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Guo Zhongshu's Archaeology of Writing

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 August 2019

Jonathan Hay*
Affiliation:
New York University, Institute of Fine Arts
*
*Corresponding author. Email: jh3@nyu.edu.

Extract

“Bird-tracks” and “tadpoles” are both names for ancient script. As customs changed, the script came to be used less and less, until any basis for knowledgeable discussion was lost and it was known only from hearsay. The Grand Preceptor said: “When the [forms of the] rites are lost, search for them in the countryside.” Might not ancient script be even better than the countryside?

The names of dozens of artists from the tenth century have come down to us, for the most part with very little information about their lives and scarcely more about their art. Fortunately, the life and professional career of Guo Zhongshu 郭忠恕 (928–977) can be reconstructed in enough detail to give a sense of the personality of the artist and the world that he experienced. Indeed, we are doubly fortunate because Guo, it turns out, had no ordinary life. Known to art historians today primarily as one of the great painters of architectural subjects in Chinese history, Guo entered adult life in a different guise, as a brilliant young paleographer and calligrapher. This aspect of his career, no less important than his painting, is the subject of the present study. Although specialists have recognized his scholarly and calligraphic achievements, we still lack a contextualized account that incorporates what can be known of his biography and social circumstances. More important for the theme of this special issue, the material dimension of Guo's paleographic and calligraphic activities also remains to be explored. Any discussion can only be very partial, however, since no manuscripts or autograph calligraphies survive, only stone steles; fortunately, Guo's engagement with stele production is in itself of the highest historical interest. The chronologically organized text that follows tells a biographical story, with as much detail as the available sources allow, which eventually opens out onto the material world of steles, before returning to biography to recount the last chapter of Guo Zongshu's life. Rather than offering a conclusion, I end with a reflection on the materialities of transmission of paleographic and calligraphic knowledge. For the purposes of this article I have not thought it necessary to choose between the very different lenses of biography and material culture, since my goal is not to prove a thesis but to reconstruct an unfamiliar world. As I hope to show, the understanding of one person's life can enrich the understanding of artifacts associated directly and indirectly with the person, and vice versa.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019 

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References

1 鳥迹科斗通謂古文。歴代俗, 斯文患寡目, 論臆㫁, 可得而聞。太史公曰:’礼失求諸野。’古文猶不愈於野乎?Zhongshu, Guo, Han jian 汗簡 (reprinted in Hanjian jianzheng 汗簡箋正, edited by Zhen, Zheng 鄭珍, Guangya shuju, 1889), 7.6aGoogle Scholar.

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3 Liu Daochun, Sheng chao minghua ping 聖朝名畫評 (Siku quanshu Wenyuan Ge edition under the title Song chao minghua ping 宋朝名畫評), 3.12a.

4 Tan yuan 談苑, cited in Lin Shuzhong 林樹中, “Guo Zhongshu de shengping, huihua, yu shufa” 郭忠恕的生平、繪畫與書法, Guangxi yishu xueyuan xuebao 廣西藝術學院學報 2007.4, 5–15. Citation on 5: “侍讀從祖宰天興.” It can thus be inferred that his mother's surname was Zai 宰.

5 Dongpo qiji 東坡七集 (Baohua'an, 1908), 20.17a, cited in Lin, “Guo Zhongshu de shengping,” 5.

6 See Zhizhong, Li 李致忠, “Wu dai banyin shilu yu wenxian jilu” 五代版印實錄與文獻記錄, Wenxian 文獻 2007.1, 314, especially 10Google Scholar. Strictly speaking, the Kaicheng Stone Classics numbered more than nine, since they included Zhou yi 周易, Shang shu 尚書, Mao shi 毛詩, Zhou li 周禮, Yi li 儀禮, Li ji 禮記, Chunqiu Zuoshi zhuan 春秋左氏傳, Chunqiu gongyang zhuan 春秋公羊傳, Chunqiu guliang zhuan 春秋穀梁傳, Xiaojing 孝經, Lunyu 論語, and Erya 爾雅 (as well as two appended later works, Wujing wenzi 五經文字 and Jiujing ziyang 九經字樣 [see below]). However, some of the works could be considered as together forming single classics, making the “Nine Classics” a term of convenience.

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12 Yongqiang, Su 蘇勇強, “Wudai keju yu shuji yinshua de guanxi” 五代科舉與書籍印刷的關係, Shehuikexuejia 社會科學家 2006.3, 184–87, especially 185Google Scholar; Hongmei, Zhu 朱紅梅, “Tang Song shiqi tongzike jidizhe rushi qingkuang kao” 唐宋時期童子科及第者入仕情況考, Suihuaxueyuan xuebao 綏化學院學報 2012.1, 5961Google Scholar.

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14 Wang, Cefu yuangui 642.9b. The confusion over Guo's birth date can be traced to an original document for the 934 examination that stated only “second year” without specifying the reign era, leading a document from the second year of Yingshun (934) to be mistakenly reclassified as second year of Tongguang (924).

15 Zhu Changwen (1039–1098), Mochi bian 墨池編 (Siku quanshu), preface 1066, 3.119b.

16 See Xianfeng, Sheng 盛險峰, “Wudai guanzue kaolun” 五代官學考論, Dongbei shida xuebao (zhexue shehuikexue ban) 東北師大學報(哲學社會科學版) 2004.1, 6370Google Scholar, see in particular 67.

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18 See a 929 memorial from the Directorate of Education in Wang, Cefu yuangui 604.29a–30a, “Xuexiao bu: zouyi disan” 學校部:奏議弟三. Cited by Shaolin, Guo 郭紹林, “Sui Tang Wudai Henan de jiaoyu he keju” 隋唐五代河南的教育和科舉, in Luoyang Sui Tang yanjiu, vol. 2 洛陽隋唐研究(第二輯), edited by Shaolin, Guo (Beijing: Qunyan, 2007), 142–43Google Scholar.

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20 Xuanhe huapu (Siku quanshu), 8.4a: “柴世宗, 以明經中科第歷官迄國朝.”

