¹ The cult of the Phrygian Mother goddess has been the subject of a number of special studies. For a general overview, see Vermaseren, M. J., Cybele and Attis (Leiden 1977Google Scholar), although this work deals primarily with the goddess's Roman cult and is less critical about the Phrygian material. For a careful review of Phrygian and Greek cult images of the goddess, see Naumann, Kybele 39–100; for cult images of the goddess at Gordion, see Mellink, Comments. On the pre-Phrygian background of the cult, see Laroche, E., ‘Koubaba, Deésse anatolienne et le problème des origines de Cybèle’, Éléments orientaux dans la religion grecque ancienne (Paris 1960) 113–128Google Scholar. For general reviews of Phrygian cult practices, see Mellink, M. J., ‘Temples and high places in Phrygia,’ Temples and high places in Biblical times (Jerusalem 1981) 96–104Google Scholar, and Roller, L. E., ‘Phrygian myth and cult,’ Source vii (1988) 43–50Google Scholar.

² Brixhe, C., ‘Le nom de Cybèle,’ Die Sprache xxv (1979) 40–45Google Scholar. The name matar occurs ten times in Phrygian epigraphical texts, seven times alone, once with the epithet areyastin, and twice with the epithet kubileya; see Brixhe, C. and Lejeune, M., Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes (Paris 1984Google Scholar) nos. M-01c, M-01d I, M-01d II, M-01c, W-01b, W-03, W-06, W-01a, W-04, B-01.

³ Mellink, Comments, pl. 70; Naumann, Kybele pl. 5, 3. Prayon, F., Phrygische Plastik (Tübingen 1987) pl. 5cGoogle Scholar.

⁴ Other early Phrygian representations of the goddess from Gordion include a red stone statuette, Mellink, Comments pl. 73, 1, Prayon (n.3) pl. 16f; an alabaster figure, Mellink, pl. 73, 2, Prayon pl. 16c (in this piece the position of the arms is reversed); and a limestone relief, Mellink, pl. 73, 4, Prayon pl.9c. In the last representation the goddess is shown with arms extended out from her sides.

⁵ Two examples are illustrated by Mellink, Comments pl. 72, 1–3, Naumann, Kybele pl. 16, 1–2, Prayon (n.3) pl. 16a-b; and by Mellink, pl. 72, 4–5, Prayon, pl. 16d-e.

⁶ Young, 1963 campaign pl. 83, fig. 6; Mellink, Comments pl. 73, 3; and Prayon (n.3) pl. 31e-f, illustrate a well-preserved alabaster example with a collar. For other examples in stone, see Mellink, M. J., ‘A votive bird from Anatolia,’ Expedition vi (1963–1964) 28–32Google Scholar, and Prayon, pl. 18d-e. For examples in terracotta and faience, see Romano, nos. 148–151, 153–155. There are also several unpublished examples of votive birds from Gordion in stone, ivory, and silver.

⁷ Reliefs depicting the goddess in a similar costume and pose, and with the same attributes, are known from BahÇelievler, in Ankara, Temizer, R., Anatolia iv (1959) 179–187Google Scholar (see also Naumann, Kybele pl. 5, 2, and Prayon [n. 3] pl. 9a), and from Ayaş, Bittel, K., ‘Phrygisches Kultbild aus Boğazköy,’ Antike Plastik ii (Berlin 1963) 15Google Scholar n. 51, pl. 11c, d; Prayon, pl. 2a-b. The goddess appears in the same costume and pose, but with different attributes in a well-known relief from Boğazköy; here she is shown holding a round object, perhaps a pomegranate, across her chest in her right hand, and is accompanied by two small male figures, one of which plays a lyre, the other the double pipe. See Bittel, 7–21, pl. 1–8; Naumann, pl. 7, 1; and Prayon, pl. 3a-c. A cult relief from Etlik, in Ankara, depicts the goddess accompanied by a winged fantastic creature; see Naumann, pl. 5, 4; Prayon, pl. 9b. Naumann, Kybele 62–88, discusses the cult reliefs of the goddess from central Phrygia as a group; see also Prayon 39–41.

