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The Promise and Peril of the Popular: Interpretations of Nineteenth-Century Popular Liberalism in Mexico

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2024

Ariadna Acevedo-Rodrigo*
Affiliation:
Centro de Investigación y de Estudios Avanzados del Instituto Politécnico Nacional, Mexico City

Abstract

This article examines the literature on popular liberalism in nineteenth-century Mexico and the shortcomings of two interpretations: popular liberalism as an alternative to elite liberalism, and popular liberalism as a strategy to ultimately pursue non-liberal ends. It argues that both interpretations tend to overstate the distance between the liberal elite and its popular supporters because of an unexamined, dichotomous conception of liberalism and the people (generally Indigenous and non-Indigenous peasants) as opposites. It draws its examples from studies of local politics and sides with the interpretation of ‘liberalism tout court’ as the best available option to avoid reifications of liberalism and the popular.

Este artículo examina la literatura sobre el liberalismo popular en el siglo XIX en México y las deficiencias de dos interpretaciones: el liberalismo popular como una alternativa al liberalismo de élite, y el liberalismo popular como una estrategia para perseguir fines no liberales en última instancia. Aquí se argumenta que ambas interpretaciones tienden a exagerar la distancia entre la élite liberal y sus seguidores populares debido a una concepción no analizada y dicotómica del liberalismo y el pueblo (generalmente campesinos indígenas y no indígenas) como opuestos. El artículo toma sus ejemplos de estudios de política local y se alinea con la interpretación de un ‘liberalismo tout court’ como la mejor opción disponible para evitar reificaciones del liberalismo y lo popular.

Este artigo examina a literatura sobre o liberalismo popular no México do século XIX e as deficiências de duas interpretações: o liberalismo popular como alternativa ao liberalismo de elite, e o liberalismo popular como estratégia para, em última instância, perseguir fins não liberais. Aqui se argumenta que ambas as interpretações tendem a exagerar a distância entre a elite liberal e os seus apoiantes populares devido a uma concepção não examinada e dicotómica do liberalismo e do povo (geralmente camponeses indígenas e não indígenas) como opostos. O artigo retira seus exemplos de estudos sobre política local e apoia a interpretação do ‘liberalismo tout court’ como a melhor opção disponível para evitar reificações do liberalismo e do popular.

Type
Commentary
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press

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References

1 Rugeley, Terry, ‘Indians Meet the State, Regions Meet the Center: Nineteenth-Century Mexico Revisited’, Latin American Research Review, 37: 1 (2002), pp. 245–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schaefer, Timo, Liberalism as Utopia: The Rise and Fall of Legal Rule in Post-Colonial Mexico, 1820–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), pp. 119, 129–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Knight, Alan, Bandits and Liberals, Rebels and Saints: Latin America since Independence (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2022), pp. 7185CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 For early uses of the term ‘popular liberalism’, see Knight, Alan, ‘El liberalismo mexicano desde la Reforma hasta la Revolución (Una interpretación)’, Historia Mexicana, 5: 1 (1985), pp. 63, 6684Google Scholar; Thomson, Guy P. C., ‘Bulwarks of Patriotic Liberalism: The National Guard, Philharmonic Corps, and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico, 1847–1888’, Journal of Latin American Studies, 22: 1 (1990), pp. 3168CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘Popular Aspects of Liberalism in Mexico, 1848–1888’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 10: 3 (1991), pp. 265–92. Some key monographs are: Mallon, Florencia, Peasant and Nation: The Making of Postcolonial Mexico and Peru (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thomson, Guy P. C. and LaFrance, David, Patriotism, Politics and Popular Liberalism in Nineteenth-Century Mexico: Juan Francisco Lucas and the Puebla Sierra (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1999)Google Scholar; Guardino, Peter, Peasant, Politics and the Formation of Mexico's National State, Guerrero 1800–1857 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar and The Time of Liberty: Popular Political Culture in Oaxaca, 1750–1850 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2005); Caplan, Karen, Indigenous Citizens: Local Liberalism in Early National Oaxaca and Yucatán (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Schaefer, Liberalism as Utopia.