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23 See Shaolin, Guo 郭紹林, “Tang wudai Luoyang de keju huodong yu heluo wenhua de diwei” 唐五代洛陽的科舉活動與河洛文化的地位, Luoyang daxue xuebao 洛陽大學學報 2001.1, 914Google Scholar.

24 Tao Yue 陶嶽 (d. 1022), Wudai shi bu (Chanhua'an congshu, 1882), 5.10a. This report is part of a longer sentence that begins with his success in the children's examination but must surely refer to a slightly later moment.

25 As identified by Zheng Xuexia 鄭雪霞, “Guo Zhongshu ji qi jiehua yianjiu” 郭忠恕及其界畫研究 (M.A. thesis, Henan University, 2001), 5.

26 I am grateful to an anonymous reviewer and to Alain Thote, specialist of Warring States archaeology, for helping me to elucidate the significance of this anecdote.

27 Yingkun, Jin 金瀅坤, “Lun Tang wudai keju kaoshi yu wenzi de guanxi” 論唐五代科舉考試與文字的關係, Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (shehui kexue ban) 首都師範大學學報(社會科學版) 2007.3, 2128Google Scholar.

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29 See Wang Yingchen 汪應辰, “Ba Zhenguan zhengyao” 跋貞觀政要, in Wending ji 文定集 (Siku quanshu), 10.1a–b. Cited by Su, Tang Song shiqi de diaoban yinshua, 7.

30 See Zhizhong, Li, “Wu dai banyin shilu yu wenxian jilu,” Wenxian 2007.1, 314Google Scholar.

31 Li, “Wu dai banyin shilu yu wenxian jilu,” 10.

32 The four classics were the Zhou li, Yi li, Chunqiu gongyang zhuan, and Chunqiu guliang zhuan. Li, “Wu dai banyin shilu yu wenxian jilu,” 10–11.

33 Standen, Naomi, “What Nomads Want: Raids, Invasions and the Liao Conquest of 947,” in Mongols, Turks and Others: Eurasian Nomads and the Sedentary World, edited by Amitai, Reuven and Biran, Michal (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 129–74Google Scholar.

34 Standen, “What Nomads Want,” 129–74.

35 Recorded in Zhao Mingcheng 趙明誠 (1081–1129), Jinshi lu 金石錄 (Siku quanshu), 10.17a–b.

36 See Chun'e, Guo 郭春娥, “Wudai Wutaishan fojiao shi” 五代五台山佛教史, in Wutaishan yanjiu 五台山研究 1987.4, 1119Google Scholar, in particular 13. It should also be noted that Shi Chonggui commanded a transcription of the Tripitaka at the outset of his reign in 944.

37 Cited in Xianchu, Wan 萬獻初, “Kehong Yinyi yinqie de neirong, xingzhi ji qi zuoyong” 《可洪音義》音切的內容, 性質及其作用, Minsu dianji wenzi yanjiu diliuji 民俗典籍文字研究第六輯 (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2009), 260–71, see 260Google Scholar.

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39 Song shi 442.13087–13088, “Biography of Guo Zhongshu.” Recorded in Zhao Mingcheng, Jinshi lu 金石錄 10.17a–b. When the Later Han was founded in 947 under Liao protection, the Wuning Commandery in Xuzhou had been given to a Weizhou-born general, Wang Zhou 王周, who had very briefly served as a Liao dynasty Military Governor after losing the Zhenzhou garrison when the Liao invaded Later Jin earlier that year. Biography in Xin wudai shi 新五代史, juan 48, “Miscellaneous Biographies,” no. 36.

40 918: tomb of Wang Jian 王 (847–918); 924: tomb of Wang Chuzhi 王處直 (862–922); 925: tomb of Li Maozhen李茂貞 (856–924); 934: tomb of Meng Zhixiang 孟知祥 (874–934) and his consort; 943–945: tomb of Li Maozhen's consort; 948: tomb of Zhang Qianjian 張虔劍 (882–948); 958: tomb of Feng Hui 馮暉 (d. 894–953). See Hanyi, Feng 馮漢驥, Qian Shu Wang jian mu fajue baogao 前蜀王建墓發掘報告 (Beijing: Wenwu, 2002)Google Scholar; yanjiusuo, Hebei Sheng wenwu 河北省文物研究所, Wudai Wang Chuzhi mu 五代王处直墓 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1998)Google Scholar; guanlichu, Chengdu shi wenwu 成都市文物管理處, “Hou Shu Meng Zhixiang mu yu Fuqing changgongzhu muzhiming” 後蜀孟知祥墓與福慶長公主墓誌銘, Wenwu 文物 1982.3, 1520Google Scholar; guanlichu, Chengdu shi wenwu, “Chengdushi dongjiao Hou Shu Zhang Qianzhao mu” 成都市東郊後蜀張虔釗墓, Wenwu 1982.3, 2128Google Scholar; yanjiusuo, Xianyang shi wenwu kaogu 咸阳市文物考古研究所, Wu dai Feng hui mu 五代馮暉墓 (Chongqing: Chongqing, 2001)Google Scholar.

41 938 stele in honor of An Zhongrong 安重榮 (d. 942), see Zhiyong, Fan 樊志勇, “Hebei Zhengding jubei kaozheng” 河北正定巨碑考證, Wenwu shijie 文物世界 2010.2, 2327Google Scholar; 954 stele in honor of Wang Yan 王晏 (890–966), see Aiqin, Sun 孫愛芹, Kangwei, Ding 丁康唯, and Hongquan, Zheng 鄭洪全, “Du Jiangsu Xuzhou xin chutu ‘Taiyuan Wanggong dezhengbei’” 讀江蘇徐州新出土’太原王公德政碑’, Dongnan wenhua 東南文化 2014.1, 8492Google Scholar.

42 The name chuoxie taipan 綽楔臺盤 alludes to the two chuoxie wood pillars that were set up on either side of the front gate of a house to express devotion to filial piety.

