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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 25 March 2021
In many African societies, gender roles and sexuality are intensely scrutinized, policed, and often enforced. Frequently, this situation results in perceived deviations being characterized in very strong terms. Many Africans across religious and denominational boundaries seem united in their opposition and criticism of same-sex relationships. In the twenty-first century, criminalization of same-sex relationships has witnessed an uptick across the continent. In Nigeria, same-sex union was criminalized in 2014, an act that witnessed massive support from Protestant, especially Pentecostal, Christian communities. Prominent Pentecostal leaders spearheaded the campaign in support and defense of the anti-gay laws in the country. Reasoned opposition to a practice based on religious faith, doctrine, and scriptural prescriptions is an integral aspect of the protection for the practice of religion. However, there is a palpable tension in the debates around rights to free sexual expression as a fundamental element of legally protected human rights and the equally constitutionally embedded right to religious practice, expression, and exercise. At what point, therefore, does the respect for the free exercise of religion and religious expression come into conflict with the respect for, and protection of, minority rights such as claimed rights to sexual expression such as many LGBTQI persons are increasingly contesting? Framed differently, is the verbal and non-verbal promotion of hatred, violence, indignity, and insult or giving offence to a segment of the population based on sexual orientation a part of free religious expression? How do the Pentecostal arguments against same-sex relations in Nigeria approximate to hate speech, defined as a verbal attack on a person or group of persons based on their attributes such as gender and sexual orientation, religion, or ethnicity? To analyze these and related issues, this essay examines the arguments used by the leader of the largest Pentecostal organization in Nigeria—and by far, the most important Pentecostal voice in the country—in the wake of the legal prohibition of homosexuality in Nigeria in 2014.
1 For more on this challenge, see my prior article, Ukah, Asonzeh, “Pentecostal Apocalypticism: Hate Speech, Contested Citizenship and Religious Discourses on Same-Sex Relations in Nigeria,” Journal of Citizenship Studies 22, no. 6 (2018): 633–49Google Scholar. There are alternative traditional models of the family in many African societies such as those described by Amadiume, Ifi, Male Daughters, Female Husbands: Gender and Sex in an African Society (London: Zed Books, 1987)Google Scholar; Amadiume, Ifi, Re-inventing Africa: Matriarchy, Religion, and Culture (London: Zed Books, 1997)Google Scholar; Nzegwu, Nkiru, “Feminism and Africa: Impact and Limits of the Metaphysics of Gender,” in A Companion to African Philosophy, ed. Wiredu, Kwesi (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), 560–69Google Scholar.
2 In some constitutions of advanced democracies, a distinction is made between social rights and fundamental rights. Because this important distinction is lacking in the Nigerian Constitution, the right to sexual orientation and expression that could pass as social rights are often classed together with (and as) fundamental rights. In the Nigerian context, the claimed right to sexual orientation is at core the right against discrimination and indignity because of sexual orientation. “Discrimination on the grounds of place of origin, sex, religion, status, ethnic or linguistic association or ties shall be prohibited” (Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, section 15 (2)). See Ikpeze, Ogugua V. C., “Non-justiability of Chapter II of the Nigerian Constitution as an Impediment to Economic Rights and Development,” Developing Country Studies 5, no. 18 (2015): 48–56Google Scholar.
3 Chidester, David, “Global Citizenship, Cultural Citizenship and World Religions in Religion Education,” in International Perspectives on Citizenship, Education and Religious Diversity, ed. Jackson, Robert (London: RoutledgeFalmer, 2003), 28–45Google Scholar.
4 For the text of the Constitution, see The Nigerian Constitution 1999 (With the First, Second, and Third Alterations) (Abuja: Federal Ministry of Justice, 1999).
5 “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, including freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others, and in public or in private to manifest and propagate his religion or belief in worship, teaching, practice and observance.”
6 “Accordingly . . . discrimination on the grounds of place of origin, sex, religion, status, ethnic or linguistic association or ties shall be prohibited.” Although the provision does not contain the phrase “sexual orientation or lifestyle,” it may be liberally interpreted to cover certain forms of gendered identities such as bisexual, transgender, and intersex.