3 Thomson, Guy P. C., ‘Pueblos de Indios and Pueblos de Ciudadanos: Constitutional Bilingualism in 19th Century Mexico’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 8: 1 (1998), p. 93Google Scholar.

4 I include Guy Thomson, Peter Guardino, Karen Caplan, Daniela Marino, Timo Schaefer, Antonio Annino and Alan Knight in this group. I incorporate Michael Ducey's work too; however, in some of his case studies, it is not clear whether he sees strategic liberalism as the predominant response in the long term, e.g. Michael Ducey, ‘El reto del orden liberal. Ciudadanos indígenas y prácticas políticas en el México independiente: La política cotidiana en el cantón de Misantla, Veracruz’, in Antonio Escobar, José Marco Medina and Zulema Trejo (eds.), Los efectos del liberalismo en México: Siglo XIX (Sonora: Colegio de Sonora, 2015), p. 236.

5 Rose, Gillian, The Melancholy Science: An Introduction to the Thought of Adorno (London: Verso, 2014), p. 62Google Scholar.

6 For criticism of liberalism as ‘ideal type’, see Palti, Elías J., of, ‘The ProblemMisplaced Ideas” Revisited: Beyond the History of Ideas in Latin America’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 67: 1 (2006), p. 167Google Scholar; El tiempo de la política: El siglo XIX reconsiderado (Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI Editores, 2007), pp. 38, 51–6, 251–3.

7 These perspectives are in dialogue with the Cambridge School, Reinhart Koselleck's conceptual history and Pierre Rosanvallon's intellectual history. Palti, Elías J., ‘The “Theoretical Revolution” in Intellectual History: From the History of Political Ideas to the History of Political Languages’, History and Theory, 53: 3 (2014), pp. 387405CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Ibero-American conceptual history, see notes 24–6.

8 Bell, Duncan, ‘What is Liberalism?’, Political Theory, 42: 6 (2014), pp. 682715CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Gustavo Marín and Gabriela Torres-Mazuera (eds.), Antropología e historia en México: Las fronteras construidas de un territorio compartido (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (UNAM) and Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología (CIESAS), 2013); Daniela Gleizer and Paula López Caballero (eds.), Nación y alteridad: Mestizos, indígenas y extranjeros en el proceso de formación nacional (Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (UAM), 2015); Paula López Caballero, Indígenas de la nación. Etnografía histórica de la alteridad en México: Milpa Alta siglos XVII – XXI (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica (FCE), 2017).

10 For a theoretical statement of this view, see Caballero, Paula López, ‘Inhabiting Identities: On the Elusive Quality of Indigenous Identity in Mexico’, Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Anthropology, 26: 1 (2021), pp. 124–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For case studies with this perspective, see Caballero, Paula López and Acevedo-Rodrigo, Ariadna (eds.), Beyond Alterity: Destabilizing the Indigenous Other in Mexico (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2018)Google Scholar.

11 Kourí, Emilio, ‘Sobre la propiedad comunal de los pueblos: De la Reforma a la Revolución’, Historia Mexicana, 66: 4 (2017), pp. 1923–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar and ‘The Practices of Communal Landholding: Indian Pueblo Property Relations in Colonial Mexico’, in López and Acevedo-Rodrigo (eds.), Beyond Alterity, pp. 31–60.

12 Justo Sierra, La evolución política del pueblo mexicano (Mexico City: La Casa de España en México, 1940 [1900–2]); Jesús Reyes Heroles, El liberalismo mexicano, vol. 1: Los orígenes (Mexico City: FCE, 1974 [UNAM, 1957]), p. xv.

