¹ Krummrey, H. in Weinmann-Walser, M. (ed.), Historische Interpretationen: Studien für G. Walser, Historia Supp. 100 (1995), 97–122Google Scholar. See also Krummrey, H., Mélanges T. Kotula, Antiquitas 18 (1993), 105–9Google Scholar. A. Varone is preparing a complete index to the wall- and pottery-inscriptions and graffiti of Pompeii for the supplement to CIL IV; M. Hainzmann at Graz, after helping with the RIB indices, is continuing work on the inscriptions of Noricum and Moesia Superior, and of the instrumentum domesticum of Noricum and Austria.

² See Epigraphica 53 (1991), 276–8Google Scholar. The first Greek corpus created by PETRAE is Bresson, A., Recueil des inscriptions de la Pérée rhodienne, CRHA 105 (1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The lapsed Princeton project listing texts and bibliographies for cities of Asia Minor is being continued at Hamburg under H. Halfmann and P. Herrmann; a supplement to IEphesus is complete; next comes a data-bank of Lydian inscriptions: Halfmann, H. and Alpers, M. in Schwertheim, E. (ed.), Forschungen in Lydien, Asia Minor Studien 17 (1995), 1–8Google Scholar. Also Fell, M., Schäfer, Chr. and Wierschowski, L. (eds), Datenbanken in der Alten Geschichte, Computer u. Antike 2 (1994)Google Scholar.

³ See the CSAD Newsletter 4, Summer 1997, available on http://www.csad.ox.ac.uk or from 67 St Giles, Oxford OX1 3LU, e-mail: csadinfo@sable.ox.ac.uk. The web site offers links to other relevant material, including Malitz's IG Eystettenses, the Cornell Greek Epigraphy Project, and the searchable concordance of publications of Delphic inscriptions. IG Eystettenses is also available on CD-Rom.

⁴ Packard Humanities Institute, PH6, ‘Central Greece’; cf. the remarks of Lucas, G., Bull.ép. 1995, no. 295.Google Scholar

⁵ Part 7, Conventus Cordubensis, ed. A. U. Stylow (1995); part 14, Conventus Tarraconensis, 1 (southern section), ed. G. Alföldy, M. Clauss and M. Mayer Olivé (1994 on DBE slip, 1995 on cover). Both volumes often differ from Hübner in their view of the boundaries of the conventus. Photographs are mainly in a micro-fiche pocket. The ms. of part 5, Conv. Astigitanus, was submitted in 1995. Other Iberian corpora of the quinquennium to be noted are: Fernàndez, J. Gonzalèzet al., Corpus de Inscripciónes latinos de Andalucia [CILA], 3 vols in 5 (1989–1991)Google Scholar (important); G. Pereira Menant et al. (eds), Corpus de Inscripciónes romanas de Galicia [CIRG] (1991–) which replaces IRG; Caballero, M. Navarro, La epigrafía romana de Teruel 1 (1994)Google Scholar. Also Fabre, G., Mayer, M. and Rodà, I., Inscriptions romaines de Catalogne 3, Gérone (1991)Google Scholar.

⁶ Panciera, S. (ed.), Iscrizioni greche e latine del Foro Romano e del Palatino: inventario generate, inediti, revisioni, Tituli 7 (1996)Google Scholar; Suppl.It. 7 (1991)Google Scholar is the computerized Index to vols 1–6, with full concordances; cf. Panciera, S., Suppl. It. 8 (1991), 8–10Google Scholar, for recent changes in presentation. Add the useful A. Zumbo, Lessico epigrafico della Regio III (Lucania Bruttii), I: Bruttii (1992).

⁷ ed. G. Alföldy, partly anticipated by his work on the inscriptions of the early Principate, Studi sull'epigrafia augustea e tiberiana di Roma, Vetera 8 (1992) = AE 1992, nos 158–75; 182–4.

⁸ Miranda, E. (ed.), Iscrizioni greche d'ltalia I: Napoli I (1990)Google Scholar; 2 (1995).

⁹ cf. Chastagnol, A., ILN: Antibes, Riez, Digne, Suppl. Gallia 44 (1992)Google Scholar; also Les inscriptions latines de la Gaule Narbonnaise: Actes du Table Ronde d'Alba, juin 1987 (1992). The first three vols of ILA, which has been created with the aid of PETRAE, are Fages, B. and Maurin, L., Nitiobroges, Revue de l'Agenais suppl. 118.1 (1991)Google Scholar; Maurin, L., Santones (1994)Google Scholar and Rémy, B., Vellaves (1995)Google Scholar. For the ILGL project see Bérard, F. and Le Bohec, Y. (eds), Les inscriptions latines de Gaule lyonnaise: Actes du Table Ronde, nov. 1992, Coll. du CERGR 10 (1992)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Fitz, J., RIV 5:Intercisa (1991)Google Scholar; Registerband by B. Lörincz et al. (1991); Lörincz has published an index to the Intercisa volume, ZPE 95 (1993), 269–95Google Scholar.

¹¹ Kayser, F., Recueil des inscriptions grecques et latines (non funéraires) d'Alexandrie impériale (Ier au IIIe s. après J.C.) (1994)Google Scholar. On the need for a new CIL supplementary volume for Africa, Dupuis, X., AntAfr. 30 (1994), 229–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Note also Marengo's, S. M. useful Lessico delle iscrizioni greche della Cirenaica (1991)Google Scholar.

¹² Cabanes, P. and Crini, F. (eds), Corpus des inscriptions grecques d'Illyrie méridionale et d'Epire, 1: inscriptions d'Epidamne-Dyrrhacchion (1995)Google Scholar; IMésSup 3.2, ed. P. Petrović (1995); IGBulg. 5, ed. Kr. Banev (in press); also V. Božilova et al., Inscriptions latines de Novae (1992). A corpus of northern Macedonian inscriptions in four parts, directed by F. Papazoglu, is to appear as IG X.2.1; another, of the Latin stones of Slovenia, likewise in four parts (Emona, Celeia, Poetovio, Neviodunum), is also in progress. B. Gerov, Inscriptiones latinae in Bulgaria repertae (Oescus to Iatrus) (1989) has been reprinted (1995) (n.b. no concordances). Revision of the texts of Thessaly: J.-C. Decourt, Inscriptions de Thessalie, 1: les cités de la vallée de l'Enipeus (1995). Note also J. M. Fossey, Concordances and Indices to IG VII (Megara, Oropus, Boeotia) (1992).

¹³ Malay, H., Greek and Latin Inscriptions in the Manisa Museum (1994)Google Scholar; well-known texts such as IGR IV 1156a = Sherk, RDGE no. 65 = Smallwood, Nerva 453 are excluded. Others that contribute to the understanding of the texts they (re-)edit: di Stefano Manzella, I., BMMP 11 (1991), 51–71Google Scholar (Lapidario Profano ex Laterense); Panciera, S.et al., MiscGrRom 17 (1992), 201–82Google Scholar (revision of Capitoline Museum inscrr. cont'd.: see summary in AE 1992, 92); É. Bernand, Inscriptions grecques d'Égypte et de Nubie au Musée du Louvre (1992); Kajava, M. and Solin, H., Epigraphica 54 (1992), 89–115Google Scholar (Castello Fumone); Bivona, L., Iscrizioni latine lapidarie del Museo Civico di Termini Imerese, Kokalos Suppl. 9 (1994)Google Scholar; D. Modonesi, Museo Maffeiano (Verona): iscrizioni e rilievi sacri latini (1995). The epigraphic rooms, CL–CLIII, of the old Palazzo Borbonico, the Museo archeologico in Naples, have now been restored, and offer the visitor the pleasure of almost 2,000 stones, mostly from the Orsini collection.

¹⁴ Petzl, G. review of Levick, B.et al., MAMA X (1993)Google Scholar in JRS 85 (1995), 302Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Knapp, R. C., Latin Inscriptions from Central Spain, UCCS 34 (1992)Google Scholar, reviewed by Pantoja, J. Gómez, JRA 8 (1995), 452–60Google Scholar; note especially the account of local dating criteria, pp. 339–84 (in the tradition of G. Alföldy, Die römischen Inschriften von Tarraco (1975), 470–84), and the profusion of maps and tables. Note also, on a narrower front, J. Lostal Pros, Los miliarios de la provincia Tarraconensis (1992), with its excellent maps, comparative lay-outs, drawings, and photographs.

¹⁶ Collingwood, R. G. and Wright, R. P., The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, 2: Instrumentum domesticum, ed. S. S. Frere and R. S. O. Tomlin (1990–1994)Google Scholar, with important comments by Boon, G. C., Britannia 22 (1991), 317–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Fulford, M., Britannia 25 (1994), 315–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who rightly observes that most of the material is ‘British’ only in the sense of having been found there. Tomlin also provides many addenda and corrigenda for the reprint of RIB 1.

¹⁷ Devijver, H. and van Wonterghem, F., AncSoc 21 (1990), 29–98Google Scholar; Devijver, H., AncSoc 23 (1992), 61–70Google Scholar, at 66; Lassère, J.-M.et al., Les Flavii de Cillium, CEFR 169 (1993)Google Scholar, on CIL VIII. 211–16, with Hitchnev, R. B., JRA 8 (1995), 493–8Google Scholar; T. Rajakin J. W. van Henten and P. W. van der Horst (eds), Studies in Early Jewish Epigraphy (1995), 226–41; Woolf, G., JRS 86 (1996), 22–39Google Scholar, at 24–9.

¹⁸ Wolters, C., Actes du Collogue La Thessalie, Lyon 1990 (1994), 277–98Google Scholar; also M. Waelkens, Die kleinasiatischen Türsteine (1986), with MAMA IX (1988)Google Scholar nos 191–532 (Aezanitis), and X (1992), xxviii–xxxii and passim (Tembris Valley), though cf. Drew-Bear, T., Gnomon 63 (1991), 424–8Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Segre, M., Iscrizioni di Cos, 2 vols (1993)Google Scholar; cf. Bull, ép. 1995, no. 448; 1994, no. 450; J. B. Brusin, Inscriptiones Aquileiae (1991–93); cf. the comment in AE 1992, no. 704. See also Bernand, A., La Prose sur pierre dans l'Égypte hellénistique et romaine, 2 vols (1992)Google Scholar, with Bull.ép. 1993, nos 653, 655. Miller, M. C. J., Inscriptions Atticae, Suppl. inscr. Atticarum 6 (1992)Google Scholar is worthless. For a lengthy list of corrections to IAMaroc. 2. Inscriptions latines (1982) see Rebuffat, R., L'Africa Romana 9 (1991)[1992], 439–501Google Scholar.

²⁰ Among the improvements we note especially an explicit set of criteria for the inclusion of Greek inscriptions and a list of the authors of each notice. The number of entries has risen from 1,044 in 1990 to 1,945 m 1992; much of this increase is due to funeraries. Note also J.-M. Lassère, Tables générales de l'Année Épigraphique VIIe série (1961–80) (1992).

²¹ Weber, E. and Selinger, R., Römisches Österreich 19–20 (1991–1992), 177–251Google Scholar, reported in AE 1992, nos 1309–70, 1393–1416, 1418–52. Hispania Epigraphica 1 (1989)Google Scholar; 2 (1990), 3 (1993), 4 (1994) (specifically conceived as a prolegomenon to CIL II², but after four issues apparently in financial difficulty). Also, for Romania, C. C. Petolescu in Studii si Cercetari de Istorie veche (Bucharest), from 38 (1987). There are also some thematic compilations, especially New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity, ed. G. H. R. Horsley, and The Bulletin of Judaeo-Greek Studies (neither confined to inscriptions).

²² Seven fascicles, V.6–12, Macomades–Magnentius have appeared between 1991 and 1996.

²³ Some recent introductions for students: Keppie, L., Understanding Roman Inscriptions (1991)Google Scholar; I, Calabi Limentani, Epigrafia latina (4th edn, 1991) with updated bibliography; P. López Barja, Epigrafía latina (1994); also A. Sartori, Guida alia sezione epigrafica delle raccolte Archeologiche di Milano (1994) combining the functions of an introduction with that of an exhibition catalogue. Note also I. Calabi Limentani on the early history of such manuals, Epigraphica 58 (1996), 9–34Google Scholar; and the revised edition of H. Freis's useful Historische Inschriften zur römischen Kaiserzeit. Von Augustus bis Konstantin (1994). At another level altogether, Guarducci, M., L'epigrafia greca, 4 vols, has been reprinted (1995)Google Scholar.

²⁴ Thus: Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 1 (1990)Google Scholar; Cahiers du Centre G. Glotz 1 (1990)Google Scholar; Topoi 1 (1991)Google Scholar; Ostraka 1 (1992)Google Scholar. New series: Hesperìa, Università di Venezia 1 (1990); Epigraphica Bruxellensia 1 (1991)Google Scholar; Pontica 1 (1991)Google Scholar; Pharos 1 (1993)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Suppl.It. 8 (1991), 9–21Google Scholar, at 10–21, which contains useful charts of all proposals since the first Leyden system; his original piece with Krummrey, H., Tituli 2 (1980), 205–15Google Scholar; cf. Suppl.It. 1 (1981), 13–19Google Scholar. For an opposed view (the radical abolition of conventional sigla), Napoli, J. and Rebuffat, R., Gallia 49 (1992), 68CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rebuffat has himself long practised this renunciation to the irritation of his readers.

²⁶ See the proposals in Horsley, G. H. R. and Lee, J. A. L., Epigraphica 56 (1994), 129–69Google Scholar; some of which are ugly and confusing, and seem unnecessary departures from the familiar: BE is, for example, proposed for Bull.ép. (Bulletin epigraphique), Docsaug for E.&J. (V. Ehrenberg and A. H. M. Jones, Documents…).

²⁷ Knapp, op. cit. (n. 15), 379; A. U. Stylow in F. Beltrán Lloris (ed.), Roma y el Nacimiento de la Culture epigráfica en Occidente (1995), 219–38, at 222 (early Principate); in later periods, cf. Anales de Arqueologia Cordobesa 6 (1995), 217–37Google Scholar, at 225–9. Of course, interpuncts may offer a useful criterion for dating in one region, but not in another.

²⁸ S. Tracy in Studies presented to Sterling Dow (1984), 277–88. Lewis, D. M., ZPE 60 (1985), 103Google Scholar n. 3. More systematically, discerning four late fifth-century hands, Mattingly, H., ZPE 83 (1990), 110–22Google Scholar. For inscriptions on the base of archaic sculptures, D. Viviers, Recherches sur les ateliers de sculpteurs et la cité d'Athènes à l'époque archaïque. Endoios, Philergo, Aristoclès (1992).

²⁹ Vatin's most perplexing claims are to be found in his Monuments votifs de Delphes (1991), followed up by Boreas 14–15 (1991–1992)[1993], 33–43Google Scholar and Ostraka 2 (1993), 145–67Google Scholar; cf. Bull.ép. 1992, no. 78; 1994, no. 349.