⁸ All of the Gordion reliefs of the goddess and her attendants appear to be later than the Kimmerian destruction at the site in the early seventh century BC, although there are are terracotta hawks and representations of hawks among material of the eighth century. The Boğazköy goddess was found in an archaeological stratum dated by the excavators to the late seventh or sixth century BC (Bittel, n. 7, 7–8), but early cult activity is attested by an eighth century B.C. shrine with representations of birds of prey, cf. Beran, T., ‘Eine Kultstätte phrygischer Zeit in Boğazköy,’ Mitt. Deutsch. Or. Ges. xciv (1963) 33–52Google Scholar. For other comments on chronology, see Mellink, Comments 359, and the dates assigned by Naumann, Kybele 294–296, and by Prayon (n.3) 20–31.

⁹ Temizer (n.7), 179–187, and Bittel (n.7), 12–14, have argued that the Phrygian cult reliefs of Cybele reflect East Greek influence, citing the handling of the drapery in the goddess' garment and the presence of the bird, analogous with the pet doves held by several East Greek korai, as evidence of Greek, specifically Samian stylistic traits. F. Prayon, (n.3) 71–79, esp. 76, also argued that Greek prototypes lay behind these reliefs. The raptor, or bird of prey held by the goddess is, however, quite different in appearance and function from a pet dove. Moreover, the tradition of plasticity in sculpture is well demonstrated by Neo-Hittite monuments, and the costume worn by the Phrygian Mother is very close to that found on Neo-Hittite images depicting the goddess Kubaba. See Mellink, Comments 354, and Naumann, Kybele 27–38.

¹⁰ Mellink, Comments 354–355. The relationship of the Phrygian goddess to a Neo-Hittite antecedent will be discussed further in L. E. Roller, ‘The Phrygian character of Kybele: the formation of an iconography and cult ethos in the Iron Age,’ Proceedings of the third international Anatolian Iron Age symposium (forthcoming).

¹¹ Mellink, Comments 351–352.

¹² Almost every building in the Phrygian city, both the Kimmerian destruction and post-destruction levels, is in the form of an Anatolian megaron, with the result that no plan of any one building is distinctive enough to suggest use as a temple. Young, R. S., Gordion: A guide to the excavations and museum (Ankara 1968) 28Google Scholar, suggested that Megaron 4, a late eighth century BC structure, may have been a temple, basing his suggestion on the fact that the building was constructed on a terrace. Mellink, Comments 356–359, proposed that Megaron 2 of the same level be identified as a temple. Her hypothesis was based largely on the presence of graffiti depicting birds of prey and architectural structures resembling Phrygian megara on the walls of Megaron 2. Such graffiti are, however, also found on other classes of objects, including pottery and stone vessels, as well as on the city walls, and thus are unlikely to define the function of Megaron 2. Both suggestions, moreover, are unsupported by any finds of cult objects within the buildings.

¹³ Note especially the important inscription on one of the goddess's cult reliefs in Midas City, Haspels, HoP 289, no. 1, and Brixhe and Lejeune (n.2), no. M-01a. The texts states that the monument was a dedication by Ates to Midas. Both of these are names which figure prominently among Anatolian rulers. For a possible interpretation of these royal names, see Roller (n.1) 48–49.

¹⁴ As we will see below, the break between the earlier Phrygian and Hellenistic Greek material at Gordion comes not with the visit of Alexander to the site in 333 BC (which apparently had little immediate impact on Gordion, see Winter, 8–12), but rather as a result of the closer relations between central and western Anatolia following Attalos I's victory over the Galatians in 241 BC. The three centuries following the rebuilding of the acropolis in Gordion in the early sixth century BC are, archaeologically, very imperfectly attested. The reasons for this lie in the confused stratigraphie record on the Gordion acropolis, caused by a severe earthquake in the early fourth century, and the disturbances resulting from subsequent efforts at rebuilding in the later fourth century. An unbroken sequence of imported Greek pottery clearly indicates that the site was continuously inhabited during this time, but only rarely has it been possible to determine a more precise chronological sequence for other classes of locally made material. For a discussion of the Classical and early Hellenistic chronology, see Winter, 37–44; Roller, Texts 103–104; and DeVries, K., ‘The Gordion excavation seasons of 1969–1973 and subsequent research,’ AJA xciv (1990) 399–400Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Several unpublished figurines depicting birds of prey, in stone, clay, ivory, and silver, were found in these chronologically mixed contexts. There is also one unpublished figurine fragment of a female head wearing a polos; this may represent the goddess herself. While none can be dated precisely, as a group they demonstrate that the cult of the goddess continued to flourish during fifth and fourth centuries.