13 Reyes Heroles, El liberalismo mexicano, vol. 1, pp. xiii, 255–75, 286.

14 For the shortcomings of revisionism, see Alan Knight, ‘The Mexican Revolution: Bourgeois? Nationalist? Or Just a “Great Rebellion”?’, Bulletin of Latin American Research, 4: 2 (1985), pp. 9–13.

15 On Reyes Heroles, see Thomson, ‘Popular Aspects of Liberalism in Mexico’, p. 271; Elías J. Palti, La invención de una legitimidad: Razón y retórica en el pensamiento mexicano del siglo XIX (Mexico City: FCE, 2005), pp. 30–2; Knight, Bandits and Liberals, p. 62.

16 Leticia Reina (ed.), Las rebeliones campesinas de México, 1819–1906 (Mexico City: Editorial Siglo XXI, 1984).

17 Alan Knight, The Mexican Revolution, vol. 1: Porfirians, Liberals and Peasants and vol. 2: Counter-Revolution and Reconstruction (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1985 and 1986); Gilbert Joseph and Daniel Nugent, ‘Popular Culture and State Formation’, in Gilbert Joseph and Daniel Nugent (eds.), Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1994), pp. 5–12.

18 Bell, ‘What is Liberalism?’, p. 683.

19 Juan Ortiz Escamilla and José Antonio Serrano (eds.), Ayuntamientos y liberalismo gaditano en México (Zamora: Colegio de Michoacán, 2007); Antonio Annino, Silencios y disputas en la historia de Hispanoamérica (Bogotá: Taurus and Universidad Externado de Colombia, 2014). See also notes 2 and 4.

20 The northern sierra of Oaxaca was a similar case: Patrick McNamara, Sons of the Sierra: Juárez, Díaz, and the People of Ixtlán, Oaxaca, 1855–1920 (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2007); Tatiana Pérez Ramírez, ‘Municipios de la Sierra Juárez: Configuración espacial, participación armada y organización política, 1855–1939’, unpubl. PhD diss., Colegio de México, 2017. For Puebla, see Thomson's publications referred to throughout this article.

21 Knight, Bandits and Liberals, pp. 57–9.

22 See notes 2–4.

23 Palti, ‘The Problem of “Misplaced Ideas” Revisited’; El tiempo de la política; Eduardo Posada-Carbó and Iván Jaksic, ‘Shipwrecks and Survivals: Liberalism in Nineteenth-Century Latin America’, Intellectual History Review, 23: 4 (2013), pp. 479–98.

24 Michael Freeden and Javier Fernández-Sebastián, ‘Introduction. European Liberal Discourses: Conceptual Affinities and Disparities’, in Michael Freeden, Javier Fernández-Sebastián and Jöhn Leonhard (eds.), In Search of European Liberalisms: Concepts, Languages, Ideologies (New York: Berghahn, 2019), pp. 1–35; Gabriel Paquette, ‘Introduction: Liberalism in the Early Nineteenth-Century Iberian World’, History of European Ideas, 41: 2 (2015), pp. 153–65.

25 Michael Freeden, Liberalism: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), p. 2.

26 Javier Fernández-Sebastián, ‘Friends of Freedom: First Liberalisms in Spain and Beyond’, in Freeden et al. (eds.), In Search of European Liberalisms, p. 118.

27 Bell, ‘What is Liberalism?’, p. 683.

28 Annino, Silencios y disputas, pp. 26–31, 259–62, 273–6, 319–27; Palti, El tiempo de la política, pp. 76–90.

29 Elías J. Palti, ‘Beyond the “History of Ideas”: The Issue of the “Ideological Origins of the Revolutions of Independence” Revisited’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 79: 1 (2018), p. 130; Gabriel Entin, ‘Catholic Republicanism: The Creation of the Spanish American Republics during Revolution’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 79: 1 (2018), pp. 120–1.

30 One objection is that municipalities were administrative units subordinated to central government rather than sovereign bodies. Alfredo Ávila, En nombre de la nación: La formación del gobierno representativo en México, 1808–1824 (Mexico City: Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas (CIDE), 2002), pp. 114–17.

