Hostname: page-component-5c6d5d7d68-wpx84 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-08-15T02:47:53.243Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Slavery and Decline of Slave-Ownership in Ottoman Bursa 1460–1880

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 June 2020

Hülya Canbakal
Affiliation:
Sabanci University
Alpay Filiztekin
Affiliation:
Sabanci University

Abstract

The most widely accepted narrative about the long-term history of slavery in Ottoman lands rests on a supply-side story. According to this, military and diplomatic factors reduced the inflow of slaves from the seventeenth century onwards and, consequently, exorbitant prices turned slaveholding into a luxury inaccessible to all but the top elite. Using evidence from probate inventories of the city of Bursa and its hinterland from 1460 to 1880, the present study examines this narrative in light of the incidence of slave-ownership and prices. We observe substantial decline in slaveholding already before the beginning of the government reforms concerning slavery and slave trade in the nineteenth century. We also find a decline in slave prices, both absolute and relative to wages. This is unexpected. Further analysis suggests, on the one hand, that a different supply factor, relative increase in the African slave population due to changes in the global traffic may have been instrumental in these trends, which links Bursa's non-colonial market to world slavery. On the other hand, examination of the consumption/investment preferences of the wealthy suggests that demand for slaves, too, may have declined, we surmise, in response to demographic and social change affecting alternative labor costs as well as cultural change affecting the meaning of slaveholding.

Type
Changing Labor Relations in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey
Copyright
Copyright © International Labor and Working-Class History, Inc., 2020

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

We thank Terrence Walz and Ehud R. Toledano for generously sharing their extensive knowledge on the topic and Y. Hakan Erdem for his contribution to an early version of this study. We also thank our anonymous readers for very valuable suggestions.

References

NOTES

2. Kunt, Metin, The Sultan's Servants: The Transformation of Ottoman Provincial Government, 1550-–1650 (New York, 1983)Google Scholar; Peirce, Leslie Penn., The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Hathaway, Jane, The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdaglis (Cambridge, 1997), 3746Google Scholar; Ergin, Nihat, Osmanlı Devlet'inde Kölelik (İstanbul, 1998)Google Scholar; Fay, Mary Ann, Unveiling the Harem : Elite Women and the Paradox of Seclusion in Eighteenth-Century Cairo (Syracuse, NY, 2012)Google Scholar; Nalçacı, Nida N., Sultanın Kulları, Erken Modern Dönem İstanbul'unda Savaş Esirleri ve Zorunlu İstihdam (İstanbul, 2015)Google Scholar; Argıt, Betül İpşirli, Hayatlarının Çeşitli Safhalarında Harem-i Hümayun Cariyeleri, 18.Yüzyıl (İstanbul, 2017)Google Scholar.

3. Toledano, Ehud, The Ottoman Slave Trade and Its Suppression (Princeton, NJ, 1982)Google Scholar; Erdem, Y. Hakan, Slavery in the Ottoman Empire and its Demise, 1800–1909 (London, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Walz, Terence and Cuno, Kenneth M., eds., Race and Slavery in the Middle East: Histories of Trans-Saharan Africans in Nineteenth-Century Egypt, Sudan, and the Ottoman Mediterranean (Cairo, 2010)Google Scholar; Montana, Ismael M., Abolition of Slavery in Ottoman Tunisia (Gainesville, FL, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4. Faroqhi, Suraiya, “From the slave market to Arafat: Biographies of Bursa women in the late fifteenth century,” Turkish Studies Association Bulletin, 24 (2000): 320Google Scholar; Toledano, Ehud R., As If Silent and Absent: Bonds of Enslavement in the Islamic Middle East (New Haven, CT, and London, 2007)Google Scholar; Sonbol, Amira El Azhary, ed., Beyond the Exotic: Women's Histories in Islamic Societies (Syracuse, NY, 2005)Google Scholar; Powell, Eve M. Troutt, “Will That Subaltern Ever Speak? Finding African Slaves in the Historiography of the Middle East,” in Middle East Historiographies: Narrating the Twentieth Century, eds. Gershoni, I., Singer, A. and Erdem, H. Y. (Seattle, 2011)Google Scholar; Powell, Eve Troutt, Tell This in My Memory: Stories of Enslavement from Egypt, Sudan and the Ottoman Empire, (Stanford, CA, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5. Smiley, Will, From Slaves to Prisoners of War: The Ottoman Empire, Russia, and International Law (Oxford, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Şakul, Kahraman, “What happened to Pouqueville's Frenchmen? Ottoman Treatment of the French Prisoners during the War of the Second Coalition (1798–1802),” Turkish Historical Review 3 (2012): 168–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6. İnalcık, Halil, “Servile Labor in the Ottoman Empire,” in The Mutual Effects of the Islamic and ]udeo-Christian Worlds: The East European Pattern, eds. Ascher, Abraham, Halasi-Kun, Tibor, and Kiraly, Bela K. (New York, 1979), 42Google Scholar; Faroqhi, “From the slave market,” 3–20; idem, Quis Custodiet Custodes? Controlling Slave Identities and Slave Traders in Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Istanbul” in Frontiers of Faith, eds. Andor, Eszter and Tóth, István Györgi (Budapest, 2001), 119–34Google Scholar. idem, Manumission in 17th-Century Suburban Istanbul,” in Mediterranean Slavery Revisited (500–1800) – Neue Perspektiven auf mediterrane Sklaverei (500–1800), eds. Hanß, Stefan and Schiel, Juliane (Zurich, 2014), 387Google Scholar.