43 Tao Gu, Qingyi lu 清異錄 (Siku quanshu), juanxia 21a–b.

44 Xue Juzheng, Jiu wudai shi, 105.3a–5a.

45 Recorded in Zhao, Jinshi lu, 30.12b. The text itself was composed by a certain Zhao Ying 趙穎.

46 Ouyang Xiu, Collected Records of the Past (Jigu lu 集古錄) (Siku quanshu), 10.15a; Zhao Mingcheng, Collected Records of Inscriptions in Bronze and Stone, 10.17b, entry no. 1990.

47 Han, Lin, Ziyuan pianpang xiaoshuo xu 《字源偏旁小說》序, in Zhu Changwen 朱長文, Mochi bian 墨池編, 中國藝術文獻叢刊 edition (Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin meishu, 2012), 2529Google Scholar.

48 His avowed models were earlier “Collected Explanations” of the Zuo zhuan and the Analects. On Li Han, see Hongyi, Gu 顧宏義, “Wudai Lin Han ji qi Ziyuan pianpang xiaoshuo kaolue” 五代林罕及其《字源偏旁小說》考略, Cishu yanjiu 辭書研究 2010.1, 163–67Google Scholar.

49 Gu Hongyi, “Wudai Lin Han ji qi Ziyuan pianpang xiaoshuo kaolue.”

50 For these later publications by Xu Kai, see Yongqiang, Su 蘇勇強, “Wudai shiqi Nan Tang xiaoqin rencai ji qi yinshua chuantong” 五代時期南唐校勘人才及其印刷傳統, Shehui kexue 社會科學 2007.12, 139–48Google Scholar.

51 “Letter to Mengying.” See below, note 140.

52 “Letter to Mengying.”

53 Xue, Jiu wudai shi 126.13a–b.

54 Tao, Wudai shi bu 5.10a.

55 Xue, Jiu wudai shi 126.2b.

56 On Feng Dao's high reputation in the tenth century, and the gradual shift toward censure in historical assessments of him, see Chen Xiaoying 陳曉瑩, “Liang Song shiqi guanyu wudai shiguo shi de yanjiu” 两宋时期关于五代十国史的研究 (PhD diss., Shandong University, 2010), 245–48.

57 Dong Yi had been dishonorably discharged from the army in 933. See Xue, Jiu wudai shi 44.12a–b.

58 Wang Cheng 王稱 (active late twelfth century), Dongdu shi lue 東都事略 (Siku quanshu), 113.2b.

59 Wu Renchen 吳任臣 (d. 1689), Shiguo chunqiu 十國春秋 (Siku quanshu), 106.3a–b.

60 Standen, Naomi, “The Five Dynasties,” in The Cambridge History of China: 5, part 1: The Sung Dynasty and Its Precursors, 907–1279 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 112Google Scholar.

61 See Hucker, Charles O., A Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985), 35–36, 3839Google Scholar.

62 This information derives from a recorded annotation to one of Guo Zhongshu's principal scholarly works, Bamboo Slip Writing (Han jian), probably added by Li Jianzhong. See the tiyao to the Siku quanshu edition of Han jian (1a). The authors of the tiyao had difficulty believing that Guo had served the Zhou and concluded that Zhou was an error for Han.

63 See Lichun, Wang 王力春, “Bei Song chuzhongqi Guozijian shuxue renwu kao” 北宋初中期國子監書學人物考, Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (shehuikexue ban) 沈陽師範大學學報 (社會科學版) 2007.1, 126–28Google Scholar.

64 Li E's role in the Nine Classics project is noted by Zhao Mingcheng in Jinshi lu 10.17a and 30.12a, cited in Su Bai, ibid. Hong Mai 洪邁 (1123–1202), Rongzhai xubi 容齋續筆 (Sibu congkan xubian), 14.9a, “Zhou Shu jiujing” 周蜀九經, notes that the calligrapher for Jingdian shiwen was Zhu Yanxi 朱延熙.

65 Li Zhizhong, “Wu dai banyin shilu yu wenxian jilu,” 7.

66 See Guo Zhongshu's Preface to Bamboo Slip Writing.

67 See Wang Yinglin 王應麟, “Han shu yiwen zhi kaozheng” 漢書藝文誌考證 (Siku quanshu Digital Heritage edition), 1.22a. The official titles listed by Guo at the beginning of his manuscript changed after 953. Literally translated, han jian means “bamboo slips that have been prepared for writing” by removing the outer skin.

68 For Zheng Sixiao's colophon, see Ni Tao 倪濤, Liuyi zhi yi lu 六藝之一錄 (Siku quanshu) 179.23a–24a.

69 For a detailed discussion of the sources drawn on by Guo Zhongshu for Han jian, see Xiquan, Huang 黃錫全, “Han jian shumu zhushi” 汗簡書目註釋, in Han jian zhushi 汗簡註釋 (Taipei: Taiwang guji chuban youxian gongsi, 2005), 3770Google Scholar.

70 Li kept the original manuscript, which Li Zhifang 李直方 then copied in turn in the year 1012. Li Zhifang's copy appears to be the basis of the Siku quanshu version.

71 Su Shi, Dongpo quanji 東坡全集 (Siku quanshu Wenyuan Ge edition), 84.20a. In a letter, Su Shi waxed lyrical: “前日蒙示所藏諸書, 使末學稍窺家傳之秘。幸甚!幸甚!恕先所訓尤為近古某方治。此書得之頗有所開益.”

72 Lü Dalin recommends Han jian as a reference work in the preface to his Kaogutu shiwen 考古圖釋文. For Zheng Sixiao's colophon, see Ni, Liuyi zhi yi lu 六藝之一錄, 179.23a–24a; Huang, Han jian zhushi, 551.

73 See the tiyao to the Siku quanshu edition of Han jian.

74 As noted by Rongjun, Chen, 陳榮軍, in “Hanjian yanjiu zongshu” 汗簡研究綜述, 46, Yancheng gongxueyuan xuebao (shehui kexue ban) 鹽城工學院學報(社會科學版) 2004.4, 4447Google Scholar.

75 For a useful bibliographic overview of the changing historical reputation of Han jian, see Chen Rongjun, “Han jian yanjiu zongshu.” For other overviews of Han jian scholarship, see Huang, Han jian zhushi, 5–9; Wang Dan 王丹, Han jian, Guwen sisheng yun yanjiu zongshu” 《汗簡》, 《古文四聲韵》研究綜述, Heze xueyuan xuebao 菏澤學院學報 2009.6, 112–15.