31 Caplan, Indigenous Citizens, pp. 60–2; Carlos Sánchez Silva, ‘No todo empezó en Cádiz: Simbiosis política en Oaxaca entre Colonia y República’, Signos Históricos, 10: 19 (2008), pp. 8–35.

32 Michael Ducey, ‘Gobierno, legitimidad y movilización: Aspectos de la vida electoral en tiempos insurgentes’, Historia Mexicana, 68: 4 (2019), p. 1607.

33 Guardino, The Time of Liberty, pp. 224, 231–45.

34 Luis Alberto Arrioja, Pueblos de indios y tierras comunales: Villa Alta, Oaxaca: 1742–1856 (Zamora: Colegio de Michoacán, 2011), pp. 157–66.

35 For instance, Sánchez Silva, ‘No todo empezó en Cádiz’.

36 For examples of the latter in Guanajuato, San Luis Potosí, Oaxaca and Querétaro (1820–50 and 1880–1910): Schaefer, Liberalism as Utopia; for Puebla (1855–80): Thomson and LaFrance, Patriotism, Politics and Popular Liberalism, pp. 41–240.

37 Amongst the topics there is no space to examine, the election of Indigenous peoples as municipal authorities in former Indian pueblos is believed to have decreased in central Mexico. Daniela Marino, ‘Indios, pueblos y la construcción de la nación: La modernización del espacio rural en el centro de México, 1812–1900’, in Erika Pani (ed.), Nación, Constitución y Reforma, 1821–1908 (Mexico City: CIDE, 2010); Huixquilucan: Ley y justicia en la modernización del espacio rural mexiquense, 1856–1910 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 2016).

38 Hilda Sabato, Republics of the New World: The Revolutionary Political Experiment in Nineteenth-Century Latin America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018), p. 181; Schaefer, Liberalism as Utopia, p. 205.

39 Florencia Mallon, ‘Introducción a la edición en español’, in Campesino y nación: La construcción de México y Perú poscoloniales (Mexico City: CIESAS, 2003), pp. 51–76; ‘Subalterns and the Nation’, Dispositio, 25: 52 (2005), p. 165 (quote); and Peasant and Nation, p. 64.

40 Eric Van Young, The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence and Ideology in Mexico, 1810–1816 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001). For criticism of Van Young's interpretation, see Alan Knight, ‘Eric Van Young, The Other Rebellion y la historiografía mexicana’, Historia Mexicana, 54: 2 (2004), pp. 445–515; Peter Guardino, ‘Connected Communities: Villagers and Wider Social Systems in the Late Colonial and Early National Periods’, in López and Acevedo-Rodrigo (eds.), Beyond Alterity, pp. 61–83.

41 Sabato, Republics of the New World, pp. 183–4; Alfredo Ávila, ‘El radicalismo republicano en Hispanoamérica: Un balance historiográfico’, Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México, 41 (Jan.– June 2011), p. 48 and ‘Liberalismos decimonónicos: De la historia de las ideas a la historia cultural e intelectual’, in Guillermo Palacios (ed.), Ensayos sobre la nueva historia política de América Latina, Siglo XIX (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2007), pp. 121–2.

42 Mallon, Peasant and Nation, p. 97.

43 Ibid., pp. 73–5, 83–4.

44 Democratic patriarchy referred to the politics of 1855–67, with National Guards and pasados as protagonists. Ibid., pp. 74–84, 88.