7 Ilesanmi, Simeon O., “Disestablishment without Impartiality: A Case-Study Examination of the Religious Clauses in the Nigerian Constitution,” St. John's Law Review 85, no. 2 (2011): 545–78Google Scholar.
8 Ukah, Asonzeh, “Obeying Caesar to Obey God: The Dilemmas of Registering Religious Organisations in Nigeria,” in Law and Religion in Africa: The Quest for the Common Good in Pluralistic Societies, ed. Coertzen, Pieter, Green, M. Christian, and Hansen, Len (Stellenbosch: Conference-RAP, 2015), 309–29, at 327Google Scholar.
10 Alvaré, “Religious Freedom,” 476. There are many versions of the initialism that characterize the varied, nuanced ways scholars and activists understand and define some people's, or their own, experience of gendered identity and sexual orientation. The increasing proliferation of acronyms often meant to emphasize specific nuances and inclusivity, sometimes becomes very unwieldy, confusing, or polarizing such as LGBTQQIP2SAA (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, questioning, intersex, pansexual, two-spirit, asexual, and ally). Some Nigerian human rights activities and members of the LGBTQI community debate the relevance of some of the markers, such as “questioning,” “ally,” “pansexual,” “two-spirit,” to members of the group in the Nigerian context. Such debates sometimes polarize the LGBTQI community. Perhaps, the two versions of initialism that are in widespread use are LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) and LGBTQI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer (or questioning), and intersex. Unlike in South Africa, where “intersex” is a common and popular identity frame frequently discussed in the media (often concerning the middle-distance runner Caster Semenya), it is not a well-known or used identity marker for the LGBTQI community in Nigeria. According to Leo Igwe, a Nigerian LGBTQI rights activist, members of the community use three acronyms interchangeably—“depending on whom you are speaking to”—namely, LGBT, LGBTI, and LGBTQI and often debate which is more locally applicable to members of the group (Leo Igwe, personal communication, May 25, 2020). I use LGBTQ or LGBTQI loosely and interchangeably in this article to represent collectives of persons involved in same-sex relationships or bisexual, trans, queer, and intersex person who may not all be “homosexuals” in the sense meant by the Nigerian law under discussion here. See Woolf, Linda M., “LGBTQI Rights and Social Justice,” Peace Psychology 22, no. 2 (2013): 19–21Google Scholar. For various definitions of the LGBTQ acronym, see Abbie E. Goldberg, introduction to The Sage Encyclopedia of LGBTQ Studies, ed. Abbie E. Goldberg, vol. 1 (London: Sage Reference, 2016), xxxiii–xxxv; Rebecca L. Jones, s.v. “Aging and Bisexuality,” in Goldberg, The Sage Encyclopedia of LGBTQ Studies, 56–61, at 57; Robin Bauer, s.v. “Bondage, Dominance/Submission, Sadism/Masochism (BDSM),” in Goldberg, The Sage Encyclopedia of LGBTQ Studies, 153–56, at 154.
11 Foucault, Michel, The History of Sexuality, vol. 1, An Introduction, trans. Hurley, Robert (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 137Google Scholar.
12 The vehemence or stridence with which the Nigerian Pentecostal community speaks out against same-sex issues does not stem from a conflictual interest or status with the wider society. The group's concern with human sexuality partly stems from a literal interpretation of the Bible, which is evident in the various ways its leaders reference the scriptures as a source of unquestioned authority and a power-text to back up their positions in sexual, family, and marriage issues. As a public religion, Pentecostalism engages with public issues, public affairs, and public policies in its attempt to influence or transform the public sphere or capture a share of public audiences.
13 The legislation became law in January 2014. The word homosexual appears two times, gay appears three times, while same sex (without a hyphen) appears twenty-two times. Homosexual and gay are part of the social lexicon in Nigeria; they are more commonly used in popular speech than is same-sex in describing relationships and sexual behaviors.
14 For more on the conflict over citizenship claims, see Ukah, “Pentecostal Apocalypticism.”
15 There is no agreed-upon definition of what constitutes “hate speech”; however, it is broadly parsed to include public speech acts and gestures that incite, inflame emotions, or create a symbolic code for social repugnance or denigration against a minority group or persons based on ethnicity, religion, gender, or sexual orientation. See Lillian, Donna A., “A Thorn by any Other Name: Sexist Discourse as Hate Speech,” Discourse & Society 18, no. 6 (2007): 719–40, at 731–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I discuss this theme later in the essay.
