumpur: Department of Statistics Malaysia, 1995), p. 23Google Scholar.

⁶ See Jussem, Stephen, “Bidayuh Language and Dialects: Problems and Possibilities”, in Dayak Bidayuh National Association 30th Anniversary (Souvenir Magazine) (Kuching: DBNA, 1989), pp. 56–61Google Scholar, reprinted with minor changes in Sarawak Museum Journal 40,61, Special Issue No. 4, Part 2 (1989): 407–413. While the DBNA includes the Selakau as members, the Selakau or Salako belong linguistically to the Malayic-Dayak group rather than a “Land Dayak” linguistic group. Adelaar, Cf. K. Alexander, “The Relevance of Salako for Proto-Malayic and for Old Malay Epigraphy”, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 148,3 & 4 (1992): 381CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ For a description of Malay and Chinese associations in Kuching, Sarawak, see Lockard, C. A., “The Southeast Asian Town in Historical Perspective: A Social History of Kuching, Malaysia, 1820–1970” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1973)Google Scholar. See also Lockard, Craig A., “Voluntary Associations and Chinese Society in Sarawak, 1870–1941”, Journal of the South Seas Society 32,1 & 2 (1972): 1–29Google Scholar.

⁸ See Reece, R.H.W., The Name of Brooke: The End of White Rajah Rule in Sarawak (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 137-38Google Scholar.

⁹ See Reece, The Name of Brooke, p. 145, and Sulaiman, Hj. Mohd Hasbie, Perjuangan Anti-Cession Sarawak: Peranan Utama Persatuan Kebangsaan Melayu Sarawak (Sarawak Anti-Cession Movement: Roles of Sarawak Malay National Union) (Kuching: PKMS, 1989), p. 40Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Ibid. “Interview with Datuk Tra Zehnder at the District Office, Kuching, on 19 May 1993.

¹² Reece, The Name of Brooke, pp. 210, 253, 276.

¹³ Ibid., pp. 248–49.

¹⁴ Michael B. Leigh, The Rising Moon: Political Change in Sarawak (Sydney: Sydney University Press, 1974), p. 7.

¹⁵ See Chee-Beng, Tan, Chinese Peranakan Heritage in Malaysia and Singapore (Kuala Lumpur: Fajar Bakti, 1993), p. 63Google Scholar.

¹⁶ The first political party in Sarawak, the Chinese-based Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) was formed in 1959, followed by the largely Malay party, Parti Negara Sarawak (PANAS) in 1960. The Iban formed their political parties, Sarawak National Party and Parti Pesaka Anak Sarawak in 1961 and 1962 respectively. For a study of political parties in Sarawak, see Michael Leigh, The Rising Moon.

¹⁷ Cf. Moggie, Leo, “The Sarawak Dayak National Union”, The Sarawak Gazette XCVI, No. 1344 (1970): 28–29Google Scholar.

¹⁸ This point is mentioned by Robert Sulis Ridu, Secretary of the Bidayuh association (1958–70, 1972–74), in his “Brief Historical Background on the Formation of Dayak Bidayuh National Association”, Dayak Bidayuh National Association 30th Anniversary (Souvenir Magazine) (Kuching: DBNA, 1989), p. 75Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See Lockard, “The Southeast Asian Town in Historical Perspective”, p. 607.

²⁰ See Leo Moggie, “The Sarawak Dayak National Union”.

²¹ Noor Tahir the patron of MMB mentioned that the association was established by people who wished to continue with the struggle to free the motherland. See 20 Tahun Usia Kesatuan Melanau Melayu, 14.11.1954 - 14.11.1974 (Kesatuan Melanau Melayu 20th Anniversary Publication), 1974, p. 2. Encik Jamal bin Hj. Dris (of Kg. Hilir, Sibu), President of MMB when he was interviewed on 27 Mar. 1992, joined the Pergerakan Pemuda Melayu when he was 18 years old.

²² The Sarawak Dayak Association, like all other organizations involved in the anti-cession campaign, was suppressed by the British authorities.

²³ Interview with Encik Jamal bin Hj. Dris.

²⁴ The organization derived its name from the ethnic categories Kayan (Ka), Kelabit (Kel), Murut (Mu), and Kenyan (Ke), hence Kakelmuke.

²⁵ He was the only prominent traditional leader to play an important role in forming a communal association. The leadership of the Temenggong was obviously crucial to get the rather heterogenous Orang Ulu groups to support the idea of a common communal association. The educated and politically involved “Orang Ulu” individuals were keen to unite the diverse small groups of Orang Ulu into one entity.

²⁶ For example, see Sarawak Gazette 14,9 (1959).

²⁷ The name was changed to Serakup Rabart Bansa Iban Miri, or Miri Iban Association, in 1991.

²⁸ For example, the Lun Bawang Association had called for bumiputera quotas to be allocated in such a way as to ensure that a small community like the Lun Bawang would get their fair share in the distribution of opportunities and resources. See “Proposals under the 6th Malaysia Plan for the Lun Bawang Community in Lawas and Limbang Districts”, 27 Jun. 1989 (LBA document).

²⁹ See Minutes of the PKBM second AGM, held on 23 Mar. 1991 in Miri. See also The People's Mirror (2 Apr. 1991): 4.

³⁰ For details, see my analysis in Tan Chee-Beng, Communal Associations of the Indigenous Communities in Sarawak.

³¹ For a good description of Lun Bawang labels and identities, see Langub, Jayl, “Ethnic Self-labelling of the Murut or Lun Bawang of Sarawak”, Sojourn 2,2 (1987): 289-99CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³² In this analysis of Chinese voluntary associations, Freedman (“Immigrants and Associations”, pp. 47–48) concludes that “the associations which in a small-scale and relatively undeveloped settlement express social, economic and political links in an undifferentiated form tend, as the scale and complexity of the society increase, to separate into a network of associations which are comparatively specialized in their functions and the kinds of solidarity they express”. Nevertheless, we should note that the Chinese community in each town was already internally quite differentiated even before more separate associations were formed, that is, the bases of forming separate associations (e.g., speech groups, surname “groups”, occupational diversities along speech group lines, etc.) already existed. In the case of the indigenous people, professionals can join existing non-communally based societies and clubs which cater for specific needs and affiliations. The case of the Iban in Miri shows that the tendency is to form separate communal associations or other organizations due either to the need to represent a less represented section of the population and/or leadership competition in an existing communal association.