7. Erdem, Slavery, 26, 53–61; Toledano, The Ottoman Slave Trade, 90; Austen, Ralph A., “The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade: A Tentative Census,” in Uncommon Market: Essays in the Economic History of the Atlantic Slave Trade, eds. Gemery, H.A. and Hogendorn, Jan S. (New York, 1979), 2366Google Scholar; idem, The Mediterranean Islamic Slave Trade out of Africa: A tentative Census,” Slavery & Abolition 13 (1992), 221–22, 240Google Scholar; Ricks, Thomas M., “Slaves and Slave Traders in the Persian Gulf, 18th and 19th Centuries: An Assessment,” Slavery and Abolition 9 (1988): 6070CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a summary of trade figures, see Fisher, Alan, “Chattel Slavery in the Ottoman Empire,” Slavery and Abolition 1 (1980): 32CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Manning, Patrick, Slavery and African Life: Occidental, Oriental, and African Slave Trades (Cambridge, 1990), 136–40Google Scholar; Compare Ze'evi, Dror, “Kul and Getting Cooler: The Dissolution of Elite Collective Identity and the Formation of Official Nationalism in the Ottoman Empire,” Mediterranean Historical Review, 11: 2 (1996), 191CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. Zilfi, M. C., Women and Slavery in the Late Ottoman Empire: The Design of Difference (New York, 2010)Google Scholar seeks to historicize the primacy of domestic female servitude.

9. Nur Sobers Khan, “Slaves ‘without’ shackles: Forced labour and ‘manumission in the Galata court registers, 1560–1572,” (PhD dissertation, Cambridge University, 2012); Mustafa Akkaya, “Osmanlı Dönemi Batı Anadolu'da Tarımsal İşgücünde Kullanılan Köleler,” in Z. Güneş Yağcı, F. Yaşa and D. İnan eds., Osmanlı Devleti'nde Kölelik (Istanbul, 2017), 249–68; Hayri Gökşin Özkoray, “Work, Labor and Local Belonging,” paper presented at the IGK Work and Human Lifecycle in Global History conference, 14 June 2013, cited in Witzenrath, Christoph, “Introduction: Slavery in Medieval and Early Modern Eurasia: An Overview of the Russian and Ottoman Empires and Central Asia,” in Eurasian Slavery, Ransom and Abolition in World History, 1200–1860, ed. Witzenrath, C. (New York, 2016), 4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Özbay, Rahmi Deniz, “Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Köle Emeğinin İstihdamı ve Mükâtebe Yöntemi,” Kocaeli Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 17/1 (2009): 148–63Google Scholar. On the link between military slavery and manual labor see Yılmaz, Gülay, “Becoming a Devshirme: The Training of Conscripted Children in the Ottoman Empire,” in Campbell, Gwyn, Miers, Suzanne, and Miller, Joseph C. eds., Children in Slavery Through the Ages (Ohio, 2009), 119–34Google Scholar.