¹⁶ Unpublished, Gordion inventory no. S 106.

¹⁷ Naumann, Kybele 118–124, especially no. 46, a statuette from Takmaköy, a village near Eskişehir. The piece depicts a seated woman on a throne with her arms drawn across her body, as in the Gordion figurine. Like the Gordion piece, the figure is carved in the round and not attached to a architectural frame.

¹⁸ Naumann, Kybele 117–118. de La Genière, J., ‘De la Phrygie à Locres Épizéphyrienne: les chemins de Cybèle,’ MEFR xcvii (1985) 704Google Scholar. See also infra, n.46.

¹⁹ Mellink, Comments pl. 72, no.4–5, supra n. 5. This piece was included in the previous discussion because of its similarity to the early images of the goddess, but its absolute date, as well as that of the other attendant figure illustrated by Mellink, is very uncertain, particularly as the style and iconography of Gordion's cultic objects seem to have been very conservative.

²⁰ For a general discussion of the evidence for the Hellenistic period at Gordion, see Winter 5–52, and DeVries (n.14) 400–405.

²¹ Gordion inventory no. S 81, illustrated by Young, 1963 campaign 280, pl. 83, fig. 3. See also Naumann, Kybele no. 565, and Hanfmann, G. M. A. and Waldbaum, J. C., ‘Kybebe and Artemis,’ Archaeology xxii (1969) 268Google Scholar.

²² Gordion inventory number S 103, discussed briefly by Roller, L. E., ‘A Hellenistic statuette from Gordion’, AJA xc (1986) 209Google Scholar. See also Roller, Texts, 111–112, no. 6, pl. 24c and Winter, F. A., ‘Phrygian Gordion during the Hellenistic period,’ Source vii (1988) 62Google Scholar, fig. 1–2.

²³ Only a few brief comments on the terracotta images of the goddess will be made here, since the entire corpus of Gordion terracottas will soon be published by Irene B. Romano (for the full citation, see the short abbreviations preceding the notes). I am grateful to Dr. Romano for sharing her information and her manuscript in press with me.

²⁴ Gordion inventory no. T 13/T 19 = Romano, cat. no. 53.

²⁵ Gordion inventory no. T 61 a and b = Romano, cat. no. 58.

²⁶ Gordion inventory no. T 6 = Romano, cat. no. 59, illustrated in Naumann, Kybele no. 537, pl. 39, 3, and CCCA I, no. 54; and Gordion inventory no. T 53/T 115 = Romano, cat. no. 61.

²⁷ Gordion inventory no. T 34 = Romano, cat. no. 60.

²⁸ Gordion inventory no. T 35 = Romano, cat. no. 52, illustrated in Young, 1952 campaign 7, fig. 3; Naumann, Kybele no. 626, pl. 47, 4; CCCA I, no. 52.

²⁹ Gordion inventory no. T 7 = Romano, cat. no. 57, illustrated in Naumann, Kybele no. 617, pl. 47, 2; CCCA I, no. 53.

³⁰ Young, 1963 campaign 280, pl. 83, 4.

³¹ Young, 1963 campaign 280, pl. 83, 5. Roller, Texts 128 no. 52, pl. 25a.

³² Unpublished, Gordion inventory number S 83.

³³ Roller, Texts 111–112, no. 6.

³⁴ Roller, Texts 110–111 no. 3.

³⁵ A fourth century BC inscription from Thera, IG xii, 3, no. 436, records the boundary of the precinct of the Mother of the Gods, also dedicated to Agathe Tyche. Agathe Tyche is one of the divinities coupled with the goddess Agdistis, another name for the Mother, in a second century BC text from Philadelphia, Weinreich, O., ‘Stiftung und Kultsatzungen eines Privatheiligtums in Philadelphia in Lydien,’ SBHeidelberg 1919, 16Google Scholar. Abhandlungen, 1–68 = SIG ³ 985; CCCA I, no. 489.