45 Ibid., p. 71.

46 Ibid., p. 63.

47 I have not found the term ‘communal assembly’ in documentation of this period (Mallon possibly borrowed it from twentieth-century anthropology); meeting minutes were called ‘Actas’ and one may find ‘Actas de sesiones’, ‘de reuniones’, ‘de junta popular’, etc. The first referred to regular (generally weekly) meetings of municipal authorities; the latter two were more likely to include participants other than the legally sanctioned authorities. ‘Acta levantada en la Junta Popular’, San Miguel Tzinacapan (Cuetzalan), 11 April 1875, Archivo de la Junta Auxiliar de San Miguel Tzinacapan, box 16, Presidencia, ‘Exp. no. 36 bis’; ‘Borrador de Oficios 1876’, Huehuetla, entry for 15 June 1876 and ‘Libro de sesiones de la Junta Municipal’, Huehuetla, entries for 6 Aug. and 16 Oct. 1878, Archivo Municipal de Huehuetla, box 2; and ‘Acta del Barrio de la Cañada’, 4 March 1894, Archivo Municipal de Tetela, box 161 bis, Gobierno, ‘Exp. suscrición voluntaria’.

48 Mallon, Peasant and Nation, p. 71; María Teresa Sierra Camacho, El ejercicio discursivo de la autoridad en asambleas comunales: Metodología y análisis del discurso oral (Mexico City: CIESAS, 1987).

49 Mallon's discussion of her sources for describing patrilocality is more cautious: she acknowledges in her endnotes that she is using ethnographies with descriptions given by people who were young in the early twentieth century, and assuming the situation was probably similar in the second half of the nineteenth century. Mallon, Peasant and Nation, p. 368.

50 For criticism of ethnographic upstreaming, see John K. Chance, ‘Mesoamerica’s Ethnographic Past’, Ethnohistory, 43: 3 (1996), pp. 380, 382, 391–5; Alejandro Araujo, ‘La etnohistoria en México: Un intento por normar las relaciones entre la historia y la antropología’, in Marín and Torres-Mazuera (eds.), Antropología e historia en México, pp. 97–8, 105–6, 112, 115, 120.

51 Mallon, Peasant and Nation, p. 66.

52 The concept of cargo system itself emerged from the 1930s to the 1960s and needs fundamental revision. José Luis Escalona, ‘Etnoargumento y sustancialismo en el pensamiento antropológico: Hacia una perspectiva relacional’, Interdisciplina, 4: 9 (2016), pp. 81–6 and ‘Encapsulated History: Evon Vogt and the Anthropological Making of the Maya’, in López and Acevedo-Rodrigo (eds.), Beyond Alterity, pp. 247–50, 255–6.

53 Mallon, Peasant and Nation, p. 84.

54 Thomson, ‘Bulwarks of Patriotic Liberalism’, p. 38 (quote); ‘Agrarian Conflict in the Municipality of Cuetzalan (Sierra de Puebla): The Rise and Fall of “Pala” Agustín Dieguillo, 1861–1894’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 71: 2 (1991), pp. 205–58; ‘¿Convivencia o conflicto?’ Guerra, etnia y nación en el México del siglo XIX’, in Pani (ed.), Nación, Constitución y Reforma, pp. 205–37.

55 She also applies this type of argument to land disentailment. Mallon, Peasant and Nation, pp. 5, 221, 315.

56 For a similar criticism of the equation between Indigenous community, corporativism and egalitarianism as it pertains to land tenure, see Emilio Kourí, ‘Interpreting the Expropriation of Indian Pueblo Lands in Porfirian Mexico: The Unexamined Legacies of Andrés Molina Enríquez’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 82: 1 (2002), pp. 69–117.

57 Romana Falcón, ‘Indígenas y justicia durante la era juarista: El costo social de la “contribución de sangre” en el Estado de México’, in Antonio Escobar (ed.), Los pueblos indios en los tiempos de Benito Juárez, 1847–1872 (Mexico City: UAM, 2007), p. 125 (quote). Antonio Escobar, José Marco Medina and Zulema Trejo, ‘Introducción. ¿Para qué dialogar sobre el liberalismo?’, in Escobar et al. (eds.), Los efectos del liberalismo en México, pp. 12–3.

58 For eventual effective support for liberal ayuntamientos, see Juan Ortiz Escamilla and José Antonio Serrano, ‘Introducción’, in Escamilla and Serrano (eds.), Ayuntamientos, p. 14.