³⁰ See Gasperini, L., Iscrizioni latine rupestri nel Lazio 1 (1989)Google Scholar; idem (ed.), Rupes loquentes. Atti del convegno di studi sulle inscrizioni rupestri di età romana in Italia (1992).

³¹ Alföldy, G., ZPE 94 (1992), 231–48Google Scholar, with AE 1992, no. 1034 for some detailed criticism. Analogous cases are Alföldy's proposed restorations of the dedicatory inscription of the temple of Mars Ultor (Studi sull'epigrafia (above, n. 7), 30 = AE 1992, no. 161) and of the Flavian amphitheatre (ZPE 109 (1995), 195–226Google Scholar) at Rome; and similarly that for the amphitheatre at Tarragona by A. Beltrán Martínez and F. Beltrán Lloris, El anfiteatro del Tárraco (1991), 61–5 no. 5 = HAE 880; see Hispania Epigraphica 4 (1994)Google Scholar, no. 842. For another startling and speculative reconstruction (of AE 1985, no. 50), Alföldy, ibid., 127 = AE 1992, no. 182; formerly taken to refer to Vipsania's property in the ager Vaticanus, he turns it into Drusus' epitaph for his mother, A.D. 20.

³² A case in point — but outside our period — is the new Hamaxitos copy of the Athenian Standards Decree, which seems decisively to support Mattingly's arguments about the dating of fifth-century Athenian imperial texts (SEG 1988, 1251 with Mattingly, H., Klio 75 (1993), 99–102CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

³³ ed, M. H. Crawford .), Roman Statutes (1996)Google Scholar. The criteria of selection are given at 1, 2–4. The epigraphically-attested texts are in vol. 1; nos 1–36, of which twenty-five are mere fragments, are Republican. Vol. 2 contains leges known from literary sources (the XII Tables are pp. 555–721, no. 40); cf. D. Flach (ed.), with S. von der Lahr, Die Gesetze der frühen Römischen Republik (1994), with another version.

³⁴ A. W. Lintott, Judicial Reform and Land Reform in the Late Republic (1992); the laws on the Tabula are Roman Statutes nos 1 and 2, pp. 39–180, mainly ed. Crawford.

³⁵ ‘Die Zahl republikanischer Inschriften wächst jeden Tag’, so Solin, H., Arctos 25 (1991), 146–7Google Scholar, prefacing his critical remarks on commonly-employed dating criteria. Texts from the very early period remain of course extremely rare and — beware the Lapis Satricanus — extremely difficult to interpret. A fascicle of Lampas 29,1 (Jan.–Feb., 1996)Google Scholar is devoted to the Lapis Satricanus, with conflicting interpretations by J. de Waele, D. J. Waarsenburg and H. S. Versnel (English summaries); note also Levi, M. A., RIDA³ 22 (1995), 195–219Google Scholar.

³⁶ F. Coarelli in Epigrafia: Actes du colloque en mémoire de A. Degrassi (1991), 209–23 = AE 1991, no. 279.

³⁷ = cos. 72 B.C.: Chelotti, M., Suppl.It. 8 (1991), 34Google Scholar, no. 2 = CIL I² 2378.

³⁸ Lloris, F. Beltrán, Gerión 8 (1990), 213Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 1062; the name may be either nominative or genitive.

³⁹ S. Panciera in Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 273–8, no. 37 = AE 1991, no. 114; also p. 278, no. 38, a scr(iba) q(uaestorius) ab [a]erario I[II dec (uriarum) = AE 1991, no. 115; p. 282, no. 41, a via]tor tribu(nicius = AE 1991, no. 118 (only two others known). The colleges included clerks from all the different types of apparitores, and evidently co-existed with the more familiar decurial system; they are not heard of after the Augustan period.

⁴⁰ A fine haul of late Republican funerary texts in S. Panciera, Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 241–489.

⁴¹ Garzetti, A., Suppl.It. 8 (1991)Google Scholar, (Brixia) 231, no. 37, probably late Republican.

⁴² Mattioco, E. and Tuteri, R., BA 9 (1991), 83–8Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 350. On the spread of tria nomina among local élites in Latium and Campania in the late Republic, M. Cébeillac-Gervasoni, Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 189–207.List of governors of Gallia Cisalpina down to 59 B.C.: F. Cassola in W. Eck and H. Galsterer (eds), Die Stadt in Oberitalien und in den nordwestl. Provinzen des römischen Reiches (1991), 17–44, at 43–4.

⁴³ Delplace, C., La Romanisation du Picenum: l'exemple d'Urbs Salvia, CEF 177 (1993)Google Scholar, stressing the role of the imperial cult; G. Bandelli in La città nell'Italia settentrionale in età romana (1990), 251–77.

⁴⁴ Derow, P. S., ZPE 88 (1991), 261–70Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Funke, P., Gerke, H.-J. and Kolonas, L., Klio 75 (1993), 131–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Tamphilus, see Livy 45.17.4; 26.11–15 (Broughton, , MRR 2, 435Google Scholar).

⁴⁶ The text also reveals that the usual assumptions about the representation of cities and ethne in the Council must be revised. On Roman arbitration of disputes after 168, Scuderi, R., Athenaeum 79 (1991), 371–415Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Syll. ³ 684 = Sherk, RDGE, no. 43; see Kallet-Marx, R. M., CQ 45 (1995), 129–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with the republished text on p. 131; for the re-dating, J.-L. Ferrary, Philhéllenisme et impérialisme (1988), 189–90 and n. 228. A major value of the article is to remind us of the role that supplements have played in the interpretation of the text.

⁴⁸ cf. also R. M. Kallet-Marx, Hegemony to Empire (1995), esp. chs 1–3, stressing the low level of Roman intervention in Greece 144–88 Knoepfler, B.C. D., MH 48 (1991), 252–80Google Scholar, argues on the basis of SEG 26:1034–5 that Eretria may have been pro-Roman during the Achaean revolt; also remarks on L. Mummius and the Greeks.

⁴⁹ Habicht, C., MDAI(A) 105 (1990), 259–68Google Scholar = SEG 40:736, to be referred to Manlius Vulso's verdict in favour of Samos in 188 B.C. (I.Priene 41.4–7 etc.). P. Bruneau has defended his plausible view that I.Délos 1778, on a statue-base to Roma, is to be dated c. 150–125 B.C., BCH 115 (1991), 379–86Google Scholar. Note the first volume of the Index to the inscriptions of Delos: J. Tréheux, Inscr. de Délos, Index 1: Les étrangers à l'exclusion des Athéniens de la clérouchie et des Romains (1992).

⁵⁰ French, D. H., EA 17 (1991), 53Google Scholar no. 3. It has been suggested that Aquillius, or rather one of his legates, was prosecuted by Cn. Domitius on behalf of the Samians: Eilers, C. F., ZPE 89 (1991), 167–78Google Scholar, republ. IGR IV.968.

⁵¹ See our last survey, JRS 83 (1993), 134Google Scholar; Ferarry, J.-L., CRAI (1991), 557–77Google Scholar, on SEG 39:1243, with an important discussion of the rights of civitates liberae in the period 130–110 B.C. in the context of the decree for Menippus (1244).

⁵² Sanders, G. D. R. and Catling, R. W. V., ABSA 85 (1990), 327–32Google Scholar = SEG 40:657.

⁵³ Vinogradov, J. G. and Wörrle, M., Chiron 22 (1992), 159–70Google Scholar, with important remarks by Ph. Gauthier, Bull.ép. 1993, no. 377.

⁵⁴ cf. Plutarch, , Sulla 19.9–10Google Scholar; Camp, J.et al., AJA 96 (1992), 443–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar = SEG 41:448 = M. Sève, Bull.ép. 1993, no. 96. For an honorific inscription to Euphranor, son of the Rhodian Damagoras who distinguished himself in the same war (Appian, Mithr. 25; Plut., Lucull. 3.8–9Google Scholar), see Kontorini, V., Chiron 23 (1993), 83–99Google Scholar. The son may well be the Rhodian navarch who defeated the Egyptian fleet before Alexandria, in 48 B.C. (Bell. Alex. 15.1–5Google Scholar; for his fate, 25 –3–6).

⁵⁵ Sayar, M. H., Siewert, P. and Taeuber, H., Tyche 9 (1994), 113–30Google Scholar. The round letters seem to have been formed with dividers, a technique rare in late Hellenistic epigraphy (e.g. IOlymp. 530, 64 B.C.) but increasingly affected by late Republican cutters in Italy.

⁵⁶ ‘Earlier Roman commanders' would include Sulla, between 97/6–93/2. Much of Lucullus’ letter is devoted to the valuable services performed by Diodotus, the priest of Sarapis and Isis, which may have included a subsidy to him from the temple treasures.

⁵⁷ The letter of ?Sulla, which includes the very unusual formula κατὰ τὴν πα[ρ]άκλησιν τὴν Λευκόλλου (‘according to the recommendation of Lucullus’, ll. 5–6), would date from 85 B.C. If Mopsuestia had not yet been sacked then, Justin's dating (40.1.4, 2.3) of the Parthian invasion to 86 can hardly be right (p. 128), and Appian, Syr. 48 and 70 (83 B.C.) must be preferred. The asylia of Mopsuestia was previously known from the coins; on Hellenistic asylum in general, see now K. J. Rigsby, Asylia (1996).

⁵⁸ B. C. Petrakos, EAH (1992), 3–4 = SEG 41:63.

⁵⁹ Skarlatidou, E. K., Horos 8/9 (1990/1991), 153–72Google Scholar = SEG 41:717b and c. The troops had themselves initiated, a wise move if they were to be at sea a good deal. The oracle of Clarian Apollo to Syedra (Bean, and Mitford, , Denkschr. Akad. Wien,phil.-hist. Kl. 85 (1965), 21Google Scholar no. 26), which refers to pirate attacks in 1. 12, has been reprinted as SEG 41:1411.

⁶⁰ E. Schwertheim, 7 Arastirma Sonuçlari Toplantisi (1989), 229–37 = AE 1990, no. 940 ll. 4–6; cf. the earlier find, I.Ilion no. 74. Some late Hellenistic epigraphic examples of ransoms paid to pirates in A. Bielman, Retour à la liberté (1994).

⁶¹ H. Pohl, Die römische Politik und die Piraterie im östlichen Mittelmeer vom 3. bis I. Jhdt. (1993), esp. 215–56 (dating to late in the same year); a new edition of the Cnidus text (JRS 64 (1974), 195–200Google Scholar) without commentary in W. Blümel, I.Knidos no. 31; a text of both versions (Cnidus further revised and reread) with commentary, by various hands, in Crawford, op. cit. (n. 33), 1, 231–70, no. 12.

⁶² See Strabo 14.2.15 (656C); App., BC 2.116Google Scholar, IG XII. 1, 90 etc.; the dossier: W. Blümel, I.Knidos nos 43–51;the texts relating to Theopompus and Artemidorus appeared already as AE 1990, no. 942a,b. For a new document, probably from Sardis, dated by the priest of Rome (129–27 B.C.), see Malay, op. cit. (n. 13) no. 449.

⁶³ I.Knidos no. 41 = AE 1992, no. 1595; the treaty between Rome and Cnidus, , IG XII.3, 1264Google Scholar, appears as I.Knidos no. 33. P.-S. G. Freber, Der hellenistische Osten und das Illyricum unter Caesar (1993), 189–94, offers a list of twenty-five honorific texts and statuebases for Caesar in Greek cities (for some wider comments, Erskine, A., CR 44 (1994), 350–1Google Scholar).

⁶⁴ M. Hatzopoulos and L. Loukopoulou, Recherches sur les marches orientates des Téménides (1992), 44–8 = AE 1992, no. 1524; cf. Nigdelis, P. M., BCH 118 (1994), 223–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 39.

⁶⁵ So Hatzopoulos, M., Bull.ép 1995, no. 426.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Appian, , BC 5.75 (320)Google Scholar; he fought for Antony at Actium. See Nigdelis, P.M., BCH 118 (1994), 215–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar, republishing a text that appeared as AE 1992, no. 1520. The name of a forgotten senator, L. Livius L.f. Ocella, quaest. Hisp. sometime between 41–27 B.c. (CIL X.6319), has been resurrected by Eck, W., Listy Fil. 114 (1991), 93–9Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 423; H. Solin has urged strongly against the attempt by Ferone, C., MiscGrRom 16 (1991), 173–8Google Scholar to turn C. Rubrius Cf. Aim. aid(ilis) praef. soc. in navibus longis (AE 1980, no. 197) into a Roman senator (Arctos 27 (1993), 123–4Google Scholar).

⁶⁷ Mitchell, S. in French, D. (ed.), Studies in the History and Topography of Lycia and Pisidia. In Memoriam A.S. Hall, BIAAnkara 19 (1994), 95–112Google Scholar. The text reveals for the first time the correct spelling of Dyitalos, the name of Amyntas' father, necessitating a change in the received text of OGIS 544. Sandalion can now be located 20 km SE of Sagalassos.

⁶⁸ cf. Mitchell, S., Anatolia (1993), 1, 72–3.Google Scholar A reference may have been found to the city in Pisidia, E. whose territory Cicero refers to as ager Agerensis (Leg. agr. 2.19.50Google Scholar): Bousquet, J. and Gauthier, P., REG 106 (1993), 12–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It occurs in the form Ἀγγειρεῖς, so that the city itself was probably Angeir/a/ (termination uncertain).

⁶⁹ Şahin, S., EA 18 (1991), 101–5Google Scholar = S.EG 41:1501; also ibid., 114–32. On all aspects of his father's cult, see now Waldmann, H., Der kommagenische Mazdaismus, MDAI(I) Beiheft 37 (1991)Google Scholar, which includes a complete word-index of the texts, pp. 209–28.

⁷⁰ Gymnasium 98 (1991), 289–324Google Scholar, at 322 (developing ideas that have been ‘in the air’ for some time: see, for example, Eck, W. in Millar, F. and Segal, E. (eds), Caesar Augustus: Seven Aspects (1984), 129–67Google Scholar; A. Wallace-Hadrill in M.Whitby et al. (eds), Homo Viator (1987), 221–30).

⁷¹ von Hesberg, H. and Panciera, S., Das Mausoleum des Augustus: der Bau und seine Inschriften (1994), 66–175Google Scholar (with an interesting section (80–4) on the ‘esclusi’ — members of early imperial dynasties directly excluded from burial here).

⁷² ibid., 174–5. The ideological significance of the Res Gestae (in its various epigraphic locations) is discussed by J. Elsner in idem (ed.), Art and Text in Roman Culture (1996), 32–53.

⁷³ Buonocore, M., Suppl.It. 8 (1991), 57Google Scholar no. 2 (Aufidena) = AE 1991, no. 540; an improved reading of the text first published, NSc 1918, 142 no. 1.

⁷⁴ W. Blümel, I.Knidos no. 43 = AE 1992, no. 1597. The formulation εὐεργέταν διὰ προγόνων is well attested in the context of local benefactors, showing also how the new style imperial benefaction could be represented in a traditional guise; at the same time, the idea of Drusus' ancestors evokes an ‘imperial’ dynasty that was itself the direct descendant of the Republican aristocracy.