³⁶ The figurines of the goddess are: Gordion inventory no. T 7 and T 6 = Romano, cat. nos. 57 and 59. I am grateful to Dr. Romano for sharing her information on the context of the terracotta figurines. For the location of Level 2 House, see Young, 1951 campaign 5, pl. 2, and Winter (n.22) 64–65 and fig. 4.

³⁷ One building from the Hellenistic levels at Gordion has been proposed as a candidate for a temple, a substantial structure with a mosaic floor, known as the Mosaic Building, see Young, 1951 campaign 11–14. Its construction probably dates from the late fourth century BC. No identifying artifacts were found in it, and so its function is unknown. Young, op. cit. 14, suggested that it might have been a residence for an Achaemenian dignitary. We should note, however, that less than half of the settlement has been excavated.

³⁸ Gordion was abandoned in 189 BC as a result of the military operations of the Roman consul Cn. Manlius Volso (Livy xxxviii 18.11–14). After a hiatus of approximately two centuries a small Roman settlement occupied the site. The Roman remains, as yet very imperfectly known, have not yielded any information on the cult of the Mother

³⁹ Young, 1963 campaign 280. Cox, D. H., ‘Gordion hoards III, IV, V, and VII,’ ANSMN xii (1966) 49–55Google Scholar. The coins in question form Gordion hoard VII.

⁴⁰ The name of the goddess, Kybelas, appears in a late seventh century BC inscription from Lokroi, Guarducci, M., ‘Cibele in un' epigrafe arcaica di Locri Epizefirî,’ Klio lii (1970) 133–138Google Scholar. See Burkert, W., Greek religion (English ed., Cambridge 1985) 177–178Google Scholar, and La Genière (n.18) 693–694.

⁴¹ Reinach, S., ‘Statues archaïques de Cybèlè découvertes a Cymé,’ BCH xiii (1889) 543–560CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Will, E., ‘Aspects du culte et de la légende de la Grande Mère dans le monde grec,’ Éléments orientaux dans la religion grecque ancienne (Paris 1960) 95–111Google Scholar. Naumann, Kybele 101–155.

⁴² The cult monuments of Kybele in western Phrygia are discussed by Haspels, HoP 73–111, and Naumann, Kybele 41–62.

⁴³ Haspels, HoP, fig. 186–191. The lion, however, is not nearly so frequently represented with the goddess in Phrygian sculpture as is often assumed. Of the sculpted monuments in the Phrygian highlands, only the Arslankaya monument depicts the Mother goddess actually holding lions. The monument known as Büyük Kapikaya (Haspels, HoP 87, fig. 183–184) may have had lions placed on either side of the figure of the goddess.

⁴⁴ Note the Greek examples published by Naumann, Kybele nos. 37–43, from Miletos and Smyrna, and from Lydia, the miniature temple shrine from Sardis, Hanfmann, G. M. A. and Ramage, N. H., Sculpture from Sardis: the finds through 1975 (Cambridge and London 1975) 43–51Google Scholar, no. 7, Naumann, no. 34.

The attribute of bird of prey, the most common attribute of the Mother in central Phrygia, does find an echo in Ionian Greek cult, in the figurines of hawks and hawk-priestesses found at the Archaic Artemision of Ephesos. These may well imply that the cult of the Greek goddess Artemis in Anatolia absorbed some of the elements of the Anatolian Mother goddess. There are, however, no Ionian depictions of the Mother goddess herself with a bird of prey. For examples of hawks and hawk-priestesses at Ephesos, see Jacobsthal, P., ‘The date of the Ephcsian foundation deposit,’ JHS lxxi (1951) 85–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pl. 34–36, and Akurgal, E., Die Kunst Anatoliens (Berlin 1961) 204–210Google Scholar, fig. 167–175. On the relationship between Artemis and the Mother, see Hanfmann, G. M. A., ‘On the gods of Lydian Sardis,’ Beiträge zur Altertumskunde Kleinasiens (Mainz 1983) 219–225Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Reinach (n.41) pl. 8. Naumann, Kybele 117–149.