10. Martínez, Ivan Armenteros and Ouerfelli, Mohamed eds., L’économie de l'esclavage en Méditerranée médiévale et moderne (Aix-en-Provence, 2016)Google Scholar; Blumenthal, Debra G., Enemies and Familiars, Slavery and Mastery in Fifteenth-Century Valencia (Ithaca; London, 2009)Google Scholar; Kolchin, Peter, “The Big Picture: A Comment on David Brion Davis's ‘Looking at Slavery from Broader Perspectives’,” The American Historical Review 105/2 (2000): 469–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11. Agricultural slaves were employed on farms owned by the royal family, other grandees, and waqfs. Common during the early Ottoman expansion, the practice disappeared after the sixteenth century. Ö. Barkan, L., ‘Kulluklar ve Ortakçı Kullar,” Istanbul Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası I (1940), 98245, 397–406Google Scholar; idem, Süleymaniye Camii ve İmareti İnşaatı (1550–1557), (Ankara, 1972–79), vol.1, 13, 93, 132, 135; İnalcık, “Servile Labor,” 29–37; Akkaya, “Osmanlı Dönemi.”; Sahillioglu, Halil, “Slaves in the Social and Economic Life of Bursa in the Late 15th and Early 16th Centuries,” Turcica 17 (1985): 8386CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fisher, “Chattel Slavery,” 37; Seng, Yvonne, “A Liminal State: Slavery in Sixteenth-Century Istanbul,” in Slavery in the Islamic Middle East, Princeton Papers: Interdisciplinary Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ed. Marmon, Shaun, 7 (1999): 2542Google Scholar.

12. For example, agricultural (male) slavery may have been the dominant mode in Manisa in western Anatolia until the nineteenth century. Hülya Canbakal and Alpay Filiztekin “Slaveholding and its demise in Ottoman central lands: Bursa-Manisa-Trabzon, 1460–1880,” unpublished paper submitted at the Fifth World Congress of Middle Eastern Studies, Sevilla, July 16–20, 2018.

13. See Blumenthal, Enemies and Familiars, 80–121 for the use of domestic slaves in a variety of productive activities including agriculture in fifteenth-century Valencia, and Özbay, “Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Köle Emeğinin İstihdamı,” 155, for possible shifts in slaves’ work assignments.

14. Kuznets, Simon, “National Income, 1929–1932,” NBER 49 (1934): 112Google Scholar. A recent study on the US economy, for example, concludes that incorporating home production into national accounts increases US GDP by 39 percent in 1965 and 26 percent in 2010. Bridgman, Benjamin et al. , “Accounting for Household Production in National Accounts, 1965–2010,” Survey of Current Business 92 (2012), 2336Google Scholar. Also see Sarti, Raffaella, Bellavitis, Anna and Martini, Manuela (eds.), What is Work? Gender at the Crossroads of Home, Family, and Business from the Early Modern Era to the Present (New York, 2018)Google Scholar for new approaches to domestic labor.

15. Austen, “The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade,” 43.

16. Johnson, Walter, Soul by Soul, Life inside the Abtebellum Slave Market, (Cambridge, MA, 1999)Google Scholar.

17. Behar, Cem, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun ve Türkiye'nin Nüfusu 1500–1927 (Ankara, 1996), 25, 27, 33Google Scholar; Gerber, Haim, Economy and Society in an Ottoman City: Bursa, 1600–1700 (Jerusalem, 1988)Google Scholar; Çizakca, Murat, “Price History and the Bursa Silk Industry: A Study in Ottoman Industrial Decline, 1550–1650,” The Journal of Economic History 40 (1980), 533–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

18. Canbakal and Filiztekin, “Slaveholding and its demise.”

19. The data come from the larger project Hülya Canbakal, “Distribution of Wealth in the Ottoman Empire,” Turkish Agency for Scientific and Technological Research (TUBITAK), Project No. 108K034, 2008–2012. For detailed information, see Hülya Canbakal and Alpay Filiztekin, “A database and an Assessment of Ottoman Probate Records,” work in progress.