⁷⁵ Originally published in G. Alföldy, Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 675–86 (in German, reprinted in Italian, in Alföldy, op. cit. (n. 7), 82–93) = SEG 41:869–70. The suggestion is that it originally stood at the Porticus ad Nationes.

⁷⁶ Asensio, S. F. Ramallo, AEA 65 (1992), 54Google Scholar no. 2 = AE 1992, no. 1076. CIL XIII.1590 a, b has been restored to refer to the two princes by Rémy, op. cit. (n. 9), no. 2.

⁷⁷ Alföldy, op. cit. (n. 7), 39–58; 181–2, republ. CIL VI.30303, 30304, 30306, 39188, 2–3 and NSc (1927), 290 no. 3 ( = AE 1992, no. 159). The reconstruction is based on the surviving emplacement-holes for just thirteen scattered letters.

⁷⁸ Themelis, P., PAAH 1990 [1993], 87–91Google Scholar adding to PAAH 1988 [1991], 57–8 = SEG 39:378; 41:328; cf. Bull.ép. 1993, no. 263; earlier fragments now seem to be part of the same text, IG V.1.1448; Moretti, L., RPAA 60 (1987–1988), 250–1Google Scholar = SEG 38:340. Cf. IGRR IV.251 (Assos).

⁷⁹ For examples of imperial intervention (which may often have followed a successful petition), see T. Ritti, Anathema: regime delle offerte e vita dei santuari nel mediterraneo antico, Atti del Convegno Roma, giugno 1989 = ScienzAnt 3/4 (1989/90), 871, no. 3 = SEG 41:1198 (a brief text from Hierapolis — newly put together — in honour of Tiberius and the demos, which may have been occasioned by financial assistance after the earthquake of A.D. 17); G. Paci, Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 691–704 ( = AE 1991, no. 430) re-reading AE 1951, no. 200/1966, no. 72 as a record of Titus' assistance to Salerno after earthquake damage (which, if correct, would be the first indication that the natural disasters of A.D. 79 affected places so far afield).

⁸⁰ Crawford, op. cit. (n. 33), 507–43 no. 37; recent bibliography on the Tab. Hebana, p. 508; Siarensis on p. 509. This will be the starting-point for all future discussion; though note the useful survey of the literature 1985–91, mainly of Lebek's articles, in AE 1991, nos 20–2.

⁸¹ Hesberg and Panciera, op. cit. (n. 71), 124–8 (discussing CIL VI.894b = 31194b).

⁸² Şahin, S., EA 24 (1995), 23–35Google Scholar. On Germanicus' route, pp. 26–30; also noteworthy is the Σεβαστὴ ἀγορά (Augustan market/Forum Augusti) mentioned in Perge (1. 7). Germanicus' connections in this area are also discussed by Mitchell, op. cit. (n. 68), 1, 159. Perge itself is now known to have been given the first rank among the conventus-cities of Asia (EA 11 (1988), 115Google Scholar no. 22 l. 14ff.); Şahin had earlier suggested that SEG 38:1333 (a fragmentary dedication from Aspendus, known only from a manuscript copy) is in fact dedicated not to Drusus but to Germanicus (EA 17 (1991), 133–4Google Scholar).

⁸³ Gregori, G. L., ArchClass 45 (1993), 351–65Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Rodriguez-Almeida, E., BollArch 9 (1991), 1–4Google Scholar re-examining AE 1952, no. 27. The bulk of the evidence (including a bas-relief showing a legionary standard uncovered nearby) makes this a very plausible location — although the restoration of the very fragmentary inscription into the story of Germanicus' recovery of the Varian standards is dangerously optimistic (see also the criticism in AE 1992, no. 176). Rodriguez-Almeida's arguments are conveniently summarized in his entry in Steinby, E. M. (ed.), Lexicon Topographicum Urbis Romae I (1993), 94–5Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ We should note here that the dynastic cycle on the Arch at Pavia (ILS 107), whose very existence had been questioned (as we mentioned in our last survey, JRS 83 (1993), 136Google Scholar), has been convincingly reinstated: Gabba, E., Athenaeum 78 (1990), 515–17Google Scholar; Billanovich, M. P., RIstLomb. 126 (1992), 224–5Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Cogitore, I., MEFRA 104 (1992), 817–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the description of Germanicus as ‘la charniére dynastique’ (851) is attributed to E. La Rocca.

⁸⁷ Manasse, G. Cavalieri, Epigraphica 54 (1992), 9–41Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 739a-c. CIL V.3326 = ILS 204 (with statues and dedications to Augustus and Claudius, and at least one — maybe several more — members of the imperial family), also from Verona, may possibly come from the other side of the same gate.

⁸⁸ P. Herrmann in Schwertheim, op. cit. (n. 2), 32–49.

⁸⁹ For example, two inscriptions of 98 and 105/6 from Sebastopolis in Pontus honouring Trajan as saviour and benefactor of the world: Mitford, T. B., ZPE 87 (1991), 181–243Google Scholar, at 190 no. 5, 191 no. 6 = SEG 41:1109–10; cf. p. 233 no. 43 = 1111 (restored) (see also AE 1991, nos 1478–9); or an altar at Epidaurus, dated to ‘five years after the victory of the Emperor (Trajan) in Moesia’, i.e. A.D. 111–2, illustrating something of the impression his Dacian victory in 106 must have made on someone: SEG 39:358 = AE 1991, no. 1450; also S. Follet in Bull.ép. 1990, no. 226 (?6 years) (cf. SEG 26:826 a celebration of Trajan's victories in Cyrene, A.D. 106).

⁹⁰ Messene: P. Themelis, PAAH(1990), 73, no. 2 = SEG 41:353; Sparta: Kourinou-Pikoula, E., Horos 8/9 (1990–1991), 93Google Scholar, no. 1 = SEG 41:315 (erased). We want to stress that inscriptions are not a reliable index of ‘popularity’ — whatever that means in imperial politics. An inscribed dedication need prove no more than that someone thought it worthwhile honouring the emperor — for whatever reason.

⁹¹ With a specifically epigraphic focus, note (on Livia) C.-M. Perhouning, Livia Drusilla Iulia Augusta (1995); (on Agrippina) W. Eck, Agrippina (1993); (on the cult of imperial women) U. Hahn, Die Frauen des römischen Kaiserhauses und ihre Ehrungen im gr. Osten (1994). As part of the imperial ‘family’, note also new work on Antinoos: M. Meyer, Antinoos (1991), with one ineditum, p. 125, possibly by Antinoos' natural parents (cf. M. Sève in Bull.ép. 1992, no. 112); on his obelisk, whose text was written by a hierogrammateus in Alexandria, A. Grimm et al., Der Obelisk des Antinoos (1994).

⁹² Alföldy, op. cit. (n. 7), 35–6 = AE 1992, no. 163 — again a rather ingenious reconstruction; for a discussion of the estates of Antonia Minor, esp. in Egypt, see Segenni, S., SCO 44 (1994) [1996], 297–331Google Scholar.

⁹³ Pagano, M. and Villucci, A. M., MiscGrRom 16 (1991), 287–91Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 492: she had seven miles of road built.

⁹⁴ Bakker, L., Germania 71 (1993) (2), 270–386Google Scholar, and Lavagne, H., CRAI 1994, 431–45Google Scholar, differ on several basic matters and a good deal of further reflection is required. We have generally followed Lavagne.

⁹⁵ The components of that army are spelled out in detail: (a) the soldiers of the province of Raetia; (b) the Germaniciani (presumably those controlled by Postumus as ?governor of Germania Superior; (c) populares (perhaps the local populations).

⁹⁶ So bearing out the view of J. F. Drinkwater (The Gallic Empire: Separatism and Community in the North-Western Provinces of the Roman Empire A.D. 260–274, Historia Supp. 52 (1987), 26) that ‘although Postumus revolted after the capture of Valerian I, he did not rebel because of this humiliation to Roman arms’; this view is supported also by a reconsideration of CIL VIII.12294 = 23877 = ILTun 665 (a ‘prosalute’ of Valerian, from Bisica, Afr. Procos.), confirming that Valerian is there ascribed nine regnal years — which, if not merely an error, suggests that he was still considered, at least in some places, Augustus after 10 December 260: Dupuis, X., MEFRA 104 (1992), 269CrossRefGoogle Scholar no. 12 = AE 1992, no. 1814. For the Iuthungi, see also below p. 237.

⁹⁷ Lavagne CRAI 1994, 440–1; Drinkwater, op. cit. (n. 96), 89, citing the literary references. There remains considerable dispute on the exact chronology: Lavagne believes that the Iuthungi and Alamans invaded together and that the battle of Milan, in early spring 260, was what caused the Iuthungi to move back north to be caught at Augsburg by Genialis and Postumus in April; Bakker thinks that Gallienus defeated the Iuthungi on 24–5 March in Raetia, and defeated the Alamans at Milan in the latter part of 260.

⁹⁸ Millar, F. G. B., The Roman Near East (1993), 1.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ It has appeared in two versions more or less simultaneously, one in Spanish, which contains more material on the physical remains and the palaeography (A. Caballos, W. Eck and F. Fernandez (eds), El senadoconsulto de Gneo Pison padre (1996), non vidimus), the other in German, from which we cite (W. Eck, A. Caballos and F. Fernández (eds), Das senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, Vestigia 48 (1996)). Earlier, Eck, W., Cahiers Centre G. Glotz 4 (1993), 189–208CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For further discussion by M. Griffin and a translation, see below pp. 249–63.

¹⁰⁰ Both bronzes were found through illegal exploration in the late 1980s; the findspot of frg. B is unconfirmed, and it may come from near El Tejar, prov. Córdoba. Four tiny fragments under four other sites are also known; a seventh, from Martos, is suspected by A. U. Stylow (at pp. 35–7).

¹⁰¹ Diplomatic copies of A, B on pp. 10–30; list of variants, 67–70. A is arranged in four cols with a heading in larger letters presumably added at Irni (cf. p. 126); the letters were painted before being incised. B, in two columns, is much less completely preserved; instead of a heading, the first three lines of the text are written in larger letters.

¹⁰² The remainder, ll. 165–73, concerns the arrangements for publication — unlike the Tab. Siarensis, not in Italy nor in the coloniae, but in the celeberrima urbs of each province, and ad signa in the legionary winter-quarters — a sure sign of the need to placate the soldiery. It ends, 11. 174–6, with a subscriptio by Tiberius authorizing the placing of the SC in the state archives. The document thus synthesizes at least seven or eight different senatus consulta passed on the same day.

¹⁰³ The commentary on Tac., Ann. 3 by A. J. Woodman and R. H. Martin (1996), takes full account of the find.

¹⁰⁴ P. 302, on the SC's version of the behaviour of the plebs. Germanicus himself is hardly characterized.

¹⁰⁵ Ann. 3.14.4; cf. 16.1. But the Senate, of course, did know the arguments for the defence, and the letters between Germanicus and Piso.

¹⁰⁶ The Senate was also the prisoner of its earlier decisions concerning Germanicus, in particular the SC that preceded the Lex Valeria Aurelia.

¹⁰⁷ Here the text makes its sole reference to the story that Piso had murdered Germanicus, putting the charge into the dead man's mouth (27–8); cf. Tac., Ann. 3.14.1.

¹⁰⁸ Cn. Calpurnius Piso iun. is advised to change his praenomen (on similar cases, Solin, H., Tyche 10 (1995), 185–210Google Scholar), but essentially neither son is held responsible, or hindered in his career, and each is to receive half of Piso's sequestered property, with the chief exception of an estate in Hillyrico, which is to become Imperial because of the intolerable behaviour towards the neighbours on the part of Piso's freedman and slaves (ll. 85–90). Munatia Plancina is condemned but forgiven because Livia has intervened for her (ll. 109–20).

¹⁰⁹ On general issues: see Eck, W. (ed.), Prosopographie und Sozialgeschichte, Kolloquium Köln 1991 (1993) 365–95Google Scholar (the problem of the fit between what happens to survive and historical reality); and the essays collected in idem, Tra epigrafia, prosopografia archeologia (1996), 271–98; 299–318; 319–40 (on the functions of senators' inscriptions, for themselves and others).

¹¹⁰ Eck, op. cit. (n. 99), 71–107.

¹¹¹ This necessitates a change to the text of Tacitus, Ann. 3.16.5 (M. Piso to Cn.).

¹¹² He probably died before reaching the consulate.

¹¹³ Eck, op. cit. (n. 99), 83–7.

¹¹⁴ viz. M. Pompeius M.f. Teret. Priscus (Eck, op. cit. (n. 99), 92); and C. Arrenus C.f. Gal. Gallus. Another witness, L. Nonius Asprenas, son of cos. suff. A.D. 6, already gives his tribe as Pomptina — the earliest previously-known evidence for the change of tribe of this family was IRT no. 346. ‘Aulus', the quaestor principis mentioned in Tiberius’ subscriptio, is probably the Aulus Plautius cos. suff. 29, who conquered Britain (important remarks on his family and career, 103–6). Copy A of the SC also gives the praenomen of Vibius Serenus, procos. Baet., as N., which means a change to the text at Tac., , Ann. 2.30.1Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Tacitus, , Ann. 2.77.1Google Scholar, mentions only Domitius Celer among Piso's advisers. The SC describes them as ‘omnium maleficiorum socii ac ministri’ (ll. 120–1). Although senatorial Visellii and Sempronii are known, they may be taken to have been equestrians.

¹¹⁶ Eck, op. cit. (n. 99), 231, warns, however, against the assumption that this praetor was responsible for carrying out the judgement after all trials for maiestas. It is not clear whether interdictio means simply banishment or, as most recent commentators have supposed, is a periphrasis for execution. Eck inclines to the former.

¹¹⁷ Dondin-Payre, M., Exercice du pouvoir et continuité gentilice, CEF 180 (1993)Google Scholar; she argues that we must assume a higher mortality rate than usually allowed for. Also: Hoffmann-Löbl, I., Die Calpurnii: Politisches Wirken und familiäre Kontinuität (1996)Google Scholar. Alliances through marriage: M.-Th. Raepsaet-Charlier in E. Frézouls (ed.), Mobilité sociale dans le monde romain, Actes du colloque de Strasbourg 1988 (1992), 33–53.

¹¹⁸ But the cursus is difficult to follow; it may use the unusual formula praetor pro consule. Castelli, M., MEFRA 104 (1992), 195CrossRefGoogle Scholar (stemma on p. 193), with Saddington, D. B., ZPE 104 (1994), 73–7Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ AE 1987, no. 163; J. Scheid in Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 80–6; Corbier, M., MEFRA 103 (1991), 655–701CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Briscoe, J., ZPE 95 (1993), 249–50Google Scholar. We accept the view of Eck, ibid., 251–60: he must be the homonymous son or brother of the senator mentioned by Tacitus, , Ann. 2.27–8Google Scholar, while the procos. of Cyprus (SEG 41:1480) would be another son.