⁴⁶ La Genière (n. 18); eadem, ‘Le culte de la mère des dieux dans le Péloponnèse,’ CRAI 1986, 29–48.

⁴⁷ Pausanias i.3.5; Arrian Periplous 9; Pliny, NH xxxvi. 17. For an attempt to reconstruct the statue, see von Salis, A., ‘Die Göttermuter des Agorakritos.’ JdI xxviii (1913) 1–28Google Scholar. For an evaluation of the surviving copies of this work, see Despines, G. I., Symbole ste melete tou ergou tou Agorakritou (Athens 1971) 111–123Google Scholar, and Naumann, Kybele 159–169.

⁴⁸ CCCA I and II illustrate examples from virtually the entire Greek world, including all major cities on the mainland of Greece, on the islands, and in Anatolia.

⁴⁹ Note, for example, the fourth century sculpture found in the Piraeus, CCCA II, no. 307, Naumann, Kybele no. 123, pl. 22,1. The type is also common in statuettes from many Greek sites, see CCCA II, nos. 53, 55, 67, 71, 81, 98, 121, 166, 210, 215–218, 354, 357 (all from Attica); 571 (from Samos). While most of these date from the second century BC or later, they were clearly derived from the earlier prototype.

⁵⁰ The goddess with lion and tympanum derives directly from the work of Agorakritos, cf. Arrian, Periplous 9. For extant examples from the Classical period, see Naumann, Kybele 182–183, type 2 r.

⁵¹ The goddess with lion on her lap is by far the most common type, see the examples listed in CCCA II, 238. For the goddess with the tympanum and lion at her feet, see Naumann, Kybele 182–183, type 2f. Representations of the goddess with tympanum and patera only include CCCA II, nos. 222, 239, 368, 399, 461, 509–510, 521, 527, 570, 640, 724. For Greek examples of Cybele seated on a lion, see Naumann, Kybele,263–268, nos. 610–617. On terracotta figurines of the goddess, see Naumann, 269–274.

⁵² The rendering of the drapery has close parallels with several fourth century B. C. works, including one of the Muses on the Mantinea Base, Richter, G. M. A., Sculpture and sculptors of the Greeks (New Haven 1970Google Scholar) fig. 727 left, and the figure of Persephone on Eleusinian reliefs, Mylonas, G., Eleusis and the Eleusinian Mysteries (Princeton 1961Google Scholar) fig. 74; Peschlow-Bindokat, A., ‘Demeter und Persephone in der attischen Kunst des 6. bis 4. Jahrhundert,’ JdI lxxxvii (1972) 155Google Scholar, fig. 54. For a discussion of the type, see Kabus-Jahn, R., Studien zu Frauenfiguren des vierten Jahrten-hunderts vor Christus (Darmstadt 1963) 1–22Google Scholar. A similar treatment of drapery can be found in Hellenistic works, see Kabus-Jahn, 19, pl. 5–6, a 2nd century BC work in Copenhagen. Less direct parallels can be noted in the Serving Maid of Anzio, Havelock, C., Hellenistic art (New York 1961Google Scholar) fig. 116, and in various statues of Muses, Bieber, M., Sculpture of the Hellenistic age (New York 1961Google Scholar) fig. 498, 501. The precise identification of the Gordion torch-bearing woman will be discussed below.

⁵³ The figurines from Pergamon: Gordion inventory no. T 7 = Romano, cat. no. 57, Gordion inventory no. T 61 a and b = Romano, cat. no. 58, Gordion inventory no. T 6 = Romano, cat. no. 59; the Black Sea figurines: Gordion inventory no. T 34 = Romano, cat. no. 60, Gordion inventory no. T 53/T 115 = Romano, cat. no. 61. Other fragmentary figurines of the goddess may also be Greek imports, although their exact provenience is unknown. I owe this information to the kindness of Irene B. Romano.

⁵⁴ Many of the numerous examples of worked alabaster from Gordion are discussed by Zouck, N. P., Turned and hand-carved alabaster from Gordion (Ph. D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania; Ann Arbor, University Microfilms 1974Google Scholar).