76 Rubbing recorded in Zhao, Jinshi lu 30.13a–b.

77 See Yurong, Zeng 曾育榮, “Hou Zhou Taizu Guo Wei neizheng gaige suolun” 後周太祖郭威內政改革瑣論, Hubei daxue xuebao (zhexue shehuikexue ban) 湖北大學學報(哲學社會科學版) 2003.3, 8386, especially 85Google Scholar.

78 Yongping, Wang 王永平, “Hou Zhou zhengzhi gaige lunshu” 後周政治改革論述, Yangzhou shiyuan xuebao (shehui kexue ban) 揚州師院學報(社會科學版) 1994.1, 5056, see 56Google Scholar.

79 Although this designation of high merit was usually reserved for eminent officials of ministerial rank, the same designation was afforded to his slightly older counterpart in the Shu Kingdom, Sun Fengji 孫逢吉, so it may have been customary for Erudites of this type (Ni, Liu yi zhi yi lu, 242.1a).

80 For the relevant 955 memorial and the imperial response to it, see Wang Pu 王溥 (922–982), Wudai huiyao 五代會要 8.3b–4a, in “Classics and Ancient Texts” 經籍. Cited by Guo, “Sui Tang Wudai Henan de jiaoyu he keju,” in Luoyang Sui Tang yanjiu, vol. 2, 145–46. Lu's 30-juan dictionary contained one text devoted to the Yijing, entitled Compendium of Sounds and Meanings in the Yijing (Zhouyi yinyi 周易音義).

81 Jiang Yan 姜燕, “Peixi yanjiu” 《佩觿》研究 (PhD diss., Shaanxi Normal University, 2002); Huang Fangmin 黃方民, “Guo Zhongshu Peixi yanjiu—yi xingsizi wei zhongxin” 郭忠恕《佩觿》研究──以形似字為中心 (MA thesis, Guoli zhongzheng daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 2004); Yan, Jiang, “Qianxi Peixi zhong Guo Zhongshu guanyu Hanzi yanhua de guannian” 淺析《佩觿》中郭忠恕關於漢字演化的觀念, Yuyan kexue 語言科學 2005.2, 101–07Google Scholar.

82 Ouyang Xiu, Gui tian lu 歸田錄 (Siku quanshu Wenyuan Ge edition), juanxia.8b.

83 Wang Yinglin 王應麟, Yu hai 玉海 (Siku quanshu), 37.39a: “後周顯德六年郭忠恕定古文尙書刻板.”

84 Hong Mai 洪邁 (Rongzhai xu bi 容齋續筆, 14.9a) notes the 959 publication details of Jingdian shiwen. Cited by Su, Tang Song shiqi de diaoban yinshua, 7.

85 The manuscript fragment, which concerns The Book of History, was among those acquired by Paul Pelliot in 1908, and has its own long bibliography. For an overview, see Xianchu, Wan 萬獻初, “Jingdian shiwen zonglun” 《經典釋文》綜論, Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan 古籍整理研究學刊 2005.1, 2027Google Scholar.

86 See Ruan Yuan 阮元 (1764–1849), Shangshu zhushu xiaokan ji xu 尚書注疏校勘記序.

87 In addition to the four books discussed here, three other works by Guo Zhongshu are recorded. Song shi 202.5074 lists Bianzi tu 辨字圖 in four juan, Guizi tu 歸字圖 in a single juan, and Zhengzi fu 正字賦 in a single juan. Most likely manuscripts, they have not survived, so their date of composition is not certain.

88 For a discussion of this phenomenon, see Hay, Jonathan, “Tenth-century Painting before Song Taizong's Reign: A Macrohistorical View,” in Tenth-Century China and Beyond: Art and Visual Culture in a Multi-Centered Age, edited by Tsiang, Katherine and Hung, Wu (Chicago: The Center for the Art of East Asia, University of Chicago, 2012), 285318Google Scholar.

89 Tao Gu, Qingyi lu 清異錄, juanxia.43a.

90 Yin Shilu 尹師魯, “Ti Yang shaoshi shu hou” 題楊少師後, in Zhu Changwen 朱長文, Mochi bian 墨池編, 4.65a–b, Zanshu.

91 Translation by Duncan M. Campbell, Timothy Cronin, and Cindy Ho, in “Passages from Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 A Record of Collected Antiquity Jigu Lu 集古錄,” China Heritage Quarterly 24 (December 2010), www.chinaheritagequarterly.org/scholarship.php?searchterm=024_ouyangxiu.inc&issue=024.

92 Cited in Ni, Liuyi zhi yi lu 172.20b.

93 The fragment, known as Yao Shun tie 堯舜帖, is included in two Song dynasty collections of rubbings, Ru tie 汝帖 and Lanting xu tie 蘭亭續帖.

94 See Su, Tang Song shiqi de keban yinshua, 10.

95 Li Yangbing, “Letter to Grandee Li on Ancient Seal Script” 上李大夫论古篆书, in Zhu, Mochi bian, 15–16. Translation by Ronald Egan from Zhongshu, Qian, Limited Views: Essays on Ideas and Letters (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 9293CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

96 See below, note 140. On the term caosheng, see Hui-wen Lu, “Wild Cursive Calligraphy, Poetry, and Chan Monks in the Tenth Century,” in Tenth-Century China and Beyond, 364–90 and note 2.

97 Guo, Han jian (Siku quanshu Wenyuan Ge edition), 3.

98 Recorded in Xue Jixuan 薛季宣 (1134–1173), “Shu guwen Laozi” 敘古文老子, Langyu ji 浪語集 (Siku quanshu), 30.19a–b.

99 “李士訓《記異》曰:’大曆初, 余帶經鉏䓰於㶚水之上, 得石函, 中有絹素古文《孝經》一部, 二十二章, 壹阡捌伯桼十二言。初傳與李太白。白授當塗令李陽冰, 陽冰盡通其法, 上皇太子焉.’” Cited by Huang, Han jian zhushi, 41.