59 These problems are often remarked upon but remain unaddressed: Roberto Breña, ‘The Cádiz Liberal Revolution and Spanish American Independence’, in John Tutino (ed.), New Countries: Capitalism, Revolution and Nations in the Americas, 1750–1870 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016), pp. 94–5; Knight, Bandits and Liberals, pp. 4–5.

60 Knight, The Mexican Revolution, vol. 1, pp. 150–70; ‘Weapons and Arches in the Mexican Revolutionary Landscape’, in Joseph and Nugent (eds.), Everyday Forms of State Formation, pp. 33–54; John Tutino, From Insurrection to Revolution in Mexico: Social Bases of Agrarian Violence, 1750–1940 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986); Romana Falcón (ed.), Culturas de pobreza y resistencia: Estudios de marginados, proscritos y descontentos, México 1804–1910 (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 2005); Marino, Huixquilucan; James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976); Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985).

61 John Tutino, ‘La negociación de los estados nacionales, el debate de las culturas nacionales: Peasant and Nation en la América Latina del siglo XIX’, Historia Mexicana, 46: 3 (1996), p. 557, my translation.

62 Keith Brewster, Militarism, Ethnicity and Politics in the Sierra Norte de Puebla (Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2003), p. 15.

63 For similar assumptions, see Leticia Reina, Historia del Istmo de Tehuantepec: Dinámica del cambio sociocultural, siglo XIX (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), 2013), p. 31; Cultura política y formas de representación indígena en México, siglo XIX (Mexico City: INAH, 2015), p. 132.

64 Brewster, Militarism, pp. 15, 23, 34, 68. James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990).

65 See, for instance, Erika Pani, ‘Introducción’, in Pani (ed.), Nación, Constitución y Reforma, p. 17.

66 Brewster, Militarism, pp. 34–5.

67 Ibid., p. 33; Jesús Hernández Jaimes, ‘Actores indios y estado nacional: Las rebeliones indígenas en el sur de México, 1842–1846’, Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México, 26 (July−Dec. 2003), pp. 31–6. By contrast, see evidence of ordinary supporters’ knowledge of the small print of proclamations in court hearings and awareness of political programmes: Guardino, The Time of Liberty, pp. 73–80; ‘Connected Communities’, pp. 74–6; Michael Ducey, ‘Indigenous Communities, Political Transformations, and Mexico's War of Independence in the Gulf Coast Region’, in López and Acevedo-Rodrigo (eds.), Beyond Alterity, pp. 99–100.

68 For arguments in favour of the efficacy of popular adherence to political ideologies, see Thomson, ‘¿Convivencia o conflicto?’, pp. 216–7; Knight, ‘Weapons and Arches’, p. 29.

69 Brewster, Militarism, p. 33.

70 Ibid., p. 34 (quote); Tutino, ‘La negociación’, pp. 555–8. For similar arguments for other regions, see Hernández, ‘Actores indios’, pp. 22–9; Escobar et al., ‘Introducción’, p. 13.

71 Thomson and LaFrance, Patriotism, Politics and Popular Liberalism; Ariadna Acevedo-Rodrigo, ‘Paying for Progress: School Taxes, Municipal Government, and Liberal State Building, Cuetzalan and Huehuetla, Mexico, 1876–1930’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 99: 4 (2019), pp. 649–80.

72 Antonio Annino, ‘Cádiz y la revolución territorial de los pueblos mexicanos 1812–1821’, in Antonio Annino (ed.), Historia de las elecciones en Iberoamérica, siglo XIX: De la formación del espacio político nacional (Buenos Aires: FCE, 1995), pp. 177–226; ‘Ciudadanía versus gobernabilidad republicana en México: Los orígenes de un dilema’, in Hilda Sabato (ed.), Ciudadanía política y formación de las naciones: Perspectivas históricas de América Latina (Mexico City: FCE, 1999), pp. 62–93; Sabato, Republics of the New World, pp. 50–88.

