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Ovid and the Domus Augusta: Rome Seen from Tomoi*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Fergus Millar
Affiliation:
Brasenose College, Oxford

Extract

The greatest works of what we normally call ‘Augustan’ literature were produced by writers who came to maturity in the Triumviral period, and were already established as major authors before January 27 B.C., when ‘Imperator Caesar Divi filius’, whom we like to call ‘Octavianus’, gained the unprecedented cognomen ‘Augustus’. By that moment the Eclogues and Georgics of Virgil, the Epodes and Satires of Horace, and Book 1 of the Elegies of Propertius were already written. Livy had composed his sombre Praefatio, and probably the whole first pentad, in the later Triumviral period, perhaps around the time of Actium or soon after.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Fergus Millar 1993. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Livy IV. 17–20, see Ogilvie ad loc., and see esp. R. Syme, ‘Livy and Augustus’, HSCPh 64 (1954), 27 = Roman Papers I (1979), 440Google Scholar, and T.J. Luce, ‘The dating of Livy's first decade’, TAPhA 96 (1965), 209.

2 See Millar, F., ‘Cornelius Nepos, “Atticus” and the Roman Revolution’, Greece and Rome 35 (1988), 40CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and now especially Horsfall, N., Cornelius Nepos: a Selection, Including the Lives of Cato and Atticus (1989)Google Scholar.

3 For this phase see Zanker, P., Augustus und die Machtder Bilder (1987), chs 2–3Google Scholar.

4 Millar, op. cit. (n. 2), 40 and 51.

5 For the suggestion that the period from 43 to 28 B.C. might be so termed, see Syme, R., History in Ovid (1978), 169Google Scholar.

6 For difficulties in seeing Livy as ‘Augustan’, see Luce, T.J., ‘Livy, Augustus and the Forum Augustum’, in Raaflaub, K. A. and Toher, M. (eds), Between Republic and Empire: Interpretations of Augustus and his Principate (1990), 123Google Scholar.

7 Griffin, J., ‘Augustus and the poets: “Caesar qui cogere posset”’, in Millar, F. and Segal, E. (eds), Caesar Augustus: Seven Aspects (1984), 189Google Scholar.

8 Velleius II. 100. 2. For his repeated allusions to the consulate of M. Vinicius see PIR1 v. 445.

9 Alföldy, G., ‘Augustus und die Inschriften: Tradition und Innovation. Die Geburt der imperialen Epigraphik’, Gymnasium 98 (1991), 289Google Scholar.

10 Suetonius, Div. Aug. 31.5; see Luce, op. cit. (n. 6).

11 AE 1967, no. 458; SEG XXIII. 206; see esp. J. E. G. Zetzel, ‘New light on Gaius Caesar's eastern campaign’, GRBS 11 (1970), 259.

12 ILS 139–40; Marotta d'Agata, A. R., Decreta Pisana (CIL XI, 1420–21) (1980)Google Scholar.

13 See, still, Brunt, P. A., ‘The Lex Valeria Cornelia’, JRS 51 (1961), 71Google Scholar.

14 See now Ramage, E. S., The Nature and Purpose of Augustus’ Res Gestae (1987)Google Scholar.

15 AE 1984, no. 508, Fr. 11, col. b. See Z. Yavetz, ‘The Res Gestae and Augustus’ public image’, in Millar and Segal, op. cit. (n. 7), 1.

16 It is unfortunate that so far no combined text of the two inscriptions, set out with this original line-divisions, has yet been published. The nearest one can get is the excellent English translation of the whole text provided by Sherk, R. K., The Roman Empire (1988), no. 36Google Scholar.

17 AE 1984, no. 508, Fr. 11, col. b.

18 For these genealogical connections, by their nature beyond the ability of the present writer to grasp in detail, see Syme, R., The Augustan Aristocracy (1986), chs xv–XVII and tables IX–XGoogle Scholar.

19 AE 1984, no. 508, Fr. 1. See pp. 15–17 below. For this connection see already Millar, F., ‘Imperial ideology in the Tabula Siarensis’, in González, J. and Arce, J. (eds), Estudios Sobre la Tabula Siarensis (1988), IIGoogle Scholar.

20 See Maslakov, Y., ‘Valerius Maximus and Roman historiography: A study of the exempla tradition’, ANRW 11.32.1 (1984), 437Google Scholar, and now esp. Bloomer, W. Martin, Valerius Maximus and the Rhetoric of the NewNobility (1992)Google Scholar.