100 Guanshu or Zhaoding guwen guanshu 詔定古文官書, a study of ancient script by the first century CE scholar, Wei Hong 衛宏, is no longer extant.

101 On the practice of making abbreviated copies, see “Liu Zhiji yu Tang dai de shu he shouchaoben: yige wuzhiwenhua de guandian” 劉知幾與唐代的書和手抄本: 一個物質文化的觀點, Taiwan shida lishixi xuebao 台灣師大歷史學報, 46.11 (2011), 111–40. Han Yu's account is given in his Ke doushu houji 科斗書後記: “愈叔父當大曆世, 文詞獨行中朝, 天下之欲銘述其先人功行、取信來世者, 咸歸韓氏。於時, 李監陽冰獨能篆書, 而同姓叔父擇木善八分, 不問可知其人, 不如是者, 不稱三服, 故三家傳子弟往來。貞元中, 愈事董丞相幕府於汴州, 識開封令服之者, 陽冰子, 授予以其家科斗書《孝經》、衛宏《官書》, 兩部合一卷。愈寶畜之而不暇學。後來京師, 為四門愽士, 識歸公。歸公好古書, 能通合之。愈曰:「古書得據依, 蓋可講。」因進其所有書屬歸氏。元和末, 愈亟不獲讓, 嗣為銘文, 薦道功徳。思凡為文辭, 宜略識字, 因從歸公乞觀二部書, 得之, 留月餘。張籍令進士賀拔恕寫以留, 蓋十得四五, 而歸其書於歸氏。十一年六月, 日。右庶子韓愈記.”

102 Chen Jing 陳經 or Chen Cheng 陳檉 (late thirteenth century), Zizhi tongjian xubian 資治通鑑續編 (Siku quanshu Wenyuan Ge edition), 2.13b.

103 Luo Yuxia 羅玉霞, “Bei Song Taixue de fuxing ji qi guanli de wanshan” 北宋太學的復興及其管理的完善 (MA thesis, Central China Normal University, 2006), 12.

104 Su, Tang Song shiqi de diaoban yinshua, 12. Reference works devoted to the Xiaojing, Lunyu, and Erya were published by the Guozijian in 972.

105 Louis, Francois, Design by the Book: Chinese Ritual Objects and the Sanli tu (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017)Google Scholar.

106 Though the 960/961 timing is not certain, it is implied by Wang Pizhi 王闢之 (b. 1031) in his account of the incident in 澠水燕談錄 (Zhibuzu zhai congshu, 1821–1822), 10.1a–b. Cited in Gaohua, Chen 陳高華, Song Liao Jin huajia shiliao 宋遼金畫家史料 (Beijing: Wenwu, 1984), 188Google Scholar. That the context was a drinking session is suggested by Wenying 文瑩 (active late eleventh century) in Yuhu yeshi 玉壺野史 2.12a–13a.

107 Kaibao xinding Shangshu shiwen 开宝新定尚书释文.

108 Song shi 442.13088; Li Tao 李燾 (1115–184), Xuzizhi tongjian chang bian 續資治通鑑長編 (Siku quanshu), 2.20b; Xu Qianxue 徐乾學 (1631–1694), Zizhi tongjian hou bian 資治通鑑後編, 2.13b: “國子周易博士郭忠恕, 被酒與太子中舍符昭文喧競於朝。御史彈奏, 忠恕怒叱臺吏, 奪其奏毀之。己未, 責忠恕為乾州司戶參軍, 昭文免所居官.”

109 Fu Zhaowen was the eldest son of the military official, Fu Zhaolin 符彦琳 (d. 972), and grandson of a celebrated Later Tang general, Fu Cunshen 符存审 (862–924).

110 Li, Xu zizhi tongjian changbian, 2.20b.

111 A hostile, Taizong-period poetic account gives a vivid idea of the disapproval he is likely to have met with: “嘗聞郭忠恕/, 本是先帝臣;/酒偶挽屠沽, /謂言等縉紳。/衣而龜紫章, /解而衣結鶉;/扶起溝中瘠, /便可席上珍” (Kuagui ji 跨龜集) 1.14b.

112 Chao Yuezhi 晁悅之 (1059–1129), Jingyusheng ji 景迂生集 (Siku quanshu), 8.20a: “建隆初, 詔五代時命官投狀敘理。復命之.”

113 Might the Buddhist reference in Guo Zhongshu's couplet also have the implication that the Buddhist commitments of Cui Song, Director of the Guozijian, would have forced him to accept Guo's resignation if the latter had claimed a desire to take the tonsure?

114 Song shi 442.13088.

115 Song shi 253.8868, “Feng Jiye zhuan” 馮繼業傳.

116 Tan'e 曇噩 (1285–1373), Xinxiu kefen liuxue sengzhuan 新修科分六學僧傳 (CBETA 漢文大藏經, X77, no.1522), 14. 0195a03, gives the temple a slightly different name, Yongxing Si 永興寺.

117 Zanning 贊寧 (919–1001), Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Siku quanshu Wenyuan Ge edition), 23.17b–18b.

118 Li, Xu zizhi tongjian chang bian 5.14a.

119 Wang, Dongdu shi lue 19.14a. A note to the version of this incident in Li, Xuzizhi tongjian chang bian (5.14a), registers a confusion in the sources as to whether the incident followed some time after, or was on the occasion of, his promotion.

120 Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086), Sushui jiwen 涑水記聞 (Siku quanshu), 1.13b. Cited in Fan Xuehui 范學輝, “Shi Song Taizu ‘Jin zhi wuchen yu jin ling dushu’ 釋宋太祖之「今之武臣欲盡令讀書」,” Xibei shida xuebao (shehuikexue ban) 西北師大學報(社會科學版) 2006.4, 89.

121 Li, Xu zizhi tongjian chang bian 5.14a–b.

122 Wang, Dongdu shi lue 19.14a–b.

123 Li, Xu zizhi tongjian chang bian 5.14a.

124 On the history of Daqing Bridge, see Tang Kaijian 湯開建, “Bei Song ‘He qiao’ kaolue” 北宋’河橋’考略, Qinghai shifan daxue xuebao (shehuikexue ban) 青海師範大學學報 (社會科學版), 1985.5, 104–115, especially 109–110.