17 Makofane, Keletso et al. , “Homophobic Legislation and Its Impact on Human Security,” African Security Review 23, no. 2 (2014): 186–95, at 187CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Some of the laws introduced by the British in Nigeria (for example, the Vagrancy Law in Nigeria, which was repealed only in 1989) were intended to humiliate and harass sections of the colonized communities and imprint the sense of British superiority and decency, not for good order or the common good.
18 Alok, Gupta and Lang, Scot, “Alien Legacy: The Origins of ‘Sodomy’ Laws in British colonialism,” in Human Rights, Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in the Commonwealth: Struggles for Decriminalization and Change, ed. Lennox, Corinne and Waites, Matthew (London: School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2013): 84–123, at 84Google Scholar.
19 Nigerian Criminal Code Act (2004) Cap. 38, http://ofilispeaks.com/wp-content/uploads/criminal-act.pdf.
20 Nigerian Criminal Code Act (2004) Cap. (21), §214.1 and §214.3.
21 Nigerian Criminal Code Act (2004) Cap. (21), §214.1 and §214.3. The title of the chapter is “Offences against Morality.”
23 Ostien, Philip, Nasir, Jamila M., and Kogelmann, Franz, Comparative Perspectives on Shari'ah in Nigeria (Ibadan: Spectrum, 2005)Google Scholar.
25 Gaudio, Rudolf Pell, Allah Made Us: Sexual Outlaws in an Islamic African City (Malden: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The strict application of the Islamic law, many northern Nigerian Islamic reform movements and elites believed, would restore the lost glories of Islam in the society and transform northern Nigeria by eliminating western sociocultural influences, which they considered “un-Islamic” (bida’) or even anti-Islamic. The inability of the rulers of Nigeria to produce prosperity and equitable distribution of resources or eliminate corruption also contributed to the popular demands for the reimplementation of expanded forms of sharia law from 1999 onward. See Salau, Mohammed Bashir, “Religion and Politics in Africa: Three Studies on Nigeria,” Journal of Law and Religion 35, no. 1 (2020): 165–77, at 169CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 Hadd is punishment deemed as fixed by God and unvarying or unwaiveable.
27 Philip Ostien and M. J. Ukaru, eds., Sharia Implementation in Northern Nigeria, 1996–2006: A Sourcebook, vol. 3, Sanitizing Society (Ibadan: Spectrum Books, 2007), 53–54, 44.
29 Ostien and Ukaru, Sanitizing Society, 53–54.
30 Since 1999, when Nigeria returned to a civilian form of governance, the Pentecostal community has been visible in the political calculations of many politicians because of their capacity to galvanize large numbers of people and draw them to one place. Some Pentecostal leaders like Enoch Adeboye (Redeemed Christian Church of God) and David Oyedepo (Living Faith Church Worldwide) have openly campaigned and supported specific political parties and their candidates. Some politicians have likewise patronized Pentecostal leaders who own and run large congregations. On the patterns of Nigerian Pentecostal incursion into democratic politics since 1999, see Ukah, Asonzeh, “‘God Reloaded’: The Pentecostal Political Transgression and Africa's non-Secularity,” in Religion in the Era of Postsecularism, ed. Okeja, Uchenna (Oxford: Routledge, 2020), 148–70Google Scholar.
31 The original unwieldy title is “The Bill for an Act to Prohibit Marriage between Persons of the Same Gender, Solemnization of Same and for Other Matters Related Therewith.” By 2011, it was refined to “Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Bill 2011” and described as “a bill for the Act to prohibit marriage or civil union entered between persons of same-sex, solemnization of same and for other matters related therewith,” http://www.equalrightstrust.org/ertdocumentbank/Same%20Sex%20Marriage%20(Prohibition)%20Bill.pdf. The first reading of the bill in the Senate was on July 13, 2011; the second reading took place on September 27, 2011; and the third and final (passage) reading was on November 29, 2011. After that date, the bill was dormant until January 14, 2014. The bill was introduced in the legislature in about 2006 as a part of legislative anxiety about public (sexual) morality, culture, religion, and the body.