¹²⁰ Rémy, B., Anatolia Antiqua 2 (1993), 171–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the mixed value of the epigraphic sources for Eastern senators, H. Halfmann in Eck, op. cit. (n. 109), 71–80; and for homines novi, P. M. M. Leunissen in ibid., 81–102. Senatorial women, M.-Th. Raepsaet-Charlier in ibid., 147–63; eadem, Klio 75 (1993), 257–71Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Raepsaet-Charlier, M.-Th., Cahiers du Centre G. Glotz 5 (1994), 165–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On senatorial onomastics and local origins: H. Solin in Eck, op. cit. (n. 109), 1–36; A. R. Birley in ibid., 35–50.

¹²² See now Devijver, H. J., Prosopographia militiarum equestrium 5: Supp. 2 (1993)Google Scholar. On the parma equestris, the mark of an equestrian officer in the Augustan period, idem, AncSoc 22 (1991), 251–3; 23 (1992), 61–70, at 66–7.

¹²³ ‘L'Ordre équestre: histoire d'une aristocratie, IIe s. av. J.-C. - IIIe s. ap. J.-C.’, Brussels and Leuven, October 1995.

¹²⁴ Prosopographie des chevaliers remains julio-claudiens, 43 av. J.-C.-70 ap. J.-C., CEF 153 (1992)Google Scholar, the pendant to her synthetic study of 1988; eadem in Eck, op. cit. (n. 109), 233–50, on the order in the second century.

¹²⁵ Devijver, H. J. in Waelkens, M. and Poblome, J. (eds), Sagalassos 2, Acta Arch. Lovaniensia 6 (1993), 107–23Google Scholar. The persons mentioned are his nos 2.2 and 2.7.

¹²⁶ cf. PIR ² I 417; Devijver, op. cit. (n. 125), 110 on no. 3.6.

¹²⁷ There; is a wealth of prosopographie detail on senators in O. Salomies, Adoptive and Polyonymous Nomenclature in the Roman Empire, Comm. Human. Litt. 97(1992).

¹²⁸ Knibbe, D., Engelmann, H. and Iplikçioǧlu, B., JÖAI 62 (1993), 126–7Google Scholar, no. 18 = AE 1993, no. 1476. Presumably the arrangement dates from the time of his governorship of Syria, ?28 B.C.

¹²⁹ Höghammer, K., Sculpture and Society.…Kos, Boreas 23 (1993)Google Scholar, no. 55, identifying him wrongly with his father, the name of whose wife is unknown.

¹³⁰ Eck, W., ZPE 101 (1994), 220–30Google Scholar; cf. Tac., , Hist. 1.90.2.Google Scholar Galeria Fundania is PIR ² G 33 = Raepsaet-Charlier, Prosopographie, op. cit. (n. 124), no. 399.

¹³¹ Varinlioǧlu, E. and French, D. H., REA 94 (1992), 403–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar = SEG 41:938A, 1. 20 (Keramos, Caria), proposing 202; for 200–1, followed by Q. Hedius Rufus, see Demougin, S., Bull.Soc.Nat.Ant. de France (1994), 325–31.Google Scholar

¹³² Bauzou, T., Syria 68 (1991), 450CrossRefGoogle Scholar no. 3a = AE 1991, no. 1589: Trebonius Fortunatus, leg.propr. in 222; 452, no. 4a = AE 1991, no. 1591, rev. CIL 111. 14149/45, reading Caelius for Caecilius Felix, leg. Augg. ?247-, certainly in the reign of Philip the Arab. A third new governor before 263, -] Iulianus, is also possible, ibid., 456, no. 5 = AE 1991, no. 1593.

¹³³ Čičikova, M. and Božilova, V., MEFRA 102 (1990), 611–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar = AE 1990, no. 863 = I.Novae, op. cit. (n. 12), no. 46.

¹³⁴ = AE 1988, no. 626; see Salomies, O., ZPE 86 (1991), 187–92Google Scholar; Bodel, J., ZPE 96 (1993), 259–66Google Scholar; idem, ZPE 105 (1995), 279 n. 1. This last article convincingly addresses the F.Magistrorum vici in the same sense. A. Massi Secondari and Sensi, L., Epigraphica 54 (1992), 68–75Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 560, publish a text dated M. Vinicio, P. Silio coss., men who are not known to have been coss. in the same year (but 19 and 20 B.C. respectively). This is either a mistake, or they were suffect coss. between A.D. 4–14. Salomies, O., Ktema 18 (1993), 104–12Google Scholar, points out that the errors in the ms. Fasti may well be due to their having been compiled from consular lists drawn up at different places for the purpose of dating local documents. For a review of public and private documents dated in this way, see W. Eck in Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 15–44.

¹³⁵ Roxan, M. M., Roman Military Diplomas, 3: 1985–93 (1994)Google Scholar: L. Lamia Silvanus, cos. suff. 145, possibly the son-in-law of Pius, no. 165; P. Tullius Marsus and M. Caelius Faustinus, coss. suff. 206, no. 188.

¹³⁶ Knibbe, op. cit. (n. 128), 137, no. 40 = AE 1993, no. 1479, a block from a very large tomb. His wife, Cornelia Namnis (a Celtic name), is to be the sole other occupant (‘quoi inferri licebit’).

¹³⁷ Bertinelli, M. G. Angeli in M. Marini Calvani (ed.), Il Lapidario Lunense nel Casale Fontanini (1994), 11–26Google Scholar, at 16. For praef. eq. et class., cf. Saddington, D. B., JRGZ 35 (1988) [1991], 299–313Google Scholar, table on 305–13. There is at this date no need to suppose that he had held other auxiliary commands. In 1. 5, the supplement should perhaps be ‘veterani (sub) v[exillo’, assuming the text dates from after A.D. 5.

¹³⁸ Eck, op. cit. (n. 130), 227–8 on CIL v.533 = ILS 2702; cf. Tac., , Ann. 13.30.2Google Scholar.

¹³⁹ Eck, W., ZPE 91 (1992), 236–42Google Scholar on I.Side no. 62, suggesting that L. Verus visited the city in the early 160s; cf. E. Champlin, Fronto and Antonine Rome (1980), 30. A welcome addition to the meagre number of equestrian a libellis has been reported from Ephesus: Knibbe, op. cit. (n. 128), 127, no. 19 = AE 1993, no. 1477: T. Petronius T.f. Pal. Priscus, a libellis Imp. Hadriani Caesaris Aug.; thereafter procurator of Asia and Syria.

¹⁴⁰ Knibbe, op. cit. (n. 128), 127–8, no. 20, with notes by W. Eck (= AE 1993, no. 1478). Noricum became a public province in the second half of the reign of M. Aurelius. His first procuratorial post was in Epirus, then Cappadocia-Pontus-Lycaonia; the proc. Asiae is inferred from the findspot in Ephesus.

¹⁴¹ Varinlioǧlu and French, op. cit. (n. 131) (Demougin discusses all the procurators of Asia from 201–11 in the article cited there) = SEG 41:938A, l. 21.

¹⁴² Benseddik, N., L'Africa Romano 9 (1991) [1992], 425–37Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1925, completing the wellknown text CIL VIII. 9228. Oppidum in these contexts means ‘fortified place’. On the line of the Severan praetentura at the limits of profitably cultivable land, C. R. Whittaker, Frontiers of the Roman Empire (1994), 92. A new praefectus gentis, Alezeiveus Rogatus, evidently a local man, at Naciria in the same province: Desanges, J., BCTH n.s. 22(1987–1989) [1992], 269–70Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1909.

¹⁴³ Rebuffat, R., Libya Antigua n.s. 1 (1995), 79–123Google Scholar, at 82 l. 4, cf. p. 85.

¹⁴⁴ Haensch, R., ZPE 95 (1993), 163–78Google Scholar, joining CIL III. 6034 = 141571 to AE 1930, no. 97 = AE 1993 no. 1641. The new version of the text implies only that Gerasa was the residence of the procurator; Millar, op. cit. (n. 98), 425, makes no mention of the supposed colonial status. This Domitius Honoratus is probably to be identified with the homonym on the Canusium album, ILS 6121, cf. P. M. M. Leunissen, Konsuln und Konsularen (1989), 100 n. 111.

¹⁴⁵ Tomlin, R. S. O., Britannia 22 (1991), 309CrossRefGoogle Scholar (e) with fig. 12 = AE 1991, no. 1158. This would be the earliest evidence for coh. I Aelia Dacorum at the fort.

¹⁴⁶ Fishwick, D., AntAfr 29 (1993), 53–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; 30 (1994), 57–80, revising CIL X.6104 = ILS 1945, reading M. Caelius Phileros.

¹⁴⁷ Leschhorn, W., Chiron 22 (1992), 315–36Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁸ Christol, M. and Drew-Bear, T., GRBS 32 (1991), 397–413Google Scholar, at 402; cf. eidem, AnatAnt 2 (1993), 164–7Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ Mitchell, op. cit. (n. 68), 2, 151–7 (on the boundaries between 25 B.C. and A.D. 235) at 154.

¹⁵⁰ Taeuber, H., Tyche 6 (1991), 201–10Google Scholar: after Vespasian, Alexandria on the Issus and Rhosos were in Syria.

¹⁵¹ Rémy, B. in B. Le Guen-Pollet and O. Pelon (eds), La Cappadocie méridionale (1991), 61–74Google Scholar; cf. D. H. French, ibid., 49–59, on the shifting frontiers of the province.

¹⁵² Kopp, D., Die römischen Inschriften Dakiens im Siebenburgischen Unteralt-Zibinbecken und ihr geschichtlicher Hintergrund (1993).Google Scholar

¹⁵³ Eck, W. in Bonamente, G. and Duval, N. (eds), HistAugColl 1990 (1991), 183–95Google Scholar = idem, Die Verwaltung des römischen Reiches in der hohen Kaiserzeit: Ausgewählte Beiträge 1 (1995), 315–26. He suggests that both the Senate and the Italian municipia were hostile to the idea, and that Pius' coins with restitutor Italiae might be connected with his discontinuance of the scheme. An inscription from Novae shows that the circumscription of Apulia-Calabria was separate from that of Bruttium by 238/49: I.Novae, op. cit. (n. 12), no. 46.

¹⁵⁴ Marek, C., EA 23 (1994), 83–6Google Scholar, confirming that Lucian visited Abononteichos c. 159 not 165 (Alex. 55–7).

¹⁵⁵ Sahin, S., EA 20 (1992), 77–89Google Scholar, citing a new text from Perge for P. Vigellius Raius Plarius Saturninus (etc.) as propraetorian legate; his link with Bithynia cannot stand.

¹⁵⁶ Alföldy, G. in H. Frei-Stolba and M. A. Speidel (eds), Römische Inschriften, Festschrift H. Lieb (1995), 29–42Google Scholar, on AE 1929, no. 158, perhaps in connection with the contemporary abandonment of coastal settlements.

¹⁵⁷ ‘Locus virtutibus patefactus’, RhWestf. Akad. der Wiss., Vorträge G18 (1992)Google Scholar. About 37 per cent of relevant men can now be shown to have enjoyed accelerated military careers, against B. Campbell's figure of 12 percent (JRS 65 (1975), 11–31Google Scholar).

¹⁵⁸ Chiron 23 (1993), 101–20Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁹ cf. also Eck, op. cit. (n. 109, 1996), 27–83; Leunissen, P. M. M., SIFC³ 10 (1992), 893–914Google Scholar. Relevant here is the practice of governors in taking relatives with them as legati: B. E. Thomasson in Y. Le Bohec (ed.), L'Afrique, la Gaule, la religion; Mélanges M. LeGlay (1994), 132–41, on African legates; cf. Eck, W., ZPE 86 (1991), 107–14Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁰ The most important studies are: Wachtel, K., Klio 72 (1990), 473–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Petolescu, C., ActaMusNapoc 26/30 (1989–1993), 45–48Google Scholar (early governors of Dacia: Iulius Sabinus the earliest, A.D. 106–9); B. Rémy in Guen-Pollet and Pelan, op. cit. (n. 151), 61–74: Cappadocia, 111–253; Eck, W., ZPE 90 (1992), 199–206Google Scholar (Bithynia, mid-third century); Spaul, J. E. H., Epigraphica 54 (1992), 235–60Google Scholar (Tingitana), with Benseddik, N., L'Africa Romana 9 (1991), 433Google Scholar, on Haius Diadumenianus, in 202; D. B. Saddington in Sardinia antiqua: Studi P. Meloni ( 1992), 265–70 (Sardinia); I. Piso, Fasti provinciae Daciae, I: die senatorischen Amtsträger (1993), with Eck, W.et al., ZPE 100 (1994), 577–91Google Scholar, at 586. Cornelius Dexter is now known to have been propraetorian legate not of Galatia but of Cilicia, 156–8 or 157–9: Sayar, M. H., EA 24 (1995), 127–8Google Scholar; a new governor of Noricum, ?L. Ovinius Vopiscus, some time between 54–68: Ott, J., RivStorAnt 25 (1995), 91–111Google Scholar (rev. CIL XVI.6).

¹⁶¹ Rémy, B., AnatAnt 1 (1991), 151–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Legates of Numidia as city patrons: Wilkins, P. I., Chiron 23 (1993), 189–206Google Scholar.

¹⁶² Burton, G. P., Chiron 23 (1993), 13–28Google Scholar.

¹⁶³ Eck, W., ZPE 91 (1992), 236–42Google Scholar; Birley, op. cit. (n. 157), 20–1; Appendix 2, 41–54, offers a complete list of the known holders of the post.

¹⁶⁴ Eck, W., SIFC³ 10 (1992), 915–39Google Scholar = Verwaltung, op. cit. (n. 153), 55–81.

¹⁶⁵ Ll. 174–5: ‘Ti. Caesar Aug. trib. potestate XXII manu mea scripsi: velle me h(oc) s.c, quod e<s>t factum IIII idus Decem(bres) Cotta et Messalla cos. referente me scriptum manu Auli q(uaestoris) mei in tabellis XIIII, referri in tabulas pub<l>icas’; and cf. Eck, op. cit. (n. 99), 103–4; 272–5; also p. 152, for the distinction in l. 24 between epistulae and codicilli. On the senatorial archives from the late Republic to the Severans, M. Coudry in La mémoire perdue. À la recherche des archives oubliées, publiques et privées (1994), 65–102. A list of known senators ad acta: A. Chastagnol, Le Sénat romain à l'époque impériale (collected articles) (1992), 96–101.

¹⁶⁶ Another detail relating to administrative practice is that in the early Principate the praetores aerarii seem to have taken over the duty of selling up the confiscated estates of condemned persons (ll. 122–3), which is attested in the late Republic for quaestors.

¹⁶⁷ Provincial governors' archives, distinguishing between a long-term archive of precedents and, from c. 100, an archive of imperial instruments: Haensch, R., ZRG 109 (1992), 209–317Google Scholar. Falsification and deliberate destruction of documents: Ph. Moreau in Mémoire perdu, op. cit. (n. 165), 121–47.

¹⁶⁸ S. Dar and N. Kokkinos, PExpQuart (1992), 13, no. 2 = AE 1992, no. 1691 (second half second century). For the title relating to a council's archives, P.Yadin 12.1.