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23 Contrast the much-quoted passage on the ‘restoration’ of the res publica by Augustus (11. 89) with that on the same achievement on the part of Tiberius (11. 126).

24 Demougin, S., Prosopographie des chevaliers romains julio-claudiens (1992), no. 88 (the father); no. 108 (Velleius himself)Google Scholar.

25 Only the key references will be given. The evidence has often been collected, most recently in PIR 2 O 180.

26 ILS 932.

27 There is no room here to argue this proposition. I will merely state baldly that (for instance) it wholly vitiates the otherwise interesting paper by G. Williams, ‘Did Maecenas “fall from favour”? Augustan literary patronage’, in Raaflaub and Toher, op. cit. (n. 6), 258.

28 Suetonius, Div. Aug. 58.

29 For the dates (as in all that follows), Syme, R., History in Ovid (1978), 1920Google Scholar.

30 G. Bowersock, ‘Augustus and the East: the problem of the succession’, in Millar and Segal, op. cit. (n. 7), 169.

31 Syme, op. cit. (n. 29), 21f.

32 See e.g. Wallace-Hadrill, A., ‘Time for Augustus: Ovid, Augustus and the Fasti’, in Whitby, M., Hardie, P. and Whitby, M. (eds), Homo Victor: Classical Essays for John Bramble (1987), 221Google Scholar; the essays collected in Arethusa 25.1 (1992), Reconsidering Ovid's Fasti; and Feeney, D. C., ‘Si licet et fas est: Ovid's Fasti and the problem of free speech under the Principate’, in Powell, A. (ed.), Roman Poetry and Propaganda in the Age of Augustus (1992), 1Google Scholar.

33 So e.g. Williams, G., Change and Decline: Roman Literature in the Early Empire (1978), 54–5Google Scholar — though I cannot see why the main passage quoted, Fasti IV. 19–62, must have been written after A.D. 14. Fasti 1. 531–6, is a much clearer case (see p. 15 below).

34 See Feeney, D. C., The Gods in Epic: Poets and Critics of the Classical Tradition (1991), ch. 5Google Scholar.

35 See White, P., ‘Julius Caesar in Augustan Rome’, Phoenix 42 (1988), 334CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

36 Tr. 11. 131–7; IV. 9. 12; v. 2. 56–8; 11. 21.

37 Saller, R., ‘Promotion and patronage in equestrian careers’, JRS 70 (1980), 44Google Scholar; idem, Personal Patronage in the Early Empire (1982).

38 For the fullest recent discussion see Evans, H. B., Publica Carmina: Ovid's Books from Exile (1983)Google Scholar.

39 Syme, op. cit. (n. 3), 38–9.

40 Davidson, J., ‘The gaze in Polybius’, JRS 81 (1991), 38–9Google Scholar.

41 Smith, R. R. R., ‘The imperial reliefs from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias’, JRS 77 (1987), 88Google Scholar; idem, ‘Simulacra Gentium: the Ethne from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias’, JRS 78 (1988), 50.

42 See N. Purcell, ‘Livia and the womanhood of Rome’, PCPhS 212 (1986), 78.

43 The date is given by AE 1922, no. 96 (from Praeneste, Ins. It. XIII.2, p. 135, a fragment of the Fasti Praenestini): ‘Ti. Caesar curru triumphavit ex Ilurico’ (on the same day of the year as the second battle of Philippi); see Syme, op. cit. (n. 3), 40f.

44 Dio LVII. 14. 6.

45 Suetonius, Tib. 26. 2.

46 P. 4 above.

47 cf. p. 8 above and n. 33.

48 See esp. Pippidi, D. M., ‘Tomis, cité géto-grecque à l'époque d'Ovide?’, Parerga: écrits de philologie, d'epigraphie et d'histoire ancienne (1984), 189Google Scholar. For the inscriptions see Inscriptiones Scythiae Minoris Graecae et Latinae II: Tomis et territorium (1987).

49 Mitford, T. B., ‘A Cypriot oath of allegiance to Tiberius’, JRS 50 (1960), 75Google Scholar; SEG XVIII. 578; AE 1962, no. 248. See Herrmann, P., Der römische Kaisereid (1968), esp. 102fGoogle Scholar.