32 Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act (2014), accessed January 3, 2021, https://laws.lawnigeria.com/2020/01/10/same-sex-marriage-prohibition-act-2014/.
33 Alozie, Nicholas O., Thomas, Kathy, and Akpan-Obong, Patience, “Global Liberalization on Homosexuality: Explaining the African Gap,” Social Science Journal 54, no. 2 (2017): 120–31Google Scholar.
34 Obadare, Ebenezer, “Pentecostal Presidency? The Lagos-Ibadan ‘Theocratic Class’ and the Muslim ‘Other’,” Review of African Political Economy 33, no. 110 (2006): 665–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ojo, Matthews A., Of Saints and Sinners: Pentecostalism and the Paradox of Social Transformation in Modern Nigeria, Inaugural Lecture Series (Ile-Ife: Obafemi Awolowo University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Kolapo, Femi J., “Appraising the Limits of Pentecostal Power in Nigeria,” Journal of Religion in Africa 46, no. 4 (2016): 369–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
35 The evangelical Christian community is a broader group of Protestant Christianity than is Pentecostalism. Evangelicals self-describe as Bible-believing Christians who claim a personal relationship with Jesus Christ and believe in the necessity of salvation for all humanity. Pentecostals emphasize the power of the Holy Spirit to transform the believer and the possibility and necessity of miracles as in the early days of the church. Pentecostalism is a subset of evangelicalism: while every Pentecostal Christian is an evangelical, not every evangelical Christian is a Pentecostal. See Randall Balmer, Encyclopedia of Evangelicalism, rev. and exp. ed. (Waco: Baylor University Press, 2004), 236; Jonathan Merritt, “Defining Evangelical,” The Atlantic, December 7, 2015, https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/12/evangelical-christian/418236/.
36 Oguntola-Laguda, Danoye and Klinken, Adriaan van, “Uniting a Divided Nation? Nigerian Muslims and Christian Responses to the Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act,” in Public Religion and the Politics of Homosexuality, ed. van, Adriaan Klinken and Ezra Chitando (London: Routledge, 2016), 35–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
37 Joseph Hellweg, “Côte d'Ivoire and the New Homophobia: The Autochthonous Ethic and the Spirit of Neoliberalism,” in van Klinken and Chitando Public Religion and the Politics of Homosexuality, 92–109.
38 Calling homosexuality a “lifestyle” is often intended to undermine the idea that LGBTQI sexualities have enduring integrity rather than being whimsical “lifestyle” choices or even fads. (I thank an anonymous reviewer for pointing out this nuance.)
39 Gene Robinson retired as bishop of New Hampshire in 2010.
40 Hoad, Neville, African Intimacies: Race, Homosexuality and Globalization (London: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), 48–68Google Scholar; Ehianu, Wilson E., “Assessing the Position of the Anglican Church in Nigeria to Same-Sex Marriage,” African Journal for Mission in Context 1, no. 1 (2010): 67–83Google Scholar.
41 Peter J. Akinola, “Position of the Church of Nigeria (Anglican Communion) on the Bill for an Act to Prohibit Marriage between Persons of the Same Gender, Solemnization of Same and for Other Matters Related Therewith,” 1, accessed September 28, 2017, http://thinkinganglicans.org.uk/uploads/CoNposition.pdf.
42 Leviticus 18:22, 20:13; Romans 1:26–27; I Corinthians 6:9; Genesis 19:1–29, 1:28; Matthew 19:4–6.
43 Akinola, “Position of the Church of Nigeria,” 2.
44 Akinola, 3.
45 Akinola, 5.
46 Ojo, Matthews A., The End-Time Army: Charismatic Movements in Modern Nigeria (New Jersey: Africa World Press, 2006)Google Scholar.
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48 Paul Boyer, “The Growth of Fundamentalist Apocalyptic in the United States,” in The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, vol. 3., Apocalypticism in the Modern Period and the Contemporary Age, ed. Stephen J. Stein (New York: Continuum, 2000), 140–78.
49 Klinken, Adriaan van, “Gay Rights, the Devil, and the End Times: Public Religion and the Enchantment of the Homosexuality Debate in Zambia,” Religion 43, no. 4 (2013): 520–44Google Scholar.