20. Pamuk, Şevket, İstanbul ve diğer kentlerde 500 yıllık fiyatlar ve ücretler, 1469–1998 (Ankara, 2000)Google Scholar; Özmucur, Süleyman and Pamuk, Ş., “Real wages and standards of living in the Ottoman Empire, 1489–1914,” The Journal of Economic History, 62, 2 (2002: 293321)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21. McCants, Anne E.C., “Inequality among the poor of eighteenth-century Amsterdam,” Explorations in Economic History 44 (2007): 121CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keibek, A. J. and Shaw-Taylor, L., “Early modern rural by-employments: a re-examination of the probate inventory evidence,” Agricultural History Review 61 (2013): 244–88Google Scholar. Arkell, Compare Tom, “Interpreting probate inventories,” in When Death Do Us Part: Understanding and Interpreting the Probate Records of Early Modern England, eds. Arkell, Tom, Goose, Nigel and Evans, Nesta (Oxford, 2000), 1437Google Scholar.

22. Fisher, “Chattel Slavery,” 35.

23. Sahillioğlu, “Slaves,” 83–86.

24. Öztürk, Sait, Askeri Kassama Ait Onyedinci Asır İstanbul Tereke Defterleri: Sosyo-Ekonomik Tahlil (İstanbul, 1995)Google Scholar; Özcan, Tahsin, “Muhallefat,” DVİA (Istanbul, 2005), 30: 406–07Google Scholar.

25. Brunschvig, Robert, “Abd,” Encyclopaedia of Islam, (Leiden, 1960): 24–40Google Scholar; Erdem, Slavery, 152–53; Nalçacı, Sultanın Kulları, 99; Clarence-Smith, William G., Islam and the Abolition of Slavery (Oxford, 2006), 6770Google Scholar; Fisher, Alan, “Studies in Ottoman Slavery and Slave Trade, II: Manumission,” Journal of Turkish Studies 4 (1980): 4956Google Scholar.

26. Atar, Fahrettin, “Mükatebe”, DVİA 31 (2006): 531–33Google Scholar; Engin, Nihat, “Köle,” DVİA 26 (2002): 246–48Google Scholar. For similar forms of promised manumission in Renaissance Italy, see McKee, Sally, “Domestic Slavery in Renaissance Italy,” Slavery and Abolition 29: 3 (2008): 312CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27. Ehud Toledano, The Ottoman Slave Trade, 164–65.; Karamürsel, Ceyda, “Transplanted Slavery, Contested Freedom, and Vernacularization of Rights in the Reform Era Ottoman Empire,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 59/3 (2017): 690714CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Russia implemented a similar policy of self-purchase in the Caucasus for the same purpose in the early nineteenth century. Clarence-Smith, William G., “Slavery in Early Modern Russia,” in Mediterranean Slavery Revisited (500–1800) – Neue Perspektiven auf mediterrane Sklaverei (500–1800), eds. Hanß, Stefan and Schiel, Juliane (Zurich, 2014), 137–38Google Scholar.

28. Another reinvention was imposition of the slave tax in the eighteenth century to distinguish rebel non-Muslims from non-rebels, also driven by redefinition of subjecthood. Smiley, From Slaves to Prisoners of War, 177. See also Clarence-Smith, Islam and the Abolition of Slavery, 129–50; Freamon, Bernard K., “Straight, No Chaser: Slavery, Abolition, and Modern Islamic Thought,” in Indian Ocean Slavery in the Age of Abolition, eds. Harms, Robert, Freamon, Bernard K., and Blight, David W. (New Haven, CT, 2013), 6180CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29. İnalcık, “Servile Labor,” 25–52; Halil Sahillioğlu, “Onbeşinci Yüzyılın Sonu ile Onaltıncı Yüzyılın Başında Bursa'da Kölelerin Sosyal ve Ekonomik Hayattaki Yeri,” Gelişme Dergisi (1981): 76–80; Sobers Khan, “Slaves ‘without’ shackles.” For seventeenth century examples, see Özbay, “Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nda Köle Emeğinin İstihdamı.”

30. Ferguson, Michael and Toledano, Ehud R., “Ottoman Slavery and Abolition in the Nineteenth Century,” in The Cambridge World History of Slavery, Volume 4, eds. Eltis, D. and Engermen, S. L. (Cambridge, 2017), 211Google Scholar.