⁵⁵ CCCA I, no. 330.

⁵⁶ Winter, F., Altertümer von Pergamon vii (Berlin 1908) 69–71Google Scholar, no. 45, pl. 12. Bieber (n.52) 119, fig. 474. Naumann, Kybele, no. 554, pl. 41, 1–2.

⁵⁷ The find spot of the work in Berlin suggests that it originally stood in the Megalesium, known to be the principal sanctuary of Cybele within the city of Pergamon. Varro, LL vi 15; Ohlemutz, E., Die Kulte und Heiligtümer der Götter in Pergamon (Würzburg 1940Google Scholar, repr. Darmstadt 1968) 184–185.

⁵⁸ For a close parallel with the Gordion figurine of the goddess riding on a lion, see Conze, A. and Schazmann, P., Mamurt Kaleh, JdI Ergänzungsheft ix (1911) pl. 12Google Scholar, 3. Note also the figurine holding a lion and patera, Gordion inventory no. T6 = Romano, cat. no. 59, and compare this with the figurine illustrated by Topperwein, E., Terrakotten vom Pergamott, Pergamenischer Forschungen iii (Berlin 1976) pl. 30Google Scholar, no. 188.

⁵⁹ Holloway, R., AJA lxii (1958) 223Google Scholar. Romano, forthcoming.

⁶⁰ For Greek imports during the sixth and fifth centuries, see Sams, G. K., ‘Imports at Gordion,’ Expedition xxi (1979) 6–17Google Scholar, and DeVries, K., ‘Phrygians and Hellenization,’ AJA lxxxvii (1983) 232Google Scholar. Greek pottery imported during the Hellenistic period is discussed by Winter, 272–284.

⁶¹ See V. Grace, ‘Assortment and dating of Gordion stamped amphora handles,’ (unpublished, available through the Gordion Office, University Museum, Philadelphia). On Hellenistic coins at Gordion, see Cox, D. H., A third century hoard of tetradrachms from Gordion (Philadelphia 1953Google Scholar) and n. 33.

⁶² Young, 1951 campaign 6. Winter, 283–84.

⁶³ Roller, Texts 107.

⁶⁴ This is further suggested by the use of Greek letters and Greek spelling to write common Phrygian names at Gordion. Note, for example, Roller, Texts nos. 1, 48, 51. See also Winter 283–84, and Winter (n.22) 62–64.

⁶⁵ Strabo xii 5.1–2; Livy xxxviii.16. Winter, 45–48, argued that Gordion was actually abandoned for a little over a quarter of a century, basing his conclusions on the lack of imported Greek wares at the site during the period of 275–240 BC. There is, however, no observable break in the occupation levels during this time, and it seems more likely that people continued to live at Gordion, but that their commercial contacts with the Greek world were disrupted.

⁶⁶ Polybius xviii 41.7; Livy xxxiii 21.3; Pausanias i 8.2, × 15.2. Magie, D., Roman rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950) 6–7Google Scholar. On Pergamene relations with the Galatians, see Allen, R. E., The Attalid kingdom (Oxford 1983) 136–144Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Winter, F. A., ‘Late Classical and Hellenistic pottery from Gordion,’ AJA lxxvii (1973) 232–233Google Scholar, and Roller, Texts, nos. 56, 57, 60, and n.28. Winter (n.22) 64–68, reviewed the evidence for a Galatian presence at Gordion and concluded that Phrygians continued to form the majority of the population, but the opposite point of view was argued by DeVries (n.14) 371–406, esp.402–405. DeVries, noting the citation of Livy xxxviii 17.9, that the population in Galatia had adopted Greek language and customs, argued that the Greek texts in Gordion might be the work of Galatian residents and that the Hellenistic coin hoards might have resulted from Galatian military service.

⁶⁸ Winter, 48–49. DeVries (n.14) 401–402.

⁶⁹ On the cult of the Mother at Pergamon, see Ohlemutz (n.57) 174–191.