50 Tunde Bakare is a former Muslim lawyer, who converted to Christianity and joined the Deeper Life Bible Church. He is the founder of Latter Rain Assembly (1989), a breakaway church from the more popular Redeemed Christian Church of God. He is a politician and once was the vice-presidential candidate to Muhammadu Buhari on the political platform of Congress for Progressive Change in the 2011 general elections. In 2007, he set up the International Centre for Reconstruction and Development, a research-led organization devoted to the transformation of postcolonial African states. In 2010, he founded the Save Nigeria Group, a coalition of progressive political and civil society organizations dedicated to campaigning for social and political justice and reformation of structures in Nigeria. Further, he is the president of Global Apostolic Impact Network, a network of evangelical businesses, churches, and ministries dedicated to advancing the Pentecostal virtues in the marketplace and businesses. He is popular for his critical interventions on public governance and his scathing criticism of his pastoral colleagues and the maleficence and lack of accountability within the Pentecostal community. Favoring an ethical apocalypticism, Bakare's central tool of analysis is Judeo-Christian scripture, which affords him a perspective on geopolitical and geoeconomic matters. Unlike the focus of many of Nigeria's Pentecostal class on miracles of prosperity and wealth, Bakare's unique selling points are public prayer, provocative preaching, and prophecy. See Bakare, Tunde, Strategic Interventions in Governance: An Essential Compilation of Critical Speeches, Thoughts and Experiences in Nation Building, vol. 1 (Lagos: Present Truth Publishers, 2015)Google Scholar.
51 On the complex history of the Redeemed Christian Church of God and its rebranding since the mid-1980s, see Ukah, Asonzeh, A New Paradigm of Pentecostal Power: The Redeemed Christian Church of God in Nigeria (Trenton: Africa World Press, 2008)Google Scholar. Also, on that church's involvement in attempts to regulate public sexuality and morality in Nigeria, see, Ukah, Asonzeh, “Sexual Bodies and Sacred Vessels: Pentecostal Discourses on Homosexuality in Nigeria,” in Christianity and Controversies over Homosexuality in Contemporary Africa, ed. Chitando, Ezra and van Klinken, Adriaan (Farnham: Ashgate, 2016), 21–37CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
52 Bakare-Yusuf, Bibi, “Nudity and Morality: Legislating Women's Bodies and Dress in Nigeria,” in African Sexualities: A Reader, ed. Tamale, Sylvia (Cape Town: Pambazuka, 2011), 116–29Google Scholar; Tamale, Sylvia, “Exploring the Contours of African Sexualities: Religion, Law and Power,” African Human Rights Law Journal 14, no. 1 (2014): 150–77Google Scholar.
53 In a widely circulated sermon, “Abba Father 4,” delivered on May 4, 2017, during the all-night monthly worship and prayer event, The Holy Ghost Service, at the Redemption Camp headquarters of the Redeemed Christian Church of God on the outskirts of Lagos, Adeboye told his audience that the spiritual father of a believer is more important and influential than the biological father in a person's life. According to Adeboye, a spiritual father promotes the realization and actualization of a person's destiny. “Your spiritual father is more superior than your biological father. Your spiritual father has a superior authority than your biological father . . . Your spiritual father can alter the cause of your destiny for the better . . . can cancel the curse in your generation . . . can cancel your appointment with death . . . deliver you from ambush . . . can see what you cannot see and warn you . . . can commit God for you, he can create a situation between God and you. When your spiritual father blesses you or curses you, the result is instant,” RCCG Grace Assembly Dubai TV, MAY 2017—RCCG Holy Ghost Service, “Abba Father 4,” May 5, 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6eNTEOKo3o8.
54 Ukah, Asonzeh, “Expansion,” in Oxford Handbook for the Study of Religion, ed. Stausberg, Michael and Engler, Steven (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016), 665–83Google Scholar.
55 Abomination is one of the words the archbishop used in characterizing same-sex relations, a word that Christian leaders like Adeboye cull from Leviticus, where it occurs six times in chapters 18 and 20 (Leviticus 18:22, 26, 27, 29, 30; 20:13). According to Michael Grisanti, the noun occurs 117 times in the Old Testament and generally means that which is reprehensible or detestable in the eyes of another. Grisanti, Michael A., “Homosexuality—An Abomination or Purely Irrelevant? Evaluating LGBT Claims in Light of the Old Testament (Gen. 18–19; Lev. 18:22; 20:13),” Master's Seminary Journal 28, no. 2 (2017): 115–33, at 129Google Scholar.
