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A Sufi Legacy in Tunis: Prayer and the Shadhiliyya
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 April 2009
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In the following article, I present an account of the legacy of the famous saintly mystic Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhili (d. 1258). The parameters of the study will be narrowed geographically to Tunis and thematically to prayer. Tunis played an important role in the formation of the saint's ṭariqa (mystical order or brotherhood, pi. ṭuruq), and the city today still has a branch of the brotherhood and a number of sacred sites. The theme of prayer as used here includes prayer texts and a wide variety of activity, from popular devotions to spiritual discipline. As will become clear, this is a central element in any discussion of the ṭariqa's organization, ritual, and literature. In addition to the brotherhood and the sites, there is a Tunisian edition of the only recordedcompositions of the saint, his prayers—known as aḥzāb (sing, ḥizb). This study will thus reflect the saint, his brotherhood, and the use of the aḥzāb as integrated elements of the living Shadhili legacy in Tunis. This presentation will go beyond the usual academic treatments of Sufism, which rarely enter the modern period and are concerned mostly with the larger Sufi treatises. I hope not only to bring to light the importance of some lesser known liturgical and ritual practices, but also to begin to appreciate the “lesser tradition,” as it were, of Sufi prayer texts.
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References
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1 Nibrās al-atqiyāʾ wa dalil al-anqiyāʾ (Tunis: Al-Maṭbaʾa al-ʿAṣriyya, 1964).Google Scholar
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3 Michel Gilsenan, in his sociological account of the Ḥāmidiyya-Shādhīliyya and the Demerdāshiyya Khalwatiyya of Egypt, passes over prayer recitation to get to the more spectacular dhikr ceremony. His discussion of dhikr covers thirty pages, while prayer recitation is disposed of in one sentence: “In a more limited and immediate way [than dhikr], the recitation of certain litanies and sections of the Quran prescribed by the founder of the Order (the ḥizb or wird) fulfills the function of preparation for the dhikr proper and establishes the appropriate psychological ‘frame’ for its performances.” Gilsenan, Michel, Saint and Sufi in Modern Egypt: An Essay in the Sociology of Religion (Oxford: Clarendon, 1973), 156.Google Scholar I quote this not to imply that Gilsenan's observations are inaccurate but, rather, to show how a student, because of the accounts already written, might not look closely at recitation. For a similar treatment, see Rinn, Louis, Marabouts et khouan (Algièrs: Adolphe Jourdan, 1884), 99.Google Scholar
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6 This work is one of the earliest and most comprehensive expositions on dhikr; IbnʿAṭāʾ Allāh, Miftāḥ al-falāḥ. See also Khoury-Danner's, M. A. translation, “The Remembrance of God in Sufism: A Translation of Ibn Ata Allah's ‘Miftah al-Falah’” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Indiana, 1988),Google Scholar forthcoming from Islamic Texts Society as Key to Salvation.
7 A work dealing with the divine names of Allah: Al-qasd al-mujarrad (Cairo: Al-Maṭbaʿa al-Miṣriyya, 1930).Google Scholar See Alāaḥ, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ, Traéte sur le nom Allāh, trans. Gloton, M. (Paris: Deux Oceans, 1981).Google Scholar
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10 al-Ṣabbāgh, Ibn, al-Ḥimyarī, (Muḥammad ibn Abī al-Qāsim), Durrat al-asrār wa tuhfat al-abrār (Ḥijāza Qiblī-Qūṣ Qināʾ: Dār Āl al-Rifāʿī) and The Mystical Teachings of al-Shādhilī: Including His Life, Prayers, Letters, and Followers, ed. Rabiʿ, Ibrahim M., trans. Douglas, Elmer H. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993).Google Scholar See also A. Hofheinz's forthcoming review in Die Welt des Islams. Cornell, Vincent J., in “Mirrors of Prophethood: The Evolving Image of the Spiritual Master in the Western Maghreb from the Origins of Sufism to the End of the Sixteenth Century” (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1989), 423, 461,Google Scholar labels the biographical tradition from Ibn ʿAṭāʾ Allāh as the Egyptian tradition and that from Ibn al-Ṣabbāgh as the Maghribi tradition. Cornell is currently working on a study entitled “Abuʾl-Hasan al-Shadhili and the Origins of the Shadhiliyya.”