Pergamene influence at Gordion can also be detected in a series of large pithoi found in Level 2 house (n.36). Incised on the pithoi are marks denoting capacities, apparently using the Pergamene system of measurement. See Roller, L. E., Gordion special studies 1: the non-verbal graffiti, dipinti, and stamps (Philadelphia 1987) 63–65Google Scholar, nos. 3B-34 through 3B-38. Level 2 House is also the structure in which two Pergamene figurines of the goddess were found, perhaps suggesting that Pergamene Greeks were living there.

⁷⁰ Hesiod, Theogony 1–103. Nilsson, M., Geschichte der griechischen Religion (Munich 1955) 253–255Google Scholar. On the Muses as patrons of the arts, see Hesiod, Theogony 26–28; Odyssey viii 488.

⁷¹ On the Thracian origin of the Muses' cult, see Strabo × 3.17. The cult of the Muses is attested in Athens, IG i² 324. 62 and 91; in Boiotia, SIG ³ 457 and 1117; on Teos, SIG ³ 578; on Chios, SIG ³ 959; and on Cos, SIG ³ 1000. For evidence of the cult in Thespia, see Roux, G., ‘Le val des Muses et les Musées chez les auteurs anciens,’ BCH lxxviii (1954) 22–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷² Euripides, Helen 1337–1352, and Bacchae 410 (cf. 72–88).

⁷³ Roller (n.22) 209, and Winter (n.22) 61. On Anatolian representations, see the lyre and flute players who accompany the goddess in the Phrygian statue from Boğazköy (Bittel, n. 7), and also the statuette of Roman date published by Tunay, M. I., ‘A Terracotta Statuette of Cybele,’ Belleten xxxvi (1972) 137–143Google Scholar = CCCA I, no. 200. On music in the Greek cult of the goddess, see Herodotos iv 76; Plato, Crito 54d. The tympanum was a standard attribute in Greek representations of the goddess from at least the fifth century BC, cf. von Salis (n.47).

⁷⁴ See n.35.

⁷⁵ For the inscription, see n.35. On Agdistis as equivalent to the Mother, see Strabo × 3.12, p. 469; Haspels, HoP 199–200.

⁷⁶ A general similarity of the sculptural representations of Tyche and of the Mother may have encouraged the association of the two deities, for both Tyche and the Mother are depicted as mature women, seated, and wearing a similar conformation of chiton and mantle. Note especially Tyche figures which appear on coins, cf. Fleischer, R., ‘Die Tyche des Demetrios I. von Syrien,’ AAnz 1986, 699–706Google Scholar, fig. 3, 5, and 6.

⁷⁷ Demeter holds a torch in the Parthenon frieze, Robertson, M. and Frantz, A., The Parthenon frieze (New York 1975Google Scholar) fig. IV, 25. For other examples, see Peschlow-Bindokat (n.52) 60–157, especially 84. Kore is frequently depicted with two torches, Peschlow-Bindokat 84–89; Metzger, H., Les représentations dans la céramique attique du IVe siècle (Paris 1951) 231–265, pl. 34Google Scholar, 1–3, 32, 33, 1–2. A torch-bearing Hekate appears as a companion of Demeter in Attic vase painting, see ARV ² 1012, 1; Metzger, 232. For representations of Artemis as torch-bearer, see LIMC II, 1, sv. ‘Artemis,’ nos. 407–528. We should note, however, that the long torch depicted as a tied bundle of sticks is particularly characteristic of Demeter and Kore, Landwehr, C., Die antiken Gipsabgüsse aus Baiae (Berlin 1985) 57–59Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Naumann, Kybele no. 135, fig. 25, 1; CCCA II, no. 310. The identity of this figure has been much disputed, and Kore, Demeter, Artemis, and Hekate have all been proposed. Naumann, 176 n. 61, calls the figure simply a young torch-bearing goddess, while Vermaseren considers her an attendant.

⁷⁹ These are all illustrated by Naumann, Kybele,no. 422, the relief from Lebadeia; no. 442, the silver plaque from Mesembria; no. 441, the plaster relief from Cairo.

⁸⁰ Reeder, E. D., ‘The Mother of the Gods and a Hellenistic bronze matrix,’ AJA xci (1987) 423–440CrossRefGoogle Scholar, fig. 1–4.

⁸¹ CCCA II, nos. 45, 54, 182, 339, 425.