31. Canbakal and Filiztekin, “A database.”

32. McKee, Sally, “The Familiarity of Slaves in Medieval and Early Modern Mediterranean,” in Mediterranean Slavery Revisited (500–1800) – Neue Perspektiven auf mediterrane Sklaverei (500–1800), eds. Hanß, Stefan and Schiel, Juliane (Zurich, 2014), 503–04Google Scholar.

33. The female sample is too small in this period.

34. Istanbul estimates are based on Öztürk, Askeri Kassama Ait, 359–66, which uses probate registers of the state elite (askeri) alone. The author reports to have selected 1000 probates out of 2670 that are in the first twenty registers. The criteria of selection are not stated. Öztürk, ibid. 105, 138. Compare Yvonne J. Seng, “The Üsküdar Estates (Tereke) as Records of Everyday Life in a Ottoman Town, 1521–24,” Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Chicago University, 1991, 274, where the rate of slave ownership in a mixed sample of 89 probates is 4.5 percent and all of the slave owners are askeri.

35. Selma Kuşu, “Şer'iye Sicillerine göre H.1065-1079/M. 1655–1669 Tarihleri Arasında Edirne'de Sosyo-Ekonomik Hayat” (MA Thesis, Trakya Üniversitesi, 2009). Nearly all studies on Ottoman slavery quote and use Barkan (1966) for Edirne, which is based on probate registers of the state elite alone and points to a much higher level of slave-ownership (44 percent). We do not think the study is useful for statistical purposes because the sample includes “interesting” cases only, as explicitly stated by the author himself. Ömer Barkan, L., “Edirne Askeri Kassamı'na ait Tereke Defterleri (1545–1659),” Belgeler 3 (1966): 1473Google Scholar. See also Colette Establet and Jean-Paul Pascual, La gent d’État dans la société ottomane damascène. Les ‘askar à la fin du XVIIe siècle (Damas, 2011), http://books.openedition.org/ifpo/1678 and Grehan, James, Everyday Life and Consumer Culture in Eighteenth-Century Damascus (Seattle, 2007), 173Google Scholar. The former, based on both elite and non-elite probates, reports 13 percent slaveholding at the turn of the eighteenth century; the latter, based on registers of the commoners, reports 2 percent slave-ownership in mid-eighteenth century.

36. On slaveholding as a status symbol among the official elite (askeri), see Establet and Pasquale, La gent d’État, 113. Also Baer, Gabriel, “Slavery in Nineteenth Century Egypt,” The Journal of African History 8 (1967): 422CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sahillioğlu, “Slaves,” 47.

37. Keyder, Çağlar, “Türk Tarımında Küçük Köylü Mülkiyetinin Tarihsel Oluşumu ve Bugünkü Yapısı,” Toplumsal Tarih Çalışmaları (Ankara, 1983), 221–74Google Scholar; idem, Introduction: Large-Scale Agriculture in the Ottoman Empire?” in Landholding and Commercial Agriculture in the Middle East, eds. Ç. Keyder, and Tabak, F. (Albany, NY, 1991): 115Google Scholar.

38. Kasaba, Reşat, The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy: The Nineteenth Century (Albany, 1988), 6264, 84Google Scholar. Compare, Saydam, Abdullah, “Tanzimatçıların Ağalık ve Beylik Kurumunu Kaldırmaya Yönelik Çabaları”, Toplumsal Tarih 1 (1994): 913Google Scholar.

39. To differentiate commercial amounts of stock from stocks for home use, we have set as threshold the median value of the relevant goods in each period and considered larger stocks as commercial.

40. Faroqhi, “Guildsmen and handicraft producers,” 343.

41. Hülya Canbakal and Alpay Filiztekin, “Slaves and Slavery among Muslims in Ottoman Bursa (1460–1880),” Unpublished paper, Early Modern Economic and Social History Seminars, University of Cambridge, May 2016 considers slavery in Bitola, Manisa, Kayseri, Trabzon, Antep, Diyarbekir.

42. Compare Zilfi, Madeline, “Thoughts on Women and Slavery in the Ottoman Era and Historical Sources,” in Beyond the Exotic: Women's Histories in Islamic Societies, ed., Sonbol, Amira El Azhary (Syracuse, NY, 2005), 133Google Scholar.