11 See Mackeen, A. M. Mohamed, “The Rise of Al-Shādhiī,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 91 (1971): 483,CrossRefGoogle Scholar for the various dates of birth.
12 Ibid., 479. For more on this period, see Kably, Mohamed, “Pouvoir universel et pouvoirs provinciaux au Maghreb dans la premié re moitifé du XIIIè siècle,” Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Mediterranée (1993–1994),CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Vincent J. Cornell's forthcoming The Dominion of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Mysticism.
13 A zāwiya is usually a small Sufi center under the control of an independent shaykh that often includes the tomb of a saint. For more on Abu Madyan, see Cornell, , The Way of Abu Madyan (Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 1994)Google Scholar.
14 Nwyia, Paul, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ Allāh et la naissance de la confrérie shadhilite (Beirut: Dar el-Mashreq, 1990), 19.Google Scholar
15 Quṭb: the “pole” or central figure among mystics or in a hierarchy of saints.
16 al-Ṣabbāgh, Ibn, Durrat al-asrār, 28Google Scholar, and Douglas, , “Al-Shādhilī,” 269.Google Scholar
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19 Douglas, , “Al-Shādhilī,” 259.Google Scholar
20 Literally “solitude” or “retreat.” For more on the concept of khalwa and its development among the Shadhiliyya, see Bannerth, Ernst, “Dhikr et Khalwa d'après Ibn ʿAṭā:ʾ Allāh,” Mélanges de I'lnstitut Dominicain d'Études Orientales 12 (1974).Google Scholar More generally, see Hermann Landolt's “Khalwa” in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed.
21 al-Ṣabbāgh, Ibn, Mystical Teachings, 16, 22–23,Google Scholar and Douglas, , “Al-Shādhiī,” 260.Google Scholar Douglas's reckoning of “shortly after 1227” is not supported by the Durrat al-asrār and is incompatible with 1228, the date established earlier, as the date of arrival in Tunis. Also, Douglas did not point out, or did not realize, that al-Shadhili had lived at some point in Tunis as a youth.
22 Mackeen, , “The Rise of Al-Shādhilī,” 484.Google Scholar
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26 Some of the works of this Tunisian tradition are Manāqib al-maghāra al-Shādhiliyya (Tunis: Bibliothéque Nationale, MS 3506[2])Google Scholar and Manāqib Abī al-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī (Tunis: Bibliothèque Nationale, MS 419).Google Scholar For a list of some of these companions, see Māmī, Al-Bājī ibn, “Nazra ḥawla al-turab wa baʿḍ amākin al-dafn al-ukhra bi madīna Tūnis,” Revue d'histoire Maghrébine 33 (1984): 12Google Scholar, n. 11. I have been unable to consult Karoui's, H. “Le Revanche des marginux: les manāqib des compagnons d'Abul-Hassan Shādhilī,” table ronde: “Mémoire en partage mémoire en pièces …” Paris, Editions de l'EHESS, 1989, inéditGoogle Scholar.
27 Meaning Sayyid Abū al-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī. Māmī, Al-Bājī ibn, “Naẓra ḥawla al-turab,” 12,Google Scholar identifies the small mountain upon which the zāwiya rests as jabal al-tuba.
28 Literally, ḥaḍra means “presence” and is the Sufi term for a group gathered for prayer recitation and dhikr. Ḥaḍra can also be an annual investiture meeting. See Rinn, , Marabouts, 84.Google Scholar
29 In the hadith of Ṣaḥīh al-Bukhārī (19.14), we read: “[Muḥammad said] Our Lord … descends every night to the nearest heaven when the latter one-third of the night remains, [and] says, Is there anyone who calls upon Me so that I may accept of him, who asks of Me so that I may grant him, who seeks forgiveness of Me, so that I may forgive him?” Translation by Ali, Muhammad, A Manual of Hadith (New York: Olive Branch, 1988), 178.Google Scholar The Qurʾan also mentions night prayer (73:6) and its division into thirds (73:20).