¹⁶⁹ Important reviews of J. H. Oliver, Greek Constitutions of Early Roman Emperors (1989): Petzl, G., Gnomon 64 (1992), 613–18Google Scholar; Jones, C. P., AJPh 113 (1992), 144–7Google Scholar. On no. 184, letter of M. Aurelius to the Athenians, see notes by S. Follet, Bull.ép. 1991, no. 265. Augustus and Greece: Chr. Böhme, Princeps und Polis (1995). Rescripsi recognovi formula: Mourgues, J.-L., MEFRA 107 (1995), 255–300CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁷⁰ Knibbe, op. cit. (n. 128), 113–15, nos 1–6 = AE 1993, nos 1460–1465. The final document is a very brief extract from another letter, by M. Agrippa. One of the two stelai, which were erected in front of the Council's office at the temple of Soteira, was evidently so badly damaged in a fire in the second century A.D. that it had to be reinscribed. The detail allows the assumption that such dossiers on stone served in part as a practical insurance against damage to the city's archive, even if in this case the relation was evidently the inverse.

¹⁷¹ Ott, J., AncSoc. 25 (1994), 211–31Google Scholar on FIRA 1² 75 = McCrum-Woodhead no. 464.

¹⁷² Ehrhardt, N. and Weiß, P., Chiron 25 (1995), 315–55Google Scholar.

¹⁷³ Halloff, K., Chiron 24 (1994), 405–41Google Scholar on Syll. ³888 = IGBulg. 4:2236.

¹⁷⁴ cf. Didymus, the centurio frumentarius who presented the Araguans' petition to Philip: OGIS 519, now republished in MAMA X, no. 114.

¹⁷⁵ Paunov, E. I. and Dimitrov, D. J., Chiron 26 (1996), 183–93Google Scholar. This site was probably the market of Skaptopara, which is to be identified with Talki Andak = Asarlak (p. 192); for the old theories, cf. Kazarow, G., RE Suppl. 6 (1935), 892Google Scholar. Part of the ring had been deliberately nipped off: it was a votive.

¹⁷⁶ SEG 39:340 (Hesperia 58 (1989), 349–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

¹⁷⁷ Knibbe, op. cit. (n. 128), 116–20, nos 8–10 = AE 1993, nos 1468–1470.

¹⁷⁸ The citation from Birley, op. cit. (n. 157), 12.

¹⁷⁹ Malay, op. cit. (n. 13), 152–6, no. 523, dating 134/5; for the text see also de Ligt, L., EA 24 (1995), 37–54Google Scholar, at 37–9.

¹⁸⁰ See the better text and reconstruction by Nollé, J. and Eck, W., Chiron 26 (1996), 267–73Google Scholar, They correctly date the proconsular letter to early 136.

¹⁸¹ Panciera, op. cit. (n. 13), no. 29 = CIL VI.4026, revised = AE 1992, no. 92.29. The text is a palimpsest; the other person mentioned, a slave Tiberius inherited from Livia, may conceivably have been responsible solely for women visitors.

¹⁸² H. Solin in H.-W. Wagner, Hermann Post: Tagebuch seiner Reise in den Jahren 1716 bis 1718 (1993), 271 no. 16. He later became supproc(urator) ad XX hereditatium.

¹⁸³ Chioffi, L., BCAR 93 (1989–1990), 398Google Scholar no. 4 = AE 1991, no. 248. An imperial freedman (or his son?) married to an imperial slave: Sadurska, A.et al., CSIR Pologne 2 (1990–1992) 38Google Scholar no. 33 = AE 1992, no. 122. An imperial slave Augg. nn. with a son named M. Aufidius Montanus (his mother must have been freed with her child, who was thus a Junian Latin): Corbier, P. and Gascou, J., AntAfr 31 (1995), 281CrossRefGoogle Scholar no. 3 (Theveste).

¹⁸⁴ A. Łos in Mélanges Kotula, op. cit. (n. 1), 149–56.

¹⁸⁵ Bastianini, G. and Gallazzi, C., ZPE 89 (1991), 44–6Google Scholar. A slave actor of a freedman procurator (Afyon, Antonine): D. H. French in Guen-Pollet and Pelon, op. cit. (n. 151), 53–4 = SEG 41:1414.

¹⁸⁶ AE 1992, no. 1811. An adiut(or) a{c} commentarii[s] at Theveste who fails to note that he was in the imperial familia: Corbier, P. and Gascou, J., Ant.Afr. 31 (1995), 279–81Google Scholar. It has been attractively suggested that p.p. pedisequis f.f. (Rome): CSIR Pologne 1 (1972)Google Scholar, no. 21, should be expanded praepositus pedisequis fisci frumentario: Solin, H., Arctos 26 (1992), 118Google Scholar. It is most welcome that a Repertorium Familiae Caesaris is being prepared by P. R. C. Weaver and P. A. Gallivan at Hobart.

¹⁸⁷ Nigdelis, P. M., ZPE 104 (1994), 118–27Google Scholar, an Augg. lib., date uncertain; the land may previously have belonged to Caesius Victor of Philippi, or a descendant.

¹⁸⁸ Christol, M. and Drew-Bear, T., Epigraphica 53 (1991), 113–74Google Scholar: organization improved from the later second century. Dominus noster is used for Commodus from 177. In one case, even in the quarry, the name of Severus Alexander has been erased: p. 159, no. 28 = AE 1992, no. 1637. Bingen, J., Mons Claudianus: Ostraca Graeca et Latina, BIAO 92 (1992)Google Scholar; below n. 360. At Luni too, private contractors did the actual extraction after the quarries were taken over by the fiscus: Menella, G., MiscStArchAnt 3 (1990), 133–40Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 653. A verna dispensator marmorum Numidicorum at Simitthus: Khanoussi, M., Africa 10 (1988), 208–11Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 1681. On imperial vernae as a group: E. Herrmann-Otto, Ex ancilla natus (1994), 99–225, 340–98.

¹⁸⁹ Kayser, F., ZPE 98 (1993), 111–56Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁰ A judicious summary by J.-L. Ferrary of the discussion up to the end of 1991 in AE 1991, no. 1501. The best text now available is H. W. Pleket's in SEG 39:1180; the first editors' text: AE 1989, no. 681. Nicolet is planning to produce a new text and commentary. On the evidence for a Latin original, Lewis, N., SCI 15 (1996), 209–11Google Scholar; cf. ZPE 107 (1995), 248Google Scholar.

¹⁹¹ Nicolet, C., MEFRA 105 (1993), 929–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Vigorita, T. Spagnuolo in I rapporti contrattuali con la pubblica amministrazione nell'esperienza storico-giuridica, Atti del colloquio Torino 1994 (1996), 3–74Google Scholar, at 22–4 (a useful legal commentary on the whole law).

¹⁹² Nicolet has also attempted to specify the meaning of ἀρχώνη σείτου δήμου Ῥωμαίων (frumentum mancipale) in C. Vibius Salutaris' inscription (CIL 111.14195 = ILS 7193 ll. 4and 12–13), as all provincial revenues in kind, including those from the Sicilian portorium, not merely from the ager publicus, in Giovannini, A. (ed.), Nourrir la plèbe, Actes du colloque Genève 1989 (1991), 119–40Google Scholar. About this one may have one's doubts.

¹⁹³ Mohamed, F. Ali and Reynolds, J. M., Libyan Studies 25 (1994), 211–17CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 214. The authors speculate that all indirect taxes were farmed by the same company.

¹⁹⁴ Eck, W., Studia B. Gerov (1990), 58–62Google Scholar on L. Caninius Valens, CIL V.7547 = ILS 1407. This has now been claimed to have been a CC post: Ørsted, P., L'Africa Romana 9 (1991) [1992], 813–29Google Scholar, discussing inter alia IRT 315a, 432.

¹⁹⁵ Menella, G., MEFRA 104 (1992), 211–17Google Scholar = AE 1992, nos 1154–5;Massilia: France, J. and Hesnard, A., JRA 8 (1995), 79–93Google Scholar, text on p. 83 (second half of third century). Re-reading AE 1938, no. 91 to produce another circitor p(ubl.) p(ort.) of XL Gall.: Walser, G. in Studien zur Alpengeschichte, Historia Supp. 86 (1994), 81–5Google Scholar. On the date of the creation of this portorium, France, J., MEFRA 105 (1993), 895–927CrossRefGoogle Scholar. An office of XX lib. at Forum Segusaviorum, Lugd.: Gatier, P. L.et al., RACentre 30 (1991), 176Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 1224. A proc. XX hered. regionis Kariaes et insularum Cycladium: D. Berges, Rundaltäre aus Kos u. Rhodos (1996), no. 6 (repub. from Maiuri, Nuova silloge, no. 562). A hundred years after Domaszewski, we seem to be back to identifying statio ESC[ in the p.p. Illyricum with Bad Ischl: E. Weber in Festschrift H. Lieb, op. cit. (n. 156), 171–8.

¹⁹⁶ Milner, N. P., AS 41 (1991), 54–7Google Scholar = SEG 41:1360 (third century); a similar expression is known elsewhere from the site. A local tax official, ἐπιμελητὴς πόρων τὸ β´ apparently ‘manager of revenues for the second time’, in Lycia: Iplikçioğlu, B.et al., Neue Inschriften aus Nord-Lykien I (1992), 19Google Scholar, no. 7 = SEG 41:1376. Acclamations to the imperial fiscus at Perge: Weiß, P., Chiron 21 (1991), 353–92Google Scholar.

¹⁹⁷ de Palol, P. and Vilella, J., Clunia 2: La Burgos (1987)Google Scholar, no. 8 = Hispania Epigraphica 4 (1994)Google Scholar, no. 194 (not in AE).

¹⁹⁸ On the administration of Italian roads: Eck, W. in Archeologia Laziale X, Quad. 18 (1990), 29–39Google Scholar = Verwaltung, op. cit. (n. 153), 295–314. On the Italian network itself: Calzolari, M., MALincei⁹ 7.4 (1996), 375–520Google Scholar, at 425–76.

¹⁹⁹ For an illustration of a post-vehicle of the cursus publicus, with its three mules, on the via Egnatia at Edessa, see A. K. Vavritsas, Ἀρχαία Μακεδονία (1993), 147–60, cf. Bull.ép. 1994, no. 402.

²⁰⁰ ‘Ficheiro epigráfico’, Conimbriga (Supp.) 42 (1992), no. 189; cf. P. Sillières, Les voies de communication de l'Hispanie méridionale (1990), 586–8. The ascription to Tiberius is not quite secure. Local roads in Baetica under Nero (A.D. 58): Abásolo, J. A., Zephyrus 44–5 (1991–1992), 392Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1035.

²⁰¹ cf. Mitchell, op. cit. (n. 68), 1, 124–33, stressing the immense human and material costs, including use of corvée labour; for road-building under Titus in Cilicia after its reduction, Sayar, M. H., EA 20 (1992), 57–61Google Scholar.

²⁰² Revision of AE 1914, no. 62 (Traianopolis, Thrace), villages repairing each a mile of road: F. Mottas in Festschrift G. Walser (1989), 101–4 = AE 1991, no. 1408; in Spain: Gil, E. Melchor, Habis 23 (1992), 121–37Google Scholar. Repair of a praetorium in Sardinia, with some kind of shelter for travellers propter compendium itiner[is--] commeantiu[m: Zucca, R., L'Africa Romana 9 (1992), 595–626Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 892.

²⁰³ Two recent cases: Fisher, M.et al., Roman Roads in Judaea, 2: The Jaffa-Jerusalem Road, BAR int. ser. 628 (1996), 294–5Google Scholar, no. 2, a new stone dated 162 which they link to the Parthian War; V. Gerasimova-Tomova and L. Hollenstein in Festschrift Walser, op. cit. (n. 202), 46–50, no. 1 = SEG 39:667 = AE 1992, no. 1508, linking repairs to the Via Egnatia to Gordian's eastern campaign.

²⁰⁴ e.g. one from Odiavum erected by legio I Adiutrix with the extremely rare title Pupiena Balbina Gordiana (i.e. first half of 238), showing that this unit at least recognized them after the murder of Maximinus Thrax: Lörincz, B. and Számádo, E., ZPE 101 (1994), 205–7Google Scholar; the only milestone from Narbonensis in the reign of Philip: Brentchaloff, D. and Gascou, J., ZPE 109 (1995), 249Google Scholar, no. 3a,b; another, from near Prusa ad Olympium, erected under Trebonianus Gallus and his son after mid-25l: Y. Ötüken, Forschungen in NW Kleinasien (1996), 256–7, G29.

²⁰⁵ Rebuffat, R., RAPicardie 10 (1995), 23–31Google Scholar; cf. G. Susini in Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 37. But sometimes stones are eventually found on roads that lacked them (two striking examples are pending from Cyrenaica). Oddly enough, milestones seem to have been invented by Alexander's bematistai: P. Bernard, CRAI(1995), 73–95.

²⁰⁶ Napoli, J. and Rebuffat, R., Gallia 49 (1992), 51–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁰⁷ Eck, op. cit. (n. 99), 207–11; Suetonius (Aug. 37) describes it in terms which became current only after Claudius' reform. On the administration of buildings in Rome: A. Kolb, Die kaiserliche Bauverwaltung in der Stadt Rom (1993).

²⁰⁸ Moretti, L., RendPontAcc 61 (1988–1989), 353–6Google Scholar on IGUR 1659 = AE 1992, no. 201: it is no longer dedicated to the Lares Augusti but to the emperor.

²⁰⁹ M. Venelius Proculus, tribu Palatina corpore i[u]jniorum: Buonocore, M., SCO 41 (1991), 337–41Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 323, with a list of the epigraphic texts for these divisions.

²¹⁰ e.g. L'ltalie d'Auguste à Diodétien, Actes du colloque Rome 1992, CEF 198 (1994); M. Cébeillac-Gervasoni (ed.), Les élites municipales de l'ltalie péninsulaire des Gracques à Néron, Table Ronde de Clermont-Ferrand 1991, CEF 215 (1996); La città nell'Italia settentrionale in età romana, CEF 130 (1990), esp. C. Zaccaria, 129–62, E. Frézouls, 179–209; W. Eck and H. Galsterer (eds), Die Stadt in Oberitalien u. in den NW Provinzen des römischen Retches (1991); G. Alföldy, Tarraco: Forum (1991); Schalles, H. J.et al., Die römische Stadt im 2.Jahrhundert, Kolloquium Xanten 1990 (1992)Google Scholar; Civitas: L'organizzazione dello spazio urbano nelle provincie romane del Nord Africa e nella Sardegna = L'Africa Romana 11 (1994)Google Scholar. For social structure: Gregori, G. L., Brescia Romana: ricerche di prosopografia e storia sociale 1 (1992)Google Scholar; D'Isanto, G., Capua Romana: ricerche di prosopografia e storia sociale (1993)Google Scholar; Milano in età imperiale, I–III sec., Atti del convegno 1992 (1994); Leiwo, M., Neapolitana: A Study of Population and Language in Graeco-Roman Naples (1994) [1995]Google Scholar; a new study of the Canosa album of A.D. 223: Grella, F., Canosa romana (1993).Google Scholar

²¹¹ M. Christol in Inscriptions latines, op. cit. (n. 9), 49–63: more routinely, he made himself both beloved, by providing the theatre with new awnings (ll. 9–11), and indispensable, by making the city interest-free loans ‘quae a magistratibus petebantur’ (11–14). Note the formula ordo sanctissim (us), commoner in Greek than Latin.