⁸² Herodotos iv 76; Pindar, Pythian 3.77–79. Fränkel, M., Inschriften von Pergamen (Berlin 1895Google Scholar) no. 334; see also Ohlemutz (n.57) 180–182. In general, see Gasparro, G. Sfameni, Soteriology and mystic aspects in the cult of Cybele and Attis (Leiden 1985) 9–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸³ Vassits, M., Die Fackel in Kultus und Kunst der Griechen (Belgrad 1900) 12Google Scholar. Landwehr (n.77) 59–60.

⁸⁴ Buluç, S., ‘Phrygian orthostat reliefs found in Ankara,’ AJA xcii (1988) 258Google Scholar, and ‘The architectural use of the animal and Kybele reliefs found in Ankara and its vicinity,’ Source vii (1988) 20–21.

⁸⁵ Mellink, Comments pl. 73, 4.

⁸⁶ Waelkens, M., Die kleinasiatischen Türsteine (Mainz 1986Google Scholar), esp. 7–8.

⁸⁷ Euripides, Helen 1301–1368. Schol. Aristophanes, Acharnians 708. Gasparro, G. Sfameni, ‘Connotazioni metroache di Demetra nel coro dell' “Elena”’, Hommages à Maarten J. Vermaseren (Leiden 1978) 1148–1187CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁸ Hanfmann and Waldbaum (n.21) 264–269. Reeder (n.80) 437. See also n. 44.

⁸⁹ Kraus, T., Hekate (Heidelberg 1960) 28–56Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Roller, Texts no. 52. See n.31.

⁹¹ Boehmer, R. M., Die Kleinfunde von Bogazköy. Bogazköy-Hattusas vii (Berlin 1972Google Scholar) no. 2144A, pl. 78; Prayon (n.3) pl. 35.

⁹² Young, 1963 campaign pl. 84, fig. 14. Mellink, Comments pl. 73, 1.

⁹³ Note, for example, the way the Mother is characterized in the Homeric Hymn to the Mother of the Gods (Hymn 14), or in the Bacchae, 72–82.

⁹⁴ For the Philadelphia inscription, see n.35. Note also CIG 3993, a second century AD text from Iconium, in which the Mother is again mentioned together with Savior Gods. In general, see Sfameni Gasparro (n.82) 115, Haspels, HoP 200, and Mitchell, S., Regional epigraphic catalogues of Asia Minor II, BAR International Series cxxxv (1982) 16Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ We can note a similar process at the important Phrygian site of Midas City, also a major center of cult for the Anatolian Mother. Here the citadel which had formed the main center of the earlier settlement was abandoned in the late fourth century BC, but evidence for the continuation of the cult, now Heilenized, in one of the Mother's sacred places has been found in the form of Hellenistic figurines and inscriptions from a small pit on the citadel. The Greek inscriptions, all of Roman date, state clearly that the sanctuary was dedicated to Mater Thea (or Theon) Agdistis. For the Hellenistic material from Midas City, see Haspels, C. H. E., Phrygie III, La Cité de Midas. Céramique et trouvailles diverses (Paris 1951) 7, 21–22Google Scholar, pl. 36–37, although according to Haspels, HoP 154 n. 43, only a small portion of the Hellenistic material has been published. For the inscribed monuments to the Mother see Haspels, HoP 194–202, and 295–301, nos. 1–16.

⁹⁶ Mellink (n. 1, Jerusalem 1981) 103–104. Naumann, Kybele 98–100.

Irene Romano has drawn my attention to another curious gap in the Gordion material relating to the cult of the Mother. In other East Greek centers one common type of terracotta figurine is the mantled dancer, also known as the Phrygian dancer, as in the material from Troy, Thompson, D. B., Troy, the terracotta figurines. Supplementary monograph III (Princeton 1963) 100–105Google Scholar, and Pergamon, Conze and Schazmann (n.58) pl. 12, nos. 6–8. These are generally interpreted as orgiastic dancers performing in the rites of Kybele. This class of figurine is almost totally absent at Gordion (one possible example, Romano, cat. no. 75). This suggests that such dances may have been limited to the goddess's Greek rituals, and had little place in her Phrygian cult.