125 Soper, Alexander Coburn, Kuo Jo-hsü’s Experiences in Painting (T'u-hua chiên-wen chih) (Washington, DC: American Council of Learned Societies, 1951), 156, n. 423Google Scholar.

126 Guo Ruoxu 郭若虛 (active third quarter of the eleventh century), Tuhua jianwen zhi 圖畫見聞志 (Siku quanshu), 3.4b–5a, “Guo Zhongshu.” Full translation in Soper, Kuo Jo-hsü’s Experiences in Painting, 44–45.

127 Qieyun shiyu 《切韻拾玉》. See Zijun, Li 李子君, “Songdai shifu qushi de guanyun” 宋代詩賦取士的官韻, Beifang luncong 北方論叢 2012.4, 3842Google Scholar.

128 Zhao Mingcheng records a seal-script title that Guo Zhongshu wrote for a stele erected in the second month of 967 recording the history of the Buddha Hall of the monastery Yongan Yuan 永安院, composed by Liu Congyi 劉從義 and transcribed in regular script by Guo's early collaborator, Yuan Zhengji (Jinshi lu 10.18a). The stele was still standing in the fourteenth century, when a much later Directorate of Education Erudite, Wang Yi 王沂 (c. 1290–1345/1358), saw it. See Lu You 陸友 (Yuan dynasty), Yanbei zazhi 研北雜志, juanxia.18b: “國子博士王師魯為余言, 昔於秦隴間得觀郭忠恕所書碑, 始悟筆意, 在隸前作篆, 乃可傳.”

129 Guo, Tuhua jianwen zhi, 3.4b–5a; Soper, Kuo Jo-hsü’s Experiences in Painting, 44.

130 A related story is recounted in Wu, Shiguo chunqiu 十國春秋 108.2a. “One day in the middle of a [Bianjing] avenue, he dismounted and ordered his servant to come into a teahouse with him and have a bowl of tea with him. The servant adamantly refused, and Zhongshu said: “The nobles and scholar officials that I generally deal with are no different from you. What's so strange?” 一日衢中, 下馬召役夫入茗坊同, 役夫固辭。忠恕曰:”吾常所接公卿士大夫皆子類也。何怪哉?

131 Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101), Dongpo qiji 東坡七集, 20.17a.

132 Wang Dechen 王得臣 (1036–1116), Chen shi 塵史 (Siku quanshu Wenyuan Ge edition), 2.41b–42a.

133 See Kiyohiko Munakata, “The Rise of Ink-wash Landscape Painting in the T'ang Dynasty” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 1965).

134 Yuan, Lu 路遠, “Mengying shiji kaoshu—yi Beilin cang zeng Mengying shi keshi wei xiansuo” 夢英事跡考述──以碑林藏贈夢英詩為線索, in Beilin yu shi—Xi'an beilin cangshi yanjiu 碑林語石──西安碑林藏石研究 (Xi'an: San Qin, 2010), 289318Google Scholar.

135 This may be inferred from the title that Mengying claimed for himself in his 965 Seal-script Transcription of the Thousand-Character Classic Stele: “Śramaṇa Mengying, Recipent of the Purple Robe for His Exposition of Meditational Perspectives on the Huayan Dharmadhātu at the Sacred Mountain of the South” (Nanyue jiang Huayan fajie guan cizi shamen Mengying). Given this title, it is unlikely that Mengying was convoked for his expertise in calligraphy, as argued by Lu Yuan, “Mengying shiji kaoshu,” 309–11.

136 The date of this imperial audience has long been in doubt. Zhu Changwen, Mochi bian (1066) thought it occurred under the Song dynasty, and some modern scholars have agreed. See, for example, Sufen, Lu 盧素芬, “Qianzi chuan qiangu: Mengying Zhuanshu Qianzi wen” 千字傳千古:夢英《篆書千字文》, Gugong wenwu yuekan 故宮文物月刊, 316 (2009), 4255Google Scholar. However, Lu Yuan's concordance “Mengying shiji kaoshu” of a wide range of literary evidence proves that it occurred under the Later Zhou.

137 That is, the other shore of nirvana in contradistinction to this shore of life and death.

138 The poem is included among the collected poems presented to Mengying by his contemporaries that are inscribed on two of the steles in Chang'an's Confucius Temple discussed below. See also note 153.

139 From Mengying's Preface to his Seal Script Transcription of “Tabulation of Character-Component Origins of Compound Characters” (see Figure 73).

140 The text in its entirety reads:

汾陽郭忠恕致書答英公大師:

紫塞雲髙, 皇朝路遠,毎捧報瑤之翰, 如窺連璧之姿。忠恕自落朝班, 累丞(承)詔命。已得林泉之味, 堅辝(辭)名利之塲。鶴髮半生, 猨心久死。與師金蘭敦義, 香火修因, 飛杯容許於醉狂, 結社不嫌於心亂, 共得陽冰筆法、同傳史籒書蹤。常痛屋壁遺文、汲塚舊簡,年代浸遠, 謬誤滋多, 頼與吾師同心正古。近覽真翰, 轉見工夫。藏勢遏鋒, 方上圓下, 可以萬古教人也。

晉宋而下, 通篆籒者寡。唯碑碣印記, 時用數字傳授者, 未克研精, 何妨檢討。盜聽者恥於好問, 加之穿鑿。齋中序云:「小篆散而八分生, 八分破而隷書出。隷書序而行書弊, 行書狂而草書聖。自隷已下, 吾不欲觀之矣。」

見寄偏旁五百三十九字, 按《説文字源》唯有五百四十部, 「孑」字合收於子部, 今《目録》妄有更攺之。又《集解》中「誒」收去部, 在注中。今點檢偏旁, 少「晶、惢、至、龜、弦」五字, 故知林氏虛誕, 誤於後進者, 《小説》 見,冝焚之 。聊以觀書達心, 俟以萬刼發願, 何人知之, 英公知之。

不宣。遷客 郭忠恕 書達英公大師 座前。十二月二十五日。

141 Guo's early biographer, Wang Yucheng, introduces him as a native of Fenyang. Wang, “Huai xian shi.”

142 Whether this can be reconciled with Liu Daochun's alternative account of a Shandong origin (see note 3) is an open question.