56 I thank an anonymous reviewer for emphasizing this point and underscoring the mistaken assumptions of Adeboye in respect of reproduction among LGBTQI people.
57 There is an irony here. All the countries—among them Canada, France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, and the United States of America—that have legalized homosexuality or same-sex union have better socioeconomic indices than does Nigeria or any African country opposed to same-sex relationships.
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63 Ukah, “Religion in the Pre-contact World,” 48.
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67 For a list of some of reasons given by Adeboye why gay relationships are wrong, see Eke Matthew, “Same-Sex Marriage Will Wipe Out Humanity—Pastor Enoch Adeboye calls Gay Community to Flee God's Wrath!,” Daily Facts (blog), January 23, 2013, https://matexventures.webs.com/apps/blog/show/22799011; Ameh Comrade Godwin, “‘Homosexuals Should Repent and Turn to God’—Pastor Adeboye,” Daily Post (Nigeria), January 22, 2013, https://dailypost.ng/2013/01/22/homosexuals-should-repent-and-turn-to-god-pastor-adeboye/.
68 Alvaré, “Religious Freedom,” 476.
69 In South Africa, for example, the white minority population is often accused of hate speech against the black majority population. Also, in colonial Africa, the European minority used hate speech against the majority indigenous populations. A minority group is not necessarily a vulnerable group and vice versa.
71 Waldron, The Harm in Hate Speech, 8–9.
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74 Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria, “Critics of Catholic Church Are Prejudiced and Ignorant—Archbishop Kaigma,” February 7, 2014, https://cbcn-ng.org/newsdetail.php?tab=298; Chris N. Anyanwu, “Still on Same-Sex Union and the Stand of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria,” Nigeria World, September 28, 2015, https://nigeriaworld.com/articles/2015/sep/286.html.
75 Sean Smith, “We Do Not Advocate Punishing Gays, Say Nigerian Bishops,” The Tablet, October 1, 2015, http://www.thetablet.co.uk/news/2728/0/we-do-not-advocate-punishing-gays-say-nigerian-bishops.
76 J. D. Y. Peel, foreword to Ukah, A New Paradigm of Pentecostal Power, xix–xxiv, at xxiii. It is ironic to observe how Adeboye's habit of routinely calling God his “Daddy” would signify as “gay” in stereotypical evaluations of popular rhetoric.
77 Sorial, Sarah, “Free Speech, Hate Speech, and the Problem of (Manufactured) Authority,” Canadian Journal of Law and Society 29, no. 1 (2013): 59–75, at 59Google Scholar.
78 “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference.”
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80 See Abimbola Adelakun, editorial, “But, What Exactly is Hate Speech?,” Punch (Lagos), August 31, 2017, https://punchng.com/but-what-exactly-is-hate-speech/.
81 Olalekan Adetayo, “Osinbajo Declares Hate Speech as Terrorism,” Punch (Lagos), August 17, 2017, https://punchng.com/breaking-osinbajo-declares-hate-speech-as-terrorism/.
82 National Commission for the Prohibition of Hate Speech (Est, etc) Bill, 2019 (SB.154), § 4(1), p. 6. This quotation and all subsequent citations are from the 2019 revised bill (available at https://media.premiumtimesng.com/wp-content/files/2019/11/ational-Commission-of-Prohibition-of-Hate-Speeches-Bill-2019-1.pdf), hereafter cited as Nigeria's Hate Speech Bill, 2019.
83 Nigeria's Hate Speech Bill, 2019, § 5(1)(b).
84 Nigeria's Hate Speech Bill, 2019, § 4(2).
85 Asonzeh Ukah, “Africa and Free/Hate Speech,” The Immanent Frame, January 4, 2019, https://tif.ssrc.org/2019/01/04/africa-and-free-hate-speech/; Nicholas Asogwa and Christian Ezeibe, “The State, Hate Speech Regulation and Sustainable Democracy in Africa: A Study of Nigeria and Kenya,” African Identities (2020), 1–16. Published ahead of print, https://doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2020.1813548.
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