43. African slaves in Bursa inventories are identified as “Arab,” “Mağribi (northwest African),” and “Habeşi (Ethiopian).” West Eurasian slaves are “Rusi (Russian),” “Çerkes (Circassian),” “Gürci (Georgian),” “Kazak (Cossack),” “Tatar,” “Bosnevi (Bosnian),” “Macari (Hungarian),” “Frenk (west Europian),” and “Arnavud (Albanian).” Color-based designations are “zenci (black),” “ak kul,” or “beyaz gulam” (white slave). The latter are from Manisa inventories. Manisa Court Register Nos. 6, 99; 12, 106; 230, 40–45.

44. Jennings, Ronald C., “Black Slaves and Free Blacks in Ottoman Cyprus,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 30 (1987): 294295CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sak, İzzet, ‘Konya'da Köleler (16. yüzyıl sonu- 17. yüzyıl),” Osmanlı Araştırmaları 9 (1989): 164–66Google Scholar; Establet and Pascual, La gent d’État, 113; Wilkins, Charles. L., “A Demographic Profile of Slaves in Early Ottoman Aleppo,” in Eurasian Slavery, Ransom and Abolition in World History, 1200–1860, ed. Witzenrath, C. (New York, 2016), 231, 237–38Google Scholar; Walz, Terence, Trade between Egypt and Bilad as-Sudan, 1700–1820 (Paris, 1978), 208Google Scholar; Toledano, The Ottoman Slave Trade, 64–67.

45. Murray Gordon, Slavery in the Arab World (New York, 1992), 81; Erdem, Slavery, 19–23, 40–49.

46. On the increasing share of the African slaves, see Toledano, Ehud R., “Shifting Patterns of Ottoman Enslavement in the Early Modern Period,” in The Ottoman Middle East, Studies in Honor of Amnon Cohen, eds., Ginio, Eyal and Podeh, Elie (Leiden; Boston, 2014), 201–20Google Scholar.

47. Sahillioglu, “Slaves,” 98–104; Compare Zübeyde Güneş Yağcı, “The Black Sea Slave Trade According to the Istanbul Port Customs Register, 1606–07, in Eurasian Slavery, Ransom and Abolition in World History, 1200–1860, ed. C. Witzenrath (New York, 2016), 212–13.

48. Ergin, Nihat, “Köle,” Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi (Istanbul, 2002), vol. 26: 246–48Google Scholar.

49. Austen, Ralph A., “The Islamic Red Sea Slave Trade: An Attempt at Quantification,” in Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference on Ethiopian Studies, ed. Hess, Robert L. (Chicago, 1979), 461–64Google Scholar; idem, “The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade,” 34–35, 62–63; Wright, John, The Trans-Saharan Slave Trade (London; New York, 2007), 168CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Trans-Saharan, east African traffic as well as Red Sea traffic appears on the rise from the 1780s. Ricks, “Slaves and Slave Traders,” 63–67; Montana, Abolition of Slavery, 43–44; Lovejoy, Paul E., Transformations in Slavery: A History of Slavery in Africa (Cambridge; New York, 2011), 6061CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

50. Smiley, From Slaves to Prisoners.

51. Johnson, Soul by Soul, 155; Davis, David Brion, “Looking at Slavery from Broader Perspectives,” The American Historical Review 105/2 (2000), 457–59, 463CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

52. McKee, “The Familiarity of Slaves,” 506–07; Campbell, Gwyn, The Structure of Slavery in Indian Ocean Africa and Asia (London, 2004), xviiiCrossRefGoogle Scholar; Johnson, Soul by Soul, 138–61. Baer, “Slavery in nineteenth-century Egypt,” 418; Lewis, Race and Slavery, 88–89, 137 fn.24. As far as legal marriage with black slaves was concerned, social suitability rules (kafaa) in Islamic law applied.

53. Mustafa ‘Ali, The Ottoman Gentleman of the Sixteenth Century: Mustafa Âli's Mevâ’idü’n-nefâ’is fî Kavâ’idi'l-mecâlis; “Tables of Delicacies Concerning the Rules of Social Gatherings”, trans. Douglas S. Brookes (Cambridge, MA, 2003), 28–30, 102–05. Ali also distinguishes between Ethiopians and other Africans. The distinction was alive and reflected in prices as late as the nineteenth century. Also Hoyland, Robert, “Physiognomy in Islam,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 30 (2005) 361402Google Scholar; Sobers-Khan, Nur, “Firasetle nazar edesin: Recreating the Gaze of the Ottoman Slave Owner at the Confluence of Textual Genres,” in Well-connected Domains: towards an Entangled Ottoman History, eds. P. Firges et al. (Leiden, 2014), 93–109; Lewis, B., Race and Slavery in the Middle East, An Historical Inquiry (Oxford; New York, 1990), 4349Google Scholar, 54–61, 92–98; Gordon, Slavery, 56–57, 61; Fisher, “Chattel Slavery,” 41; Baer, “Slavery in Nineteenth Century Egypt,” 419.

54. Seven out of eight slaves observed in Bursa in 1860–1880 are Circassian while there are none so identified in the preceding period. BCR No. C-122 MŞH.ŞSC.d 3144, 84b-87b; C-112 MŞH.ŞSC.d 3134, 72a-73b. Gordon, Slavery, 81. For increase in concubinage in Egypt due to abundance of African slaves in the same period, see Kenneth M. Cuno, “African Slaves in Nineteenth-Century Rural Egypt: A Preliminary Assessment,” in Race and slavery in the Middle East, 93. On the decline of polygamy as a parallel process, see Duben, Alan and Behar, Cem, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family, and fertility, 1880–1940 (Cambridge; New York, 1991), 149–50Google Scholar.

55. Baer, “Slavery in Nineteenth Century Egypt,” 438–39.

56. A very similar combination of cheap female and child labor and indenture formed the background of the decline of slavery in Renaissance Italy. See McKee, “Domestic Slavery,” 320.

57. Aytekin, E. Attila, “Cultivators, Creditors and the State: Rural Indebtedness in the Nineteenth Century Ottoman Empire,” The Journal of Peasant Studies 35: 2 (2008): 292313CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kaya, Alp Yücel, “On the Çiftlik Regulation in Tırhala in the Mid-Nineteenth Century: Economists, Pashas, Governors, Çiftlik-holders, Subaşıs, and Sharecroppers,” in Ottoman Rural Societies and Economies, ed. Kolovos, Elias (Rethimnon, 2015), 333–79Google Scholar; idem, “Were peasants bound to the soil in the large estates (çiftliks) of the XIXth century Balkans? Reappraisal of the Question of new/second serfdom in the Ottoman historiography,” 3rd International Conference of Greek Economic History Association in Economic and Social History, May 2017. See Stanziani, Alessandro, “Introduction: Labour, Coercion, and Economic Growth in Eurasia, Seventeenth–Early Twentieth Centuries,” in Labour, Coercion, and Economic Growth in Eurasia, 17th–20th Centuries, ed. Stanziani, A. (Leiden; Boston, 2013), 1920CrossRefGoogle Scholar regarding lack of correlation between labor scarcity and coercion.

58. Gerber, Haim, “Social and Economic Position of Women in an Ottoman City, Bursa, 1600–1700,” International Journal of Middle East Studies, 12, no. 3 (1980): 231–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Faroqhi, Suraiya, “Guildsmen and handicraft producers,” in The Cambridge History of Turkey: Volume 3: The Later Ottoman Empire, 1603–1839 (Cambridge, 2006), 343Google Scholar; Quataert, Donald, “Ottoman Manufacturing in the Nineteenth Century,” in Manufacturing in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey, 1500–1950, ed. Quataert, Donald (Albany, NY, 1994), 87121Google Scholar.

59. İrfan Kokdaş and Yahya Araz, “In Between Market and Charity: Child Domestic Work and Changing Labor Relations in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Istanbul,” ILWCH, in this issue; idem, “The Changing Nature of the Domestic Service Sector in Nineteenth-Century Istanbul: Female Slaves and Wage-Earning Girls,” unpublished paper. We are grateful to the authors for sharing their work in progress with us. On foster-maids, see also Ginio, Eyal, “Living on the Margins of Charity,” in Poverty and Charity in the Middle Eastern Contexts, ed. Ener, Mine, Singer, Amy and Bonner, Michael (New York, 2003), 165–84Google Scholar; Gürer, Ahmet Şamil and Bay, Abdullah, Osmanlı Toplumunda Beslemelik Kurumu (Istanbul, 2013)Google Scholar; Maksudyan, Nazan, “Foster-Daughter or Servant, Charity or Abuse: Beslemes in the Late Ottoman Empire,” Journal of Historical Sociology 21/4 (2008): 488512CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

60. Compare Ehud R. Toledano, Ottoman Slave Trade and its Suppression, 1840–1890 (Princeton, NJ, 1982), 62–66, according to which the pay-back period for an African slave in Istanbul in the 1860s and 1870s was 6–7 years at 2,000 guruş per slave.

61. Faroqhi, “Guildsmen and handicraft producers,” 336–54; Pamuk, İstanbul ve Diğer Kentlerde 500 Yıllık Fiyatlar ve Ücretler (Ankara, 2000), 77–82.

62. Stanziani, “Introduction,” 1–26.

63. Blumenthal, Enemies and Familiars, 154–93; Johnson, Soul by Soul, 109–15.

64. Artan, Tülay, “Mahremiyet: Mahrumiyetin Resmi.Defter 20 (1993): 91115Google Scholar; Quataert, Donald, ed., Consumption Studies and the History of the Ottoman Empire, 1550–1922: An Introduction (Albany, NY, 2000)Google Scholar; Suraiya Faroqhi, “Consumption and Elite Status in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: Exploring the Ottoman Case,” in Stories of Ottoman Men and Women, ed. Suraiya Faroqhi (Istanbul, 2000); Grehan, James, “Smoking and ‘Early Modern’ Sociability: The Great Tobacco Debate in the Ottoman Middle East (Seventeenth to Eighteenth Centuries),” The American Historical Review 111 (2006): 1352–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hamadeh, Shirine, The City's Pleasures: Istanbul in the Eighteenth Century (Seattle & London, 2007)Google Scholar; Sajdi, Dana, The Barber of Damascus: Nouveau Literacy in the 18th-Century Ottoman Levant (Stanford, 2013)Google Scholar.

65. Toledano, Ehud R., Slavery and Abolition in the Ottoman Middle East (Seattle, 1998), 129–34Google Scholar; idem, Late Ottoman Concepts of Slavery (1830s-1880s),” Poetics Today 14 (1993): 477506CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, Abolition and Anti-slavery in the Ottoman Empire: A Case to Answer?” in A Global History of Anti-slavery Politics in the Nineteenth Century, eds. Mulligan, William and Bric, Maurice (London; New York, 2000), 117–36Google Scholar.

66. Smiley, From Slaves to Prisoners, 171, 181, 236; Clarence-Smith, Islam and the Abolition, 47–65, 151–76; Wilkins, “A Demographic Profile,” 228 suggesting a link between the substantial increase in manumissions in seventeenth-century Aleppo and the Kadızadeli movement, which points to the complex ways by which sunni “orthodoxy,” even a version of salafism, could work to limit slavery.

67. Levtzion, Nehemia and Voll, John O., Eighteenth-century Renewal and Reform in Islam (Syracuse, NY, 1987)Google Scholar; Schulze, Reinhard, A Modern History of the Muslim World (London; New York, 2000)Google Scholar; idem, Is there an Islamic modernity,” in The Islamic World and the West. An Introduction to Political Cultures and International Relations, ed. Hafez, Kai (Leiden, 2000), 2132Google Scholar; Küçük, Harun, “The Case for the Ottoman Enlightenment: Natural Philosophy and Cosmopolitanism in Eighteenth-Century Istanbul,” Perspectives on Europe 42 (2012): 108–10Google Scholar.

68. Eltis, David and Engerman, Stanley L., “Dependence, Servility, and Coerced Labor in Time and Space,” in The Cambridge World History of Slavery, vol. III, AD 1420-AD 1804, Eds. Eltis, D., Engerman, S. L. (Cambridge, 2011), 2021CrossRefGoogle Scholar.