143 The stele, Huayan fajieguan can bei 華嚴法界觀殘碑, survives in fragmentary form. Excavated in Xi'an in 1929, today it is in the collection of Xi'an Beilin Museum and has been published in Xi'an Beilin quanji 西安碑林全集 (Guangzhou: Guangdong jingji, Haitian, 1999), 28.2858–2861Google Scholar.

144 Yuan, Lu 路遠, “Xi'an beilin chuchuang shiqi ruogan wenti de zai tantao” 西安碑林初創時期若干問題的再探討, Wenbo 文博 1995.3, 4955Google Scholar; see 49–50.

145 See Lu, “Xi'an beilin chuchuang shiqi ruogan wenti de zai tantao,” 51–52.

146 For a discussion, see Sena, Yun-Chiahn C., “Ouyang Xiu's Conceptual Collection of Antiquity,” in World Antiquarianism: Comparative Perspectives, edited by Schnapp, Alain (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2013), 212–229. In 1019Google Scholar, a seal script inscription in the style of Xu Xuan was added to the verso of the stele (Figures 26–27). The text, “Eulogy of the Surge of the Great Song” 大宋勃興頌, composed by a certain Xuyi 虛儀 and transcribed by Tang Ying 唐英, is a panegyric celebrating Song Taizu's 963 military success at Lake Jing 荊湖 in Hunan during his unification of China.

147 For the dating, see Lu Yuan, “Yu Shinan Kongzi miaotang bei chuke de beijing yu shijian” 虞世南《孔子廟堂碑》初刻的背景與時間, in Beilin yu shi, 64–75.

148 For an example, see the stele dated to “the 28th day of the 12th month of the 3rd year of the Qiande Reign in the Great Song Dynasty (965),” of which a rubbing exists in the Library of the University of Washington.

149 Rubbings of all the Tang and Song steles mentioned here may be found in Xi'an Beilin quanji.

150 The translation was overseen by the monk 天息灾 (d. 1000) from Jalandhar in north India.

151 Lu Yuan, “Bei Song shiqi beilin cangshi kaoshu” 北宋時期碑林藏石考述, Tianxizai in Beilin yu shi, 262–84.

152 On the calligraphic contributions of Yuan Zhengji, Huangfu Yan, and Pang Renxian, see Chuan-hsing, Ho, “The Revival of Calligraphy in the Early Sung,” in Arts of the Sung and Yüan, edited by Hearn, Maxwell K. and Smith, Judith G. (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996): 5985, especially 70–71Google Scholar.

153 On these poems, see Yuan, Lu 路遠, “Quan Song shi buyi shiba shou; ju Xi'an beilin cang zeng Mengying shi keshi” 全宋詩補遺十八首;據西安碑林藏贈夢英詩刻石, Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua 中國典籍與文化 2008.3, 5259Google Scholar; and Kuo-ching, Yu 游國慶, “Song Mengying ji shiba ti shu bei ji qi xiangguan wenti 宋夢英集十八體書碑及其相關問題,” Shuhua yishu xuekan 書畫藝術學刊 3 (2007), 95168Google Scholar. Yu makes a persuasive case that the poems were added to the Stele 3 at a later date. To my knowledge, Xu Daoning's poem has not previously been noted in scholarship on the artist. When he wrote the poem, some time after 976, Xu Daoning was an Assistant Editorial Director (zhuzuo zuolang) in the Editorial Service of the Palace Library (bishu sheng 祕書省).

154 As noted in his preface to Mengying's Seal-Script Transcription of the “Thousand-Character Classic.”

155 Song, Li 李淞, “Guanyu 968 nian Jingzhao fu guozijian li de Fo dao tuwen bei” 關於 968 年京兆府國子監裡的《佛道圖文碑》, Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 2011.3, 7682Google Scholar.

156 Steles 2 and 6 retain complete Tang inscriptions on one of their two sides, and the verso of Stele 3 retains the upper part of a Tang inscription.

157 For the dating of the engraving of the poems, see Yu, “Song Mengying ji shiba ti shu bei ji qi xiangguan wenti,” 118–40. Since the same calligrapher was responsible for the transcription of Guo Zhongshu's letter as for the poems, it seems likely that the letter was engraved at the same time.

158 Lu, “Xi'an beilin chuchuang shiqi ruogan wenti de zai tantao,” 51.

159 In most cases there were multiple donors, whose names are recorded on the steles.

160 Literally, “a geese-exchange letter,” referring to the famous epistolary exchange between Wang Xizhi and a Daoist adept soliciting from him a transcription of a Daoist scripture in exchange for a pair of geese that Wang coveted.

161 This couplet alludes to Chapter 56 of the Daodejing: "One who knows does not speak;/ One who speaks does not know./ Block the openings;/ Shut the doors./ Blunt the sharpness;/ Untangle the knots;/ Soften the glare;/ Let your wheels move only along old ruts./ This is known as mysterious sameness." (知者不言,言者不知。塞其兌,閉其門;挫其銳, 解其紛エ, 和其光, 同其塵, 是謂玄同). Translation by Lau, D.C. (Tao Te Ching, by Lao Tzu, London: Penguin, 1963)Google Scholar.

162 A reference to the Lotus Society formed by Xie Lingyun, Huiyuan, Tao Qian, and others at Mt. Lu under the Eastern Jin dynasty.

163 For a short but useful study, see the catalogue entry by Ching-hsiung, Wang in Daguan: beisong shuhua tezhan 大觀:北宋書畫特展 (Taipei: Guoli gugong bowuyuan, 2006), 281–84Google Scholar.