²¹² But, of course, the nomen is no guarantee of blood relationship; A. Donati in H. J. Devijver (ed.), Mélanges G. Sanders (1991), 127–32 (first publ. in 1984) = AE 1991 no. 713. The text is to be put up in his house, ‘cuius titulus scripturae perpetuitate gloriam n(ostri) consensus declaret’ (l. 14).

²¹³ Corell, J., Epigraphica 56 (1994), 59–67Google Scholar.

²¹⁴ Fear, A. T., Rome and Baetica (1996), ch. 6.Google Scholar

²¹⁵ Lamberti, F., ‘Tabulae Irnitanae’: municipalità e ‘ius romanorum’ (1993)Google Scholar, text and translation: 265–373; lexicon: 395–565; cf. Lebek, W. D., ZPE 93 (1992), 297–306Google Scholar (the first of several textual interventions). A tiny additional frg. of §79: Rufino, A. Caballos, Chiron 23 (1993), 157–69Google Scholar. The relation between the two new editions of the Lex Flavia Villonensis, AE 1984, no. 510, is usefully set out by Hispania Epigraphica 4 (1994)Google Scholar no. 834: that of González, J., Habis 23 (1992), 97–119Google Scholar is generally to be preferred to Fernández, J., ZPE 86 (1991), 121–7Google Scholar.

²¹⁶ Resp.: Johnston, D., ZPE 111 (1996), 199–207Google Scholar; Cardilli, R., RAccadLinc⁹ 3 (1992), 37–86Google Scholar; Rodger, A., JRS 81 (1991), 74–90Google Scholar. A new edition of Lex Coloniae Genetivae Iuliae: Roman Statutes, op. cit. (n. 33), 1, 393–454.

²¹⁷ Zerbinati, E., QArchVeneto 7 (1991), 178–81Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 803, a veteran of the V Urbana settled after Actium.

²¹⁸ González, J., Habis 26 (1995), 281–93Google Scholar, settled by veterans of IV Macedonica and VI Victrix in 25 B.C. (and not 16). Like Emerita, it was enrolled in the tribe Papiria.

²¹⁹ Resp.: Roth-Congès, A., RANarb 25 (1992)Google Scholar, 44 n. 67 = AE 1992, no. 1189; Christol, M. and Heijmans, M., Gallia 49 (1992), 38CrossRefGoogle Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1181 — a tribute to the intuition of A. L. F. Rivet, Gallia Narbonensis (1988), 265.

²²⁰ Village is often an inappropriat e term: Calbi, A.et al. (eds), L'epigrafia del villaggio, Atti del coll. Forli 1990 (1993)Google Scholar, esp. M. Sartre, 117–35 and J. P. Rey-Coquais, 138–49, on Syria.

²²¹ Suppl.It. 9 (1992), 78–9Google Scholar no. 26 (republ.) = AE 1992, no. 378 (A.D. 146–7).

²²² Maurin, L., MEFRA 107 (1995), 97–135CrossRefGoogle Scholar, dated early 193. In this region, the word vicus may mean an area where indigenous peoples lived: Gascou, J., AntAfr 28 (1992), 161–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²²³ P. Herrmann in Schwertheim, op. cit. (n. 2), 21–36, at 26–7; another tells us that each tribe at Sardis erected its own monument (ibid., 27–8); a bilingual text suggests that the rebuilding of the city was still continuing in A.D. 34 (pp. 28–9).

²²⁴ Knibbe, op. cit. (n. 128), 122, no. 12 = AE 1993, no. 1472: the dyke has been widened to 60 ft. On the local élites: C. Schulte, Die Grammateis von Ephesos: Schreiberamt u. Sozialstruktur in einer Provinzhauptstadt (1994); criticism of G. M. Rogers, The Sacred Identity of Ephesus (1991), in the context of I.Ephesus 27 (the foundation of C. Vibius Salutaris): van Bremen, H. C., JRS 83 (1993), 245–6Google Scholar.

²²⁵ Jones, C. P., Chiron 26 (1996), 29–56Google Scholar. A text from Aezani shows that the first Panhellenia were celebrated in 137: Wörrle, M., Chiron 22 (1992), 338–49Google Scholar no. 1 = AE 1992, no. 1602. Jones has also made better sense of Hadrian's rescript of 134/5 to Cyrene on Panhellenion membership (p. 47–53).

²²⁶ Herrmann, P. in Dobesch, G. and Rehrenböck, R., Die epigraphische u. altertumsk. Erforschung Kleinasiens: 100 Jahre Kleinasiatische Commission der Österr. Akad. Wiss. (1993), 213–19Google Scholar (text b). The extract has the typical form of minutes, with direct questions and third person narrative.

²²⁷ The two are paired elsewhere (cf. Pausan. 3.14.8); but Lycurgus is never elsewhere evoked as an ancestor — indeed Plutarch says his family died out with his son (Lye. 31.4) — or as a god: Spawforth, A. J. S., ABSA 89 (1994), 437–8Google Scholar no. 10 (c. 110–30).

²²⁸ A. S. Hall and N. P. Milner in Studies A. S. Hall, op. cit. (n. 67), 7–47, at 19, no. 10 (Severus Alex./Gordian), citing Theognis 245–6, an allusion to Odyssey 24.93.

²²⁹ C. B. Kritsas, Διεθνές Συνέδριο γιά την Άρχαία Θεσσαλία: στη μνήμη Δ.Ρ. Θεοχάρη: Πρακτικά (1992), 398–413 = SEG 41:273 = AE 1992 nos 1548–9, late second century or early third. The Gellii were wellknown in Second Sophistic circles.

²³⁰ Scheer, T., Mythische Vorväter (1993)Google Scholar; Curty, O., Les parentés légendaires entre cités grecques (1995)Google Scholar. Sparta and Selge: I.Selge no. 6 = SEG 41:1251 (republ.). A new study of Antoninus' letter to Ephesus on the quarrel with Pergamum and Smyrna (I.Ephesus no. 1489) has emphasized the tension between city rivalry over the neocoria and the ideal of homonoia: Collas-Heddeland, E., REG 108 (1995), 410–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sardis as ‘metropolis of Hellas’ through its foundation by Pelops: Herrmann, P., Chiron 23 (1993), 233–65Google Scholar no. 1, on SEG 36:1094, l. 13.

²³¹ Schmitt-Pantel, P., La cité au banquet, CEF 157 (1992), 255–420Google Scholar. An extra piece of IGR IV.1631, c. A.D. 176, has been read, giving us a new use of διαπέπτω = πέσσω, distribute cooked food: Malay, op. cit. (n. 13), no. 47.

²³² Milner, N. P., AS 41 (1991), 23–62Google Scholar = SEG 41:1343–54. With these is an interesting inscription for Aurelius Thoantianos, priest of the Muses at Attaleia, referring also to honours paid him by the synod of artists at Side, 57–60 no. 20 = SEG 41:1359, the last five lines of which were published as SEG 38:1451. A study of the local origins of Diogenes of Oenoanda (IGR III.487): Milner, N. P. and Mitchell, S., AS 45 (1995), 91–104Google Scholar; a niece of his: S. Şahin, I.Arykanda, no. 41; some minor queries on the text of his foundation inscr.: Smith, M. F., AS 44 (1994), 59–64Google Scholar.

²³³ I.Arykanda, no. 42 ll. 9–10. A gymnasium ek tou presbytikou, presumably a local variant on gerontikon: Malay, op. cit. (n. 13) no. 532 (Hierocaesareia, for M. Gavius Brocchos, Julio-Claudian).

²³⁴ Weiß, P. in Varinlioğlu, E. (ed.), Studien zum antiken Kleinasien 2, Asia Minor Studien 8 (1992), 167–80Google Scholar, on the expression αἰιησαμένου+ name, on coins. For a useful catalogue of the services of these élites to their cities, F. Quass, Die Honoratiorenschicht in den Stadten der gr. Ostens (1993), more briefly in Gymnasium 99 (1992), 422–34Google Scholar.

²³⁵ Milner, op. cit. (n. 232), 46–9 no. 15, rev. of IGR III.468 = SEG 41:1355 (also nos 16 = 1356; 18 = 1360). A possible logistes at Arykanda: I.Arykanda no. 28; and at Selge: I.Selge no. 26. The city eras of NW Asia Minor, a headache for the uninitiated, have received double treatment in the same year: Marek, C., Stadt, Ära und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia u. Nord Galatia (1993)Google Scholar; Leschhorn, W., Antike Ären: Zeitrechnung, Politik u. Geschichte im Schwarzmeerraum u. in Kleinasien nördl. des Tauros (1993)Google Scholar — both extremely good.

²³⁶ At Termessus, a fine for molestation of a grave is to be paid τῷ δήμῳ εἰς ἀσϕάλιαν τῶν τείχῶν : B. Iplikçioğlu (with G. Çelgin and A. Vedat Çelgin), Epigraphische Forschungen in Termessos und seinem Territorium 2 (1991), 19–20Google Scholar no. 9 = SEG 41:1288: in the Near East, cf. Kettenhofen, E., ZPaIV 107 (1991) [1992], 77–91Google Scholar (Der'a); possibly Medaba: Piccirillo, M., Liber Annuus 39 (1989), 105–8Google Scholar = SEG 39:1663.

²³⁷ Recent work on frontiers: Whittaker, C. R., Frontiers of the Roman Empire (1994)Google Scholar; Brun, P.et al. (eds), Frontières de l'empire, Mém. du Musée de Préhistoire de l'Ile de France 5 (1993)Google Scholar. A stimulating collection of essays on the army in Y. Le Bohec (ed.), La Hiérarchie (Rangordnung) de l'armée romaine sous le Haut-Empire, Actes Congrès Lyon 1994 (1995); cf. also E. Dabrowa (ed.), The Roman and Byzantine Army in the East, Proc. Colloquium Krákow 1992 (1994); Kennedy, D. L. (ed.), The Roman Army in the East, JRA Supp. 18 (1996)Google Scholar. The following vols of MAVORS have been published: no. 5, Forni, G., Esercito e marina di Roma antica (1992)Google Scholar, incl. 11–212 on the origins of legionaries; no. 7, Mócsy, A., Pannonien u. das römische Heer (1992)Google Scholar; no. 8, Speidel, M. P., Roman Army Studies 2 (1992)Google Scholar; no. 9, Devijver, H. J., The Equestrian Officers of the Roman Imperial Army 2 (1992)Google Scholar.

²³⁸ Charek, A. M., BCTH 22 (1987–1989) [1992], 153–67Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1775. A Julio-Claudian gravemarker for a soldier of the same legion at Thuburnica: Khanoussi, M., L'Africa Romana 9 (1990) [1991], 323–4Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1826; another at Ammaedara: Z. ben Abdullah, CRAI (1992), 13–16 = AE 1992, no. 1768. Note the exhaustive account of the Augustan conquest of Pannonia in T. Nagy, AAAScHung 43 (1991), 57–85; a return to the traditional view of C. Iulius Macer, CIL XIII. 1041 = ILS 2531: ILA Santones, op. cit. (n. 9), 110–18, no. 14. For another aspect of Augustan military history, see Łajtar, A., ZPE 94. (1992), 213–16Google Scholar = SEG 41:1669, reinterpreting Bernand, E., ZPE 87 (1991), 53–5Google Scholar (a text from Egypt suggesting that troops belonging to an annexed kingdom may sometimes have been permitted to continue to occupy their land, even retaining their old organization in the form of a private association under their old commander).

²³⁹ Dolata, J., MainzArchZ 1 (1994), 67–72Google Scholar, reconsidering AE 1941, no. 107. On the uses for historians of military brickstamps: Le Bohec, Y., Epigraphica 54 (1992), 43–62Google Scholar. On prata legionis: Bérard, F., Cahiers Centre G. Glotz 3 (1992), 75–105CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who concludes that the problem is not to elucidate what the territorium was but how the lands of the vici and canabae were administered by the provincial authorities. The wellknown texts, AE 1982, nos 777–81, 784, relating to the canabae round the camp at Carnuntum (intra leugam pr[imam) have been republ. by Piso, I., Tyche 6 (1991), 131–69Google Scholar = AE 1991, nos 1309–14.

²⁴⁰ Roxan, op. cit. (n. 135), no. 184 with n. 15; cf. Dio 73.8.2.

²⁴¹ Lightfoot, C. S. and Healey, J. F., EA 17 (1991), 1–7Google Scholar = SEG 41:1420 (with H. W. Pleket's comments) = AE 1991, no. 1581 (first half of third century); cf. Millar, op. cit. (n. 98), 128–9, 495.

²⁴² cf. Kennedy, op. cit. (n. 237), 67–90.

²⁴³ González, J., Habis 25 (1994), 179–88Google Scholar (Los Corrales, prov. Seville = Ilipula Minor); the recruits will have had Latin citizenship only.

²⁴⁴ Tybout, R. A., EA 20 (1992), 35–41Google Scholar: the invasion must, therefore, have receded from NW Phrygia by 255.

²⁴⁵ Carratelli, G. Pugliese, ASAA 64/5 (1986/1987) [1991], 282–4Google Scholar, no. 18 = SEG 41:661 (= Bull.ép. 1946/7, no. 156). On the regular fleet, note the list of praefecti classis in ZPE 96 (1993), 85–8Google Scholar; the date at which service was extended from twenty-six to twenty-eight years is now thought to be between Nov. 206 and July 208: Roxan, op. cit. (n. 135), on no. 73.

²⁴⁶ Roxan, M. M., JRA 9 (1996), 247–56Google Scholar on the earliest diploma of Vespasian's reign (26 Feb. 70), issued to the ‘beneficiarii qui militant in classe Ravennate sub Sex. Lucilio Basso’ ( = PIR ² L 379). The fact that they received their privileges without having to wait for the end of their service shows how important these men had been to the Flavian cause in 69.

²⁴⁷ Mastino, A., MEFRA 102 (1990), 247–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar = AE 1991, no. 1743; cf. Fishwick, D., AncHistB 6 (1992), 63–72Google Scholar, on the role of such rituals in the army in the context of the imperial cult.

²⁴⁸ Bowman, A. K. and Thomas, J. D., Britannia 27 (1996), 324CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ll. 13–1 5 (A.D. 104). Rex is not as unusual as one might imagine. The letter ends by saying that the soldiers have no more beer, ‘rogo iubeas mitti’. A large drinking-bowl with the legend ‘olam fortunae Supestinius Filica Clementinio Advento praefecto leg. XXX’ has been found near Krefeld, c. 250–75: Pirling, R., Germania 71 (1993), 387–404Google Scholar.