30 This account was given to me by a member of the order, Zoubeidi, Mustapha (13 08 1992)Google Scholar.
31 Gellner, Ernest, Saints of the Atlas (London: Weidenfeld, 1969), 8.Google Scholar The situation beyond the Maghrib is rather different. See, for example, Fernandes, Leonor, “The zawiya in Cairo,” Annales Islamologiques 18(1982).Google Scholar
32 Johnson, Pamela, “Sufi Shrine in Modern Tunisia” (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1979), 65.Google Scholar For a more general survey, see Green, Arnold H., “The Sufi Orders in 19th Century Tunisia: Sources and Prospects,” Revue d'histoire Maghrébine 13 (1979).Google Scholar
33 On the typically conservative character of the Shadhiliyya, see Mackeen, A. M. Mohamed, “Studies in the Origins and Development of al-Shadhiliyya” (Ph.D. thesis, SOAS, 1966), 177.Google Scholar See also Cornell, , “Mirrors of Prophethood,” 465.Google Scholar Ahmed Bey (ruled 1837–55) was apparently a member himself, helping to carry the coffin of Shaykh Shādhilī ibn al-Muʾaddib in 1847; see Brown, Leon C., “The Religious Establishment in Husainid Tunisia,” in Scholars, Saints and Sufis, ed. Keddie, Nikki (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 83.Google Scholar See also Māmī, Al-Bājī ibn, “Naẓra ḥawla al-turab,” 33, n. 126.Google Scholar
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35 Provansal, Danielle, “Phénomène Maraboutique au Maghreb,” Genève-Afrique 14 (1975): 62.Google Scholar
36 For a wider study of “sanctity” in the Maghrib, see Cornell, “Mirrors of Prophethood.”
37 Gellner, , Saints, 12, 70,Google Scholar and Trimingham, Sufi Orders, 89, maintain that being a sharif became a prerequisite to both religious and political claims of authority. This analysis is challenged in Cornell's, “Logic of Analogy and the Role of the Sufi Shaykh in Post-Marinid Morocco,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 15 (1983): 77.Google Scholar
38 Hoffman-Ladd, Valerie J., “Devotion to the Prophet and His Family in Egyptian Sufism,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 24 (1992): 615–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
39 Gellner, , Saints, 12.Google Scholar
40 A descendant of Muhammad through al-Ṣabbāgh, ʿAlī: Ibn, Mystical Teachings, 12;Google ScholarAmmār, , Abū at-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī, 30;Google Scholar and Provansal, , “Phénomène Maraboutique,” 63.Google Scholar
41 Because the women's attendance is regular and they can be heard inside, the argument could be made that they are in fact participants in a secondary way. For a short account of women's participation at this zāwiya, see Ferchiou, Sophie, “Survivances mystiques et culte de possession dans la maraboutisme Tunisien,” L'Homme 12 (1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a good account of the women at an ʿIsāwiyya zāwiya, see Johnson, , “Sufi Shrine,” chap. 4Google Scholar.
42 For specific examples of women's motives for shrine visitation, see Johnson, , “Sufi Shrine,” 114Google Scholar.
43 The clothing of a sick person may be brought to a sacred site such as zāwiya so that it may absorb some of the baraka. For striking medieval European parallels, see Brown, Peter, The Cult of the Saints (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), 88Google Scholar. On healing, see also Ferchiou, “Survivances mystiques,” and Johnson, “Sufi Shrine.”
44 Depont, Octave and Coppolani, Xavier, Les Confréries religieuses musulmanes (Algièrs: A. Jourdan, 1897), 450Google Scholar: wa man baddala aw ghayyara fī qawli nā al-miʿyāru amāma hu.
45 Murīd, meaning aspirant, disciple, or novice; and murshid, spiritual guide.
46 See Lings, Martin, A Moslem Saint of the Twentieth Century; Shaikh Ahmad al-ʿAlawī (London: Allen and Unwin, 1961), 83Google Scholar.
47 Cornell, , “Mirrors of Prophethood,” 444Google Scholar. Also, al-Ṣabbāgh, Ibn, Mystical Teachings, 109Google Scholar.
48 ʿAyyād, Ibn, Mafākhir al-ʿaliyya, 84Google Scholar; al-Ṣabbāgh, Ibn, Mystical Teachings, 141Google Scholar.
49 My personal correspondence with , MustaphaZoubeidi, (3 03 1993)Google Scholar. I have listed only the shortest section of the waẓīfa.
50 Allāh, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ, Laṭāʾif al-minan, 186Google Scholar. For more on spiritual authority, see the introduction to Nwyia's Ibn ʿAṭā:ʾ Allāh.
51 Ibn ʿAbbād of Ronda: Letters on the Sufi Path, trans. Renard, John (New York: Paulist Press, 1986), