The recurrent crisis in the (ex-Belgian) Congo, which first exploded soon after the country's independence on 30 June 1960, was the main event in the history both of the United Nations (U.N.) and of Africa during the 1960s. Its first phase (with which this paper largely deals) opened with the mutiny of the Force publique on 5 July, the intervention of Belgian troops on 10 July, and the proclamation of Katanga's independence on 11 July; it came to an end with the suppression of Katanga's secession, tentatively in December 1961 and conclusively in January 1963. The Opération des Nations Unies au Congo (O.N.U.C.) was authorised by the Security Council on 14 July, on the independent initiative of the U.N. Secretary-General, Dag Hammarskjold, and in response to the Congo Government's appeals to the U.N. for technical and military assistance. The operation was the biggest and costliest by far in the life of the U.N.; 1 and its course was marked by political as well as financial ruin, from which the U.N. has never quite recovered. Evidence for this was furnished early. By the time the operation formally came to an end on 30 June 1964, the Congo was already in the thick of the second phase of the crisis; this phase, which began with the outbreak of rebellion in Kwilu in January 1964, was brought to an end of sorts by the Belgian-American military intervention in Stanleyville in November 1964, which produced few signs of activity by the U.N.

This article concerns two important arenas of political competition in Zambia: on the one hand, between parties and, on the other, within the ruling party itself. Competition between political parties exists especially between the United National Independence Party (U.N.I.P.) and two small party rivals, the African National Congress (A.N.C.) and the United Party (U.P.). Many U.N.I.P. officials at various levels have looked forward to the establishment of a one-party state in Zambia, on the familiar grounds that minor opposition parties appeal to parochial loyalties: that they oppose constructive programmes irresponsibly and hamper their implementation: and that political opposition is a luxury which diverts time, energy, and money away from the important tasks of development. In pursuit of its objective of eliminating inter-party competition, U.N.I.P. has generally employed two different sets of tactics, based on different assumptions about the strength and potential of the two minor parties.

War and military institutions have played a crucial part in the history of Angola. Colonial wars, auxiliary armies, expeditions, and soldiergovernors fill the pages of this history, and it is no exaggeration to recall that military expenses have, except for some years during 1930–58, represented the major item in annual budgets since the sixteenth century, when the Portuguese began to conquer the Luanda hinterland. The character and role of the armed forces in Angola, however, have undergone changes: especially since 1961, new developments promise possibly important influences on future events in that territory, events which may not follow traditional patterns in history.

The centenary of Mahatma Gandhi's birth during 1969 (October 2) provides a reason for reassessments of the Indian leader's thought and career. Among the matters which deserve reconsideration is his South African phase, which began in 1893, on his arrival in Natal as a fledgling barrister, and ended in 1914, when he left for India by way of England to begin his main work as an Indian nationalist. A reappraisal of this period is needed principally because there is a tendency in biographical studies and Gandhi's own account of his South African years to romanticise or simplify the record and to leave unanswered questions about the development of his ideas and activities during a critical two decades of his life.1 A reappraisal is possible chiefly because of the recent appearance of Gandhi's Collected Works as a rich source for newer interpretations of what he said and did in Natal and the Transvaal.2 As an effort to contribute to reconsiderations of Gandhi's African phase, this article will examine his views of Europeans and Africans and his protest policies and tactics as they emerged over 21 years. Special attention is given to Gandhi's outlook on Africans and the circumstances surrounding his first disobedience campaign. A close inquiry into these matters helps to explain better Gandhi's role in modern South African history and the nature of his legacy to continuing issues in the continent.

An ideological orientation on the part of a government is an important impetus to social change in many of the countries of the under-developed world. As Clifford Geertz has pointed out, an ideology is a model for the ideal arrangement of all aspects of life, and the active propagation of such a view of the world by those in positions of power and authority in a society is bound to have an effect on the normal processes of social change.1 In so far as this model is successfully turned into an effective programme for directed social change, we may observe the exciting spectacle of a people carrying out changes which they are convinced are necessary, and modernising themselves in an atmosphere of enthusiasm and progress. This process usually amounts to a social revolution. But there are many pitfalls, and it is easy for proposed programmes of social change to get bogged down in the intricate networks of political relations between leaders and people, or to founder on hard economic realities.

To the political scientist concerned with the relationship between social and economic modernisation, on the one hand, and political change and integration, on the other, the Ibo experience has long held particular interest. In his pioneering study of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman observed that Ibos had played a singular role in the post-war political era: ‘Ibos overwhelmingly predominated in both the leadership and the mass membership of the N.C.N.C., the Zikist Movement, and the National Church. Postwar radical and militant nationalism, which emphasized the national unity of Nigeria as a transcendent imperative, was largely, but not exclusively, an Ibo endeavor’1 But radical and militant pan-Nigerian nationalism was only one part of the Ibo political posture. No less noteworthy was the parallel development of a highly cohesive and organisationally sophisticated pan-Ibo movement, the very success of which ultimately undermined the pan- Nigerian aspirations of the Ibo-led N.C.N.C. and, subsequently, was one of several factors operating to impair the national legitimacy of an Ibo-led military régime. It is this paradoxical blending of ‘civic’ and ‘primordial’ sentiments which, perhaps, best defines the modern Ibo political experience2.

Within the past few years military coups have ended civil rule in ten African nations. These events, and similar earlier upheavals in the Sudan and East Africa, indicate the intense strain which their politics are enduring. Should social scientists remain mute while this process continues throughout the continent? Are there no general principles of political science and comparative political history which can be utilised to assist the new states to adjust, to control their social environments, and to avoid the abyss of authoritarianism? A potential alliance of military and bureaucratic élites in guiding the political destiny of much of Africa must now be viewed as probable.

The Institute of African Studies of the University of Ife is an interdisciplinary research institute now primarily concerned with research into traditional and modern African culture. Originally, at its foundation in 1962, under the direction of Dr S. O. Biobaku, now vice-chancellor of the University of Lagos, it was concerned with all aspects of African studies in the field of the humanities. However, in the past two years its role has been redefined and the policy now is that research in the Institute should be concerned with those areas of African Studies not catered for by the teaching departments of the University.

In the past two years there has been an upsurge in interest in African studies in the State, particularly through the activities of the faculties of the Universities of Colorado and Denver, and Colorado State University. Beginning in the 1967–68 academic year, the University of Colorado offered a Bachelor of Arts degree in African and Middle Eastern Studies, and is expanding its graduate courses with a multi-disciplinary approach. In the spring of 1969 the Center on International Race Relations at the Graduate School of International Studies of the University of Denver began operation with primary emphasis on Africa and Asia. Of equal importance, however, is the high level of co-operation in African studies among the institutions of higher learning throughout the State. This effort involves the maximisation of Africanist talent via the exchange of staff and students, and regional meetings and conferences.

At the beginning of 1963 the German Institute for African Research (D.I.A.F.) was founded in Hamburg, in order to further the systematic study of regional aspects and practical problems of contemporary Africa. The approach of the Institute is interdisciplinary: research is carried out into the economic, legal, social, and historical problems of Africa. Regular colloquia organised at the Institute enable research workers and those in the field to exchange experiences.

The Centre for Higher Administrative Studies in Modern Africa and Asia (C.H.E.A.M.) was founded in 1936 and is attached to the University of Paris. It has a dual role in that it ensures liaison between the public service and the University; the Centre receives not only civil servants for training and refresher courses, but also academic students for courses of study and research.

With the emergence of India and African countries as free nations, it was acknowledged that they had a vital role to play in forging new relationships based on the principles of equality and mutual respect for one another. It was also considered important that they should promote friendship, understanding, and goodwill on a people-to-people basis through non-official agencies. This is how the Indian Council for Africa came into being in 1959, under the stewardship of Jawaharlal Nehru and Mrs Indira Gandhi as its Chief Patron. It was realised, however, that the Council, to be effective, should be as representative and national in character as possible, and one can therefore find a wide cross-section of Indian public opinion reflected in its membership. This includes eminent public figures, members of parliament, educationists, social workers, scholars, journalists, and businessmen.

Business Analysis for Africa is a specialised agency which organises development projects in Africa involving private business. It was created in early 1968 by specialists from the academic world and technical professions who sought to involve themselves directly in the business of economic development. The founding group included an African specialist, a tropical agriculturist, an economist, and a business lawyer. Their basic desire was to combine effectively their various talents for consulting work on development projects in Africa, for which practical research on business conditions in the United States was lacking. The agency now offers a range of co-ordinated services to firms, international agencies, African governments, and businessmen who need assistance with technical studies, financing, market research, and the promotion or negotiation of contracts.

The Spanish-African Congress for Co-operation and Trade was organised jointly by the Institute for Co-operation between Spain, Africa, and Asia (R.Y.A.C.E.) and the committee of the annual International Fair at Barcelona, where it coincided with that event. The Congress was financed partly by a grant from the Spanish Government, and partly by the Fair committee, the R.Y.A.C.E., and by voluntary contributions, some of them substantial, from businessmen in the host country.

Even the more remote and isolated villages of dynamic and disparate Africa are changing rapidly. To understand this transition, a detailed descriptive record of human activity enables comparisons to be made of different groups and of one group at different times.

The hourly, daily, and yearly behaviour patterns of rural people living in the Nsukka division of the former Eastern Region of Nigeria (now Biafra) are briefly described below. This information is based on field research carried on during 1966 in eight clusters of compounds near Nsukka town. At the time that the study was made, this was a rapidly developing Igbo village 43 miles from the regional capital city of Enugu.