²⁴⁹ Sarnowski, T., ZPE 95 (1993), 205–19Google Scholar. It also seems to prove that the term primi ordines applied to all the centurions of the first cohort. On the sigla for the different centuries, cf. Kayser, op. cit. (n. 11), 356 no. 114, with p. 414.

²⁵⁰ Panciera, S., AAAScHung 41 (1989), 372Google Scholar, no. 4 = AE 1991, no. 268, dedicating as speculator what he vowed as frumentarius; though there is nothing actually in the text to exclude the possibility that he passed through the intermediate grades. A letter of commendation: Bowman, A. K. and Thomas, J. D., Tab. Vindol. 11 (1994)Google Scholar, no. 250. A rare early text relating to a Praetorian promoted speculator in the Emperor's bodyguard (cf. RE 3A, 1585 §b): Suppl.It. 12 (1994)Google Scholar Iulium Carnicum, 121, no. 11.

²⁵¹ J. Ott, Die Beneficiarier (1995). For the seventy-nine new altars of beneficiarii from Sirmium, with interesting information about lengths of occupation of the post at different periods: Mirković, M., Chiron 24 (1994), 345–404Google Scholar; the eighteen from the mansio at Praetorium Latobicarum are republ. by M. Šašel Kos in Festschrift H. Lieb, op. cit. (n. 156), 149–70; note also Schallmayer, F.et al. (eds), Der romische Weihebezirk von Osterburken 2 (1994), (essays, new texts)Google Scholar; 1 (1990) was the corpus of the then known texts.

²⁵² Baity, J. C. and Van Rengen, W., Apamea in Syria: The Winter Quarters of Legio II Parthica (1993), 40–1Google Scholar, no. 17, a librarius who died after only six months in the army. (Note that this publication is a popular illustrated pamphlet, not the definitive publication.) Cf. also Isaac, B., IEJ 42 (1992), 62–75Google Scholar, at 73–4. Officers of legio X Fretensis: Dabrowa, E., Legio X Fretensis, Historia Supp. 66 (1993)Google Scholar, with review by Isaac, B., SCI 14 (1995), 169–70Google Scholar; leg. leg. of the other Syrian legions, idem in Kennedy, op. cit. (n. 237), 277–96.

²⁵³ Jobst, W., Carnuntum Jahrbuch (1986), 231–2Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1402; cf. also M. P. Speidel in Festschrift H. Lieb, op. cit. (n. 156), 123–32, at 130–1.

²⁵⁴ Speidel, M. P., Tyche 7 (1992), 217–20Google Scholar, arguing that the ala Celerum was founded in 238.

²⁵⁵ A new theory that the reorganization took place in the first third of the century (Sarnowski, T., ZPE 95 (1993), 197–203Google Scholar) has now been withdrawn; see Speidel, M. P., ZPE 100 (1994), 469–70Google Scholar; Sarnowski, T., ZPE in (1996), 289–90.Google Scholar

²⁵⁶ A military dromed[a]riu[s] at Qas r el-Abyad: Sartre, M., IGLS 21 (1993)Google Scholar, Jordanie: Petra, no. 94. A proskynema to Pan by a cavalryman at Wadi Hammamat and his horse: Kayser, F., ZPE 98 (1993), 120–1Google Scholar, no. 9.

²⁵⁷ Bowman, A. K. and Thomas, J. D., JRS 81 (1991), 62–73Google Scholar = eidem, Tab. Vindol. II (1994)Google Scholar, no. 154.

²⁵⁸ Speidel, M. A., JRS 82 (1992), 87–106Google Scholar, which includes a discussion of the new Masada pay-slip, P.Yadin no. 722; the docket is repr. as AE 1992, no. 1272. A letter from Carlisle dated 7 Nov. 83 shows another soldier taking 100 denarii advance on his pay, i.e. one third of the scale increased that year by Domitian: Tomlin, R. S. O., Britannia 23 (1992), 147, 153–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵⁹ Roth, J., Historia 43 (1994), 346–62Google Scholar.

²⁶⁰ Scheidel, W., Measuring Sex, Age and Death in the Roman Empire, JRA Supp. 21 (1996), 117–21Google Scholar.

²⁶¹ ibid., 97–116, revised from Chiron 22 (1992), 281–97Google Scholar; also Klio 77 (1995), 232–54Google Scholar. On his estimate, the average age was in fact around twenty.

²⁶² M. A. Speidel, Pro Vindonissa (1990), 59–65 = AE 1991, no. 1261; republ. in Roxan, op. cit. (n. 135), 337–8, Appdx. 1, with new comments. Speidel argues that there was a central constitutio in Rome for all such documents, of which this one is a copy for an individual. Roxan here publishes sixty-six new diplomata, noting that she has already accumulated thirty-eight more for the next volume. As usual, these documents offer new prosopographical information: see p. 217 n. 135 above; also Lucillianus Maximus (written Maximus Lucilianus), a new governor of Syria Palaestina in 160, no. 173.

²⁶³ Bruun, C., Arctos 29 (1995), 9–27Google Scholar republ. a document by C. Cassius Sever[- from Albano Laziale; cf. Dio 77.22.1–24; Herod. 4.8.6–9.8. The original editors dated the text to the reign of Philip.

²⁶⁴ Rebuffat, R., L'Africa Romana 7 (1988) [1990], 154–7Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 1620, early third century. The use of suffragium in this sense is interesting. The same rank in Suppl.It. 9 (1992)Google Scholar, Ticinum 268, no. 17 = AE 1992, no. 786.

²⁶⁵ Rebuffat, R., LibyaAnt n.s.1 (1995), 79–123Google Scholar. He was later posted to XX Valeria Victrix in Britain. Further consideration of the Latinity of these texts is forthcoming from J. N. Adams.

²⁶⁶ Possibly an allusion to Aen. 10.134; elsewhere he apparently cites 11.172. Note l. 31, the use of dictatores to mean the centurion himself and his magister. An acclamation to a legion: Leg. XI Cl.fel.: I. Novae, op. cit. (n. 12), no. 67. For images of the genius of legion and centuries, note Frenz, H. G., CSIR Deutschland 2.4 (1992)Google Scholar nos 34–47; for an image of the legionary standard as a live eagle in a cage, Baity and Van Rengen, op. cit. (n. 252), 42–3 no. 18, to Velsonius Verus, aquilifer.

²⁶⁷ S. Panciera in Ritti, op. cit. (n. 79), 904–14. An over-rigid attempt to use invocation formulae as a dating criterion: M. -Th. Raepsaet-Charlier, Diis deabusque sacrum: formulaire votif et dotation dans les Trois Gaules et les deux Germanies, Gallia Romana I (1993). For writing and votive religion, see M. Beard in M. Beard et al., Literacy in the Roman World (1991), 35–58.

²⁶⁸ di Stefano Manzeila, I., ZPE 101 (1994), 261–79Google Scholar.

²⁶⁹ Eck, W. in Mayer, M. (ed.), Religio deorum, Actas del Coloq. Tarragon 1988 (1992), 151–60Google Scholar.

²⁷⁰ On the perception over time by a local élite of the mediated Roman pantheon: Derks, T. in Roymans, N. and Theuws, F. (eds), Images of the Past (1991), 235–65Google Scholar = MEFRA 104 (1992), 7–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷¹ Herrmann, P., MDAI(I) 44 (1994), 203–34Google Scholar, cf. SEG 39:1255.

²⁷² A prosopographical list of the archiereis of Asia in Campanile, M. D., I sacerdoti del Koinon d'Asia (I sec. - III sec. d.C.) (1994), 29–157Google Scholar; cf. eadem, ZPE 100 (1994), 422–6Google Scholar.

²⁷³ Engelmann, H., ZPE 97 (1993), 279–89Google Scholar; cf. Fishwick, D., CRAI (1992), 381–401Google Scholar; ZPE 98 (1993), 238–40Google Scholar, on statues in Gaul. For the early date of the cult in the coastal cities of Tripolitania: V. Brouquier-Reddé, Temples et cultes de Tripolitaine (1992). For a variety of treatments (not all epigraphically based) Small, A. (ed.) Subject and Ruler: The Cult of the Ruling Power in Classical Antiquity, Papers Presented to‘hellip; Duncan Fishwick, JRA Supp. 17 (1996)Google Scholar.

²⁷⁴ Friesen, S. J., Twice Neocoros: Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (1993), 92–112 and 85–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Herz, P., Tyche 7 (1992), 93–115Google Scholar, has urged that the asiarchate and the high-priesthood were simply two aspects of the same role. Both reject Kearsley's, R. A. view (AS 38 (1988), 43–51Google Scholar) that the asiarchate was a municipal office. For some new cases of high-priestesses sharing duties as well as honours with the high-priest: I. Arykanda (n. 232) nos 42, 47, 50, cf. 51.

²⁷⁵ Rajak, T. and Noy, D., JRS 83 (1993), 75–93Google Scholar, at 85.

²⁷⁶ See Mann, J. C., Britannia 22 (1991), 173–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar and the reply by Fishwick, D., Britannia 25 (1994), 127–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁷⁷ idem in Le Bohec, op. cit. (n. 159), 83–94.

²⁷⁸ Rousset, D., BCH 118 (1994), 364CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 3 (Ano Kastelli, Pindos), only paralleled by IGR III. 1046.

²⁷⁹ It is not likely, for example, that the phrase πολλάκις [νεωκόρου τῶ]ν Σεβαστῶν (‘several times temple-warden of the Augusti’), in a new text from Sardis, implies a criticism of the removal of the third neocorate by Severus Alexander: the thought of the third was almost as good as its real existence; pace Herrmann, P., Chiron 23 (1993), 233–66Google Scholar, no. 2 = AE 1993, no. 1506, a base for C. Asinnius Nicomachus Frugianus, who was agoranomos at a time of famine.

²⁸⁰ Martínez, J. M. Alvarez and Müller, J. L. Mosquera, ExtremArq 2 (1991), 370–1Google Scholar = Hispania Epigraphica 4 (1994)Google Scholar, no. 182.

²⁸¹ de Caro, S. in Capini, S. and di Niro, A. (eds), Samnium (1991), 267–8Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 514a.

²⁸² Spreading the fame of a god beyond the city might also be a duty: note the spread of the mysteries of Artemis of Ephesus to an unknown city by Trokondas and his family: Horsley, G. H. R., AS 42 (1992), 119–50Google Scholar = SEG 42:1223 (Julio-Claudian); and the ‘office’ of the same goddess at Aezani founded by Asklepiades: M. Wörrle, AA (1995), 720–1, no. 2. Isis-Tyche fusion at Petra: Zayadine, F., MEFRA 103 (1991), 283–306CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bona Dea and Isis: Gasperini, L., Picus 9 (1989) [1991], 226Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 537 (republ.). We may note here too what is by far the earliest votive to Sol Elagabalus recorded in the West, under Antoninus Pius, by a man probably from Emesa: Bogaers, J. E., OMRL 74 (1994), 153–61Google Scholar.

²⁸³ Rémy, op. cit. (n. 9), no. 23 = AE 1992, no. 1200; Rémy, B. and Buisson, A., RAN 25 (1992), 83–104CrossRefGoogle Scholar, collect all such cases in Narbonensis. On sacred groves: Les bois sacrés, Actes Coll. Naples 1989 (1993).

²⁸⁴ Pedley, J. G. and Torelli, M., The Sanctuary of Santa Venera at Paestum, Archeologia Perusina II (1993), 200Google Scholar, no. 4, l. 3. The same text mentions the building of a kitchen for ritual meals.

²⁸⁵ Miranda, op. cit. (n. 8), no. 94; 112. An interesting case of re-use of a Hittite image at Germanicia in Commagene: Jacobs, B. and Messerschmidt, W., EA 19 (1992), 105–14Google Scholar = SEG 41:1503.

²⁸⁶ Garzetti, A., Suppl.It. 8 (1991)Google Scholar, Brixia, 221, no. 23 = AE 1991, no. 837. But even in this case the god is termed augustus. A helpful god of a local mountain in Lycia: I. Arykanda (n. 232) no. 82.

²⁸⁷ Rémy, op. cit. (n. 9), no. 22; Vitiocelus in Narbonensis: Gascou, J., ZPE 93 (1992), 133–6Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1180; also Zeus Bozios at Hierapolis in Phrygia: T. Ritti in Anathema, op. cit. (n.79), 861 = SEG 41:1203 = AE 1992, no. 1605.

²⁸⁸ ILNarb. 2, no. 121: a village associates itself with a dedication by a leading local family. Note also the unknown [D]exiva at Aquae Sextiae: J. Gascou in Mayer, op. cit. (n. 269), 210 = AE 1992, no. 1170.

²⁸⁹ Beschaouch, A., MEFRA 102 (1990), 639–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar = AE 1992, no. 1815.

²⁹⁰ Böttger, B. and Halloff, K., Klio 73 (1991), 481–8Google Scholar, no. 6 = SEG 41:590 = AE 1992, no. 1505, from Karasura. The text describes the dedicators as despotai, but the land was probably owned by the temple of Apollo Dauterenos.

²⁹¹ Liber Pater as conservator vindemiarum: Sartori, A., MEFRA 104 (1992), 84CrossRefGoogle Scholar = AE 1992, no. 758 (near Comum); Zeus ampeleites: Ricl, M., EA 17 (1991), 73–6Google Scholar = SEG 41:1177–81 (Phrygia); Sabazius and viticulture: Malay, op. cit. (n. 13), nos 62–5, 66 (Lydia, late first to early second century).

²⁹² SEG 39:749 = AE 1991, no. 1514 (Rhodes). Euphoria too, from Zeus Olympios, in Lycia: Nord-Lykien, op. cit. (n. 196), 19, no. 7, ll. 5–8 = SEG 41:1376.

²⁹³ Ricl, M., ŽA 44 (1994), 170–1Google Scholar, no. 26 (Eskisehir). The texts from the temple of Demeter and Kore at Knidos (A. Audollent, Defixionum tabellae (1904), nos 1–13) are republ. by W. Blümel, I. Knidos nos 147–59.

²⁹⁴ e.g. (from Britain) a regular complaint to Mercury from Uley: Britannia 23 (1992), 310Google Scholar, no. 5 = AE 1992, no. 1127; two from Hockwold, Britannia 24 (1994), 293Google Scholar, no. 1; 296, no. 2; Mercury to seek out a thief in the Cotswolds: CSAD Newsletter 2, op. cit. (n. 3) (1996), 5–6. On such vindicative texts, see Versnel, H. S. in Faraone, C. A. and Obbink, D. (eds), Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (1991), 60–106.Google Scholar

²⁹⁵ Congres, A. Roth, JRA 8 (1994), 397–407Google Scholar. J. Scheid rightly warns against taking all rural shrines in Gaul as healing cults: MEFRA 104 (1992), 25–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar. A very large shrine at Deneuvre, near Baccarat: Moitrieux, G., Hercules salutaris (1992)Google Scholar.