164 Ouyang Xiu, Ji gu lu 10.15b, “Guo Zhongshu shu ‘Hidden Talisman Scripture.’”

165 Cited in Jiang Xiufu 江休復 (1005–1060), Jia you zazhi 嘉祐雜誌 (Siku quanshu Digital Heritage edition), juanshang.6a.

166 Liu Qi 劉祁 (1203–1259), Guiqianzhi 歸潛志 (Siku quanshu) 9.12a–13a.

167 Zhu, Mochi bian, 309.

168 Zhao, Jinshi lu 30.12b. “余家有忠恕八分懷嵩樓記墨跡, 乃其暮年所書。筆力老勁, 非此碑之筆。亦嘗刻石.”

169 See Zhang Xiangyun 張祥雲, “Bei Song Xijing Henanfu yanjiu” 北宋西京河南府研究 (PhD diss., Henan University, 2010), 31–32.

170 Hay, Jonathan, “Collaborative Painting at the Early Song Directorate of Construction,” in Zhejiang University Journal of Art History, Supplementum: Proceedings of the International Conference on Song Painting (Hangzhou: Zhejiang University, 2017), 441503Google Scholar.

171 Hay, “Collaborative Painting.”

172 Hay, “Collaborative Painting.”

173 Wang, Dongdu shilue 3.1a.

174 Tao Gu, Qingyi lu, juanshang 12b: “本朝以親王尹開封, 謂之判南衙。羽儀散從, 燦如圖畫, 京師人歎曰好一條軟繡。天街近日士大夫騎吏華繁者, 亦號半里嬌.”

175 Liu, Shengchao minghua ping 1.7b–8b, “Wang Shiyuan” 王士元.

176 On Li Jianzhong, see Sihang, Li 李思航, “Song chu shujia ‘diyi shou’ Li Jianzhong shufa yanjiu” 宋初書家’第一手’李建中書法研究, Lilun jie 理論界 2013.6, 135–39Google Scholar.

177 Song shi 442.13087–13088, “Biography of Guo Zhongshu.”

178 Wang Yucheng, “Huai xian shi.”

179 See Kurz, Johannes L., “The Politics of Collecting Knowledge: Song Taizong's Compilations Project,” T'oung-pao, Second series, 87 (2001), 289316, especially 295CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

180 Kurz, “The Politics of Collecting Knowledge,” 297.

181 See Yongxia, Cao 曹永霞, “Lun Taizong dui tushu shiye de gongxian” 論太宗對圖書事業的貢獻, Jilin jiaoyu 吉林教育 2010.7, 17Google Scholar.

182 Kurz, “The Politics of Collecting Knowledge,” 291.

183 Yongqiang, Su 蘇勇強, “Wudai shiqi Nan Tang xiaoqin rencai ji qi yinshua chuantong” 五代時期南唐校勤人才及其印刷傳統, Shehui kexue 社會科學 2007.12, 139–48Google Scholar.

184 Li, Xu zizhi tongjian changbian 18.27b–28a; Song shi 442.13088; Song shi quanwen 3.5b–6a.

185 Li, Xu zizhi tongjian changbian 18.27b–28a.

186 Wang Yucheng, “Huai xian shi.”

187 Wang Yucheng, “Huai xian shi.”

188 Li Chi 李廌 (1059–1109), Deyu zhai huapin 德隅斋畫品, “Louju xian tu” 樓居仙圖, states that the destination was an island off the coast. Liu Daochun states that the exile was to Lingnan, modern Guangdong (Shengchao minghua ping 3.12b).

189 Liu, Shengchao minghua ping 3.12a–b, “Guo Zhongshu.”

190 Liu, Shengchao minghua ping 3.12a–b; Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101), Dongpo qiji 東坡七集, 20.17a.

191 The story that Guo's ancestral home was near Qizhou, in the area of Wudi 無棣 and Dihe 滴河 counties, may also have come into play in the attribution to Guo Zhongshu. Liu, Sheng chao minghua ping 3.12a. The stele, with Wang Lin's colophon engraved below the two characters, was still standing in the eighteenth century, when it was catalogued by Li Wenzao 李文藻 in the epigraphic section of Licheng xianzhi 历城县志 23.19a. Li describes the brushstrokes of the characters as extraordinary and archaic (字畫奇古), which suggests that they may have been written in seal script.

192 Quan Song wen 全宋文 (Shanghai: Shanghai cishu, 2006), 346Google Scholar (juan 1361).

193 “Han jian,” “Guwen sisheng yun” 《汗簡》《古文四聲韵》, edited by Li Ling 李令 and Liu Xinguang 劉新光 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983).

194 Tao Gu, Qingyi lu, juanxia.24b, notes an instance of a seal script-inscribed artifact, albeit of late Tang date, discovered during the digging of a pond at the mansion of Guo Congyi in Luoyang.

195 A particularly vivid demonstration of the stele's function as a publishing platform for calligraphy is the recto of Stele 4, on which a calligraphy by Yan Zhenqing was engraved at right angles to its normal orientation for reading, in order to make it fit on the stone surface.

196 See Lu Yuan, “Xi'an beilin cangshi suojian lidai kegong minglu” 西安碑林藏石所見歷代刻工名錄, in Beilin yu shi, 482; Huang Xifan 黃錫蕃 (1761–1851), Kebei xingming lu 刻碑姓名錄. In addition, Lu Yuan records an engraver named An Jingshi 安敬實 who was responsible for the tomb epitaph of Zhang Juhan 張居翰 in 928 and may have belonged to the generation before An Renzuo and An Renyu (“Xi'an beilin cangshi suojian lidai kegong minglu,” 481).

197 See Lu, “Xi'an beilin cangshi suojian lidai kegong minglu,” 482–83, and also Zhang Shu 张澍 (1776–1847), “Shigong An Min wei Wuwei ren kao” 石工安民为武威人考, which I have not been able to consult.

198 Hay, “Collaborative Painting,” 465, n. 36.

199 For two extended discussions of the painting, see Peter Sturman, “The Donkey Rider as Icon: Li Cheng and Early Chinese Landscape Painting,” Artibus Asiae 55.1–2 (1995), 43–97, especially 83–88; and Hung, Wu, A Story of Ruins: Presence and Absence in Chinese Art and Visual Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 3642Google Scholar.