73 Reina, Cultura política, pp. 201–31, 244–64, 272.

74 Thomson and LaFrance, Patriotism, Politics and Popular Liberalism, pp. 241–78; Schaefer, Liberalism as Utopia, pp. 161–203.

75 Reina, Cultura política, p. 36.

76 Ibid., pp. 47–61.

77 Annino, ‘Cádiz’, pp. 178–9; ‘Ciudadanía’, pp. 62–6, 86–93.

78 Reina, Cultura política, pp. 44, 57.

79 Ibid., p. 161.

80 Ibid., pp. 57–9, 89, 95.

81 Ibid., pp. 28, 60–1, 101, 269.

82 Ibid., pp. 57–61.

83 Ibid., pp. 27, 122, 129, 268–70.

84 Ibid., pp. 27–8, 42.

85 Ibid., pp. 27, 106–34.

86 John K. Chance and William B. Taylor, ‘Cofradías and Cargos: An Historical Perspective on the Mesoamerican Civil-Religious Hierarchy’, American Ethnologist, 12: 1 (1985), p. 2; Jan Rus and Mark Wasserstrom, ‘Civil-Religious Hierarchies in Central Chiapas: A Critical Perspective’, American Ethnologist, 7: 3 (1980), pp. 466–78.

87 Reina, Cultura política, p. 111; Mallon, Peasant and Nation, pp. 65–6, 367–8.

88 Johannes Fabian, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014), Chapter 2.

89 Araujo, ‘La etnohistoria’, p. 98.

90 Escobar, Medina and Trejo, ‘Introducción’, in Escobar et al. (eds.), Los efectos del liberalismo en México, pp. 12–3.

91 Escalona, ‘Etnoargumento’, p. 84.

92 Paula López Caballero, ‘Domesticating Social Taxonomies: Local and National Identifications as Seen through Susan Drucker's Anthropological Fieldwork in Jamiltepec, Oaxaca, Mexico, 1957–1963’, Hispanic American Historical Review, 100: 2 (2020), pp. 285–321; ‘Inhabiting Identities’, pp. 6–7.

93 Caplan, Indigenous Citizens, pp. 154–5.

94 Palti, El tiempo de la política, p. 123. A similar point was made by James Lockhart regarding the Hispanic and the Indian, and was revisited by Guardino, ‘Connected Communities’, p. 76.

95 Palti, El tiempo de la política, p. 125.

96 Ibid., pp. 18–20, 44–56, 95, 123–7, 254–8.

97 See, for instance, Ducey, ‘El reto’, pp. 233–65; also note that Guardino seems to give equal weight to old and new practices when discussing Villa Alta's government but in his conclusions argues that the weight of change was more significant. Guardino, The Time of Liberty, contrast pp. 272–4 with 275–6, 286–91.

98 Contrast pp. 63, 86–91 with pp. 65, 92 in Annino, ‘Ciudadanía’. Annino argued for ‘assimilation’ to replace ‘syncretism’ because in this new term the practices blending together are no longer seen as opposites. Yet it is not clear which practice predominates, or whether a new logic develops. Annino, Silencios y disputas, pp. 27, 31, 319. Palti also notes Annino's ambivalence: El tiempo, pp. 87–8.

99 Romana Falcón, ‘Itinerarios de la negociación: Jefes políticos y campesinos comuneros ante las políticas agrarias liberales’, in Escobar et al. (eds), Los efectos del liberalismo en México, p. 142.

100 See note 8.

101 Ducey, ‘Indigenous Communities’, p. 101.

102 Schaefer, Liberalism as Utopia, p. 61.

103 Caplan, Indigenous Citizens, p. 220.

104 Ariadna Acevedo-Rodrigo, ‘Happy Together? “Indians”, Liberalism, and Schools in the Oaxaca and Puebla Sierras’, in López and Acevedo-Rodrigo (eds.), Beyond Alterity, pp. 107–29.