²⁹⁶ cf. Strabo 5.2.3, 220C; an early dedication (Julio-Claudian): Tumolesi, P. Sabbatini, BollArch 7 (1991), 80–2Google Scholar = AE 1992, no. 599. The hero Piyris as healer at a pilgrimage shrine at Ain Labakha in Egypt: Wagner, G., ZPE 111 (1996), 98Google Scholar, no. 1 (second to third century); 103, no. 1 and 105, no. 5 are graffiti evidently recording visions of the hero.

²⁹⁷ Lilimbaki-Akamati, L., τὸ ἀρχαιολογικὸ ἓργο στὴ Μακεδονία καὶ Θράκη 5 (1991) [1994], 83–95Google Scholar (second century B.C.).

²⁹⁸ On the rules at Amphipolis: Veligianni, C., ZPE 100 (1994), 391–405Google Scholar; at Thuburbo Maius: Kleijwegt, M., AntAfr 30 (1994), 209–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁹⁹ A plaque from the Asclepieion at Zea showing a male lower abdomen and genitals: Forsén, B., ZPE 87 (1991), 173–5Google Scholar; a stele with hand, ears, and eyes: Malay, op. cit. (n. 13), 79 with fig. 43. A man at Germisara in Dacia healed three times: Piso, I. and Rusu, U., RevMonIst 59 (1990), 14Google Scholar, no. 8 = AE 1992, no. 1484 (A.D. 190; note the personal address to Diana: ‘… et tibi sancta Deana’). The statue of Somnium dedicated to Aesculapius at Riez, ILS 3855, is republ. in ILNarb. 2, op. cit. (n. 9), 197–200 Riez, no. 2.

³⁰⁰ e.g. Malay, op. cit. (n. 13), no. 152 = SEG 35:1231, a woman ‘punished and healed through the kindly agency’ (διὰ τῆς εὐνύας χιρός). For all known confession-texts, see now Petzl, G., Die Beichtinschriften Westkleinasiens = EA 22 (1994)Google Scholar, whole vol. Two lamellae from Ticinum evidently used in the context of divine healing: Suppl. It. 9 (1992), 255–6Google Scholar, nos 1–2 = CIL v.6414–5 (rev.) = AE 1992, nos 772–3.

³⁰¹ Kotansky, R., Greek Magical Amulets I, Pap. Coloniensia 22.1 (1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem in Faraone and Obbink, op. cit. (n. 294), 107–37. On malign magic, note F. Graf, Gottesnähe u. Schadenzauber (1996); Daniel, R. W. and Maltomini, F. (eds), Supplementum magicum 2, Pap. Colon. 16.2 (1992)Google Scholar; a curse against runners at the Isthmia, with a magical figure very close to one from Hadrumetum: Jordan, D., Hesperia 63 (1994), 111–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar, no. 5; a piece of papyrus wrapped inside a lead sheet at Carthage: idem, ZPE III (1996), 115–23, no. 5, with addendum.

³⁰² Taeuber, H., Tyche 19 (1992), 19–24Google Scholar = SEG 42:1290; cf. Strabo 12.2.7, 357C. She is called a diabetria.

³⁰³ Prophetess of Ammon: Wagner, G., ZPE 106 (1995), 123–5Google Scholar. The inscription of Gauros of Hadrianoi (see the previous survey, JRS 83 (1993), 148Google Scholar) = I. Hadrianoi no. 24, has been the subject of divergent interpretations, neither particularly convincing: Chaniotis, A., Kernos 4 (1991), 307Google Scholar, no. 104; H. Schwabl in Dobesch and Rehrenböck, op. cit. (n. 226), 336–8.

³⁰⁴ Gasperini, L. in Epigrafia (Degrassi), op. cit. (n. 36), 721 = Insc.It. 11.1, 74 = AE 1991, no. 878.Google Scholar

³⁰⁵ Tombstone of a man and a woman each tetelesmenos: Malay, op. cit. (n. 13), no. 235 (second half of first century).

³⁰⁶ Herrmann, P., Chiron 26 (1996), 315–48Google Scholar, at 335–9; cf. the Aphrodisiastai at Ephesus: Knibbe, op. cit. (n. 128), 125–6, no. 17.

³⁰⁷ I. Prusa no. 52 is a fragmentary list of initiates led by a mystarches, followed by a basileus; also three opaque texts from Karain, Pamphylia: Şahin, S., EA 17 (1991), 129–32Google Scholar, nos 7–8 = SEG 41:1329A–B, 1330, using the odd word anauliterion,? ‘animal-stall’, for the cult-room.

³⁰⁸ Piccottini, G., Mithrastempel in Virunum (1994)Google Scholar, cf. JRA 9 (1996), 424–6Google Scholar. The supplementary dedication contains a reference to an outbreak of plague in the same year. On the evidence for Iranian religion in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor and Near East: Boyce, M. and Grenet, F., A History of Zoroastrianism, 3: Zoroastrianism under Macedonian and Roman Rule (1991), 197–360.Google Scholar

³⁰⁹ Mitchell, op. cit. (n. 68), 2, 3–51; Laminger-Pascher, G., Die kaiserzeitlichen Inschriften Lykaoniens I, Ergänzb. TAM 15 (1992)Google Scholar, with comments by D. Feissel, Bull. ép. 1993, no. 771. The name Theosebeia on a ?second-century sarcophagus at Cyzicus: Yaylali, A.et al., XIII. Kazi Sonuçlari Toplantisi I (1991), 208–10Google Scholar = SEG 41:1082. The earliest Christian text in Bithynia has crosses beneath two letters: I. Prusa no. 115 (not mentioned in SEG 29:1697). Useful commentaries on forty-five texts mostly relevant to the NT: L. Boffò, Iscrizioni greche e latine per lo studio della Bibbia (1994) – a completely new version of her 1958 book.

³¹⁰ Łajtar, A., JJP 21 (1991), 53–70Google Scholar = SEG 41:1612–5. The petition of the province of Lycia-Pamphylia to Maximinus in 312 (OGIS 569 = TAM 2.3, no. 785) is revised in I. Arykanda (n. 232), no. 12.

³¹¹ Gardiner, I. (ed.), Kellis Literary Texts I, Dakleh Oasis Project, Mon.4(1996)Google Scholar; Gardiner, I. and Lieu, S. N. C., JRS 86 (1996), 146–69Google Scholar, for an interesting overview.

³¹² SEG 36:970 with 41: 918. In our view, the arguments of Botermann, H., ZPE 98 (1993), 184–94Google Scholar, for a fourth-century date are no better than the considerations which led the original editors to date the text c. 200. The question remains open, however (as does that of the date of the Sardis synagogue). The (re-)publication of the Jewish inscriptions of the diaspora is both a sign of and stimulus to the trend: Horbury, W. and Noy, D. (eds), Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (1992)Google Scholar; Noy, D. (ed.), Jewish Inscriptions of W. Europe, I: Italy (excluding Rome), Spain and Gaul (1993)Google Scholar; 2: The City of Rome (1995). In Jerusalem itself, note the discovery of the tomb of the Caiaphas family, two of whom, Joseph (A.D. 18–36) and Elionaeus, were high-priests: Greenhut, Z., Atiquot 20 (1991), 63–71Google Scholar; D.Flusser, ibid., 81–7.

³¹³ Kramer, R. S., HThR 84 (1991), 141–62Google Scholar. Much valuable material in the commentaries of van der Horst, P. W., Ancient Jewish Epitaphs (1991), discussing sixteen texts.Google Scholar

³¹⁴ Trebilco, P. R., Jewish Communities in Asia Minor (1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Lieu, J.et al. (eds), The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire (1992)Google Scholar argue for considerable openness; Feldman, L. H., Jews and Gentiles in the Ancient World (1993)Google Scholar, against. On CIJ 2 no. 777 (Hierapolis), see Ritti, T., ScAnt 6–7 (1992–1993), 41–68Google Scholar, at 47–68. Add I. Levinskaya, The Book of Acts in its Diaspora Setting (1996) which uses inscriptions extensively and includes a valuable republication of the relevant texts from the Bosporan kingdom (with S. R. Tokhtasév).

³¹⁵ Rajak, T. and Noy, D., JRS 83 (1993), 75–93Google Scholar. The funerary arrangements of Jews at Rome likewise reveal the adoption of norms from the host community, though that does not necessarily mean that conceptions of the after-life became similar: Williams, M. H., ZPE 101 (1994), 165–82Google Scholar.

³¹⁶ Parkin, T. G., Demography and Roman Society (1992), 5–18Google Scholar; Saller, R. P., Patriarchy, Property and Death in the Roman Family (1994), 12–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bagnall, R. S. and Frier, B. W., The Demography of Roman Egypt (1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Duncan-Jones, R. P., ‘The impact of the Antonine plague’, JRA 9 (1996), 108–36Google Scholar; Scheidel, op. cit. (n. 260), 7–8.

³¹⁷ G. di Vita-Evrard on Lepcis Magna in Eck, op. cit. (n. 109), 293–314; mortality: Scheidel, op. cit. (n. 260), 139–53; Shaw, B. D., JRS 86 (1996), 100–38Google Scholar.

³¹⁸ Martin, D. B., JRS 86 (1996), 40–60Google Scholar.

³¹⁹ There seems, for example, to be a relatively sharp break at Rome in the first century A.D. in this regard: it is only then that mausolea begin to admit persons other than immediate blood relatives: H. von Hesberg, Römische Grabbauten (1992), 231–2. Gens in the sense of a funerary college: Bassignano, M. S., AAPat 102 (1989–1990), 21Google Scholar no. 1 = AE 1991, no. 808.

³²⁰ cf. Saller, op. cit. (n. 316), 71–2. Another critique of Saller and Shaw's methods, sceptical of the use of epigraphy: Krause, J.-U., Klio 73 (1991), 537–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³²¹ Friedl, R., Der Konkubinat im kaiserzeitl. Rom von Augustus bis Septimius Severus (1996)Google Scholar; in Roman Macedonia persons using their metronym are typically the children of Roman citizens and (high-status) provincial women: Tataki, A. B., Ἀρχαία Μακεδονία 5 (1993), 1453–71Google Scholar. On age of first marriage for girls, note I. Prusa 1, no. 63, cf. 54, girls of twelve, married.

³²² e.g. Kearsley, R. A., GRBS 27 (1986), 183–92Google Scholar; EA 16 (1990), 69–80Google Scholar; Trebilco, op. cit. (n. 314), 117–18; Boatwright, M. T. in Pomeroy, S. B. (ed.), Women's History and Ancient History (1991), 249–72Google Scholar; Rogers, G. M., ZPE 90 (1992), 215–23Google Scholar.

³²³ van Bremen, R., The Limits of Participation (1996)Google Scholar; cf. eadem, ZPE 104 (1994), 145–54Google Scholar, on Menodora at Sillyon.

³²⁴ cf. Nollé, J. in Dettenhofer, M.H. (ed.), Reiner Männersache (1994), 236–44Google Scholar; Taeuber, H. in Specht, E. (ed.), Frauenreichtum: die Frau als Wirtschaftsfaktor im Altertum (1994), 199–219.Google Scholar

³²⁵ e.g. Iplikçioǧlu, op. cit. (n. 236) 1, no. 5 = SEG 41:1258, a woman erecting a monument for her grandfather according to her father's will.

³²⁶ e.g. a woman who lived as a widow for ?thirty years ‘for the sake of the children’: I. Prusa I, no. 138; a woman paying for a tomb for herself and her mother from her peculium: Sijpesteijn, P. J., ZPE 111 (1996), 285Google Scholar no. 6; a woman taking part in the negotiations for her son's marriage: Devreker, J., AnatAnt 1 (1991), 185–6Google Scholar no. 2 = SEG 41:1150 ll. 4–5.

³²⁷ McGinn, T. A. J., ZPE 93 (1992), 273–95Google Scholar, cf. Tac., , Ann. 2.85.1–3Google Scholar; slight improvements to the Tabula Larinas: Lebek, W. D., ZPE 85 (1991), 41–70Google Scholar = AE, 1991 no. 515. A Roman husband praises his wife ‘quae mecum sine macula a die nuptiarum suarum … vixit’: Priuli, S., NSA (1986–7) [1991], 127–30Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 298 (later third century).

³²⁸ Kleijwegt, M., ActaClass 37 (1994), 79–102Google Scholar; cf. Ginestet, P., Les organisations de la jeunesse dans l'occident romain, Coll. Latomus 213 (1991)Google Scholar, with a full catalogue. A collegium incrementorum: C. Zaccaria in Festschrift H. Lieb, op. cit. (n. 156), 291–307.

³²⁹ Rauh, N. K., The Sacred Bonds of Commerce (1993).Google Scholar

³³⁰ Pedley and Torelli, op. cit. (n. 284), 210–11 no. 17, deduced from a freedman centurio. Temple estates are by no means unknown in Magna Graecia.

³³¹ ‘Good slaves were those who had emerged from the ruck; they were the exceptions who confirmed the stereotype of the bad and the contemptible’: Garnsey, P. D. A., Ideas of Slavery from Aristotle to Augustine (1996), 74.Google Scholar

³³² Quilici, L., RivIstArch n.s. 16 (1969), 23Google Scholar = AE 1991, no. 590; also the following text, p. 24, no. 591: ‘ut pueri duret nomen Diomedis in aev<u>m, hoc scripsit dominus ….’

³³³ Sacco, G., MiscGrRom 16 (1991), 217–19Google Scholar no. 1 = SEG 41:872 (Rome). In another case, a husband and wife mourn their verna, who has died aged seven, already freed: I di Stefano Manzella, BMMP 10 (1990), 39Google Scholar no. 16 = AE 1991, no. 185.

³³⁴ I. Prusa 1, no. 178a.

³³⁵ Abásolo, J. A., BSEAA 58 (1992), 218Google Scholar no. 2 = AE 1992, no. 1037b, ‘Atiae Tureiliae … occissa a s[er]vo’ (Clunia, Tarraconensis). On the SC Claudianum, note Herrmann-Otto, op. cit. (n. 188), 28–33.

³³⁶ Y. Burnand in Frézouls, op. cit. (n. 117), 203–13. Discussion of Greek manumission texts: Marinovič, L. P., Die Sklaverei in der östlichen Provinzen des Romischen Retches (1992), 7–76Google Scholar. A girl of three dying manumitted: E. M. Rupprechtsberger, HistJbStLinz (1985), 390 = AE 1992, no. 1319 (Lentia). A monument to a regular slave family in three generations at Gordos, Lydia: Petzl, G., EA 15 (1990), 57–8Google Scholar no. 13 = SEG 1990:1044 (A.D.69/70).

³³⁷ Joshel, S. R., Work, Identity and Legal Status at Rome (1992)Google Scholar. The first linen-worker from Prusa: I. Prusa no. 104; a carpenter and his tools: ibid., 2 no. 1086. A female vicaria of a woman's dispensator: Messineo, G., BCAR 94 (1992–1993), 194Google Scholar with Solin, H., Arctoszy (1993), 127 = AE 1992, no. 196 (Rome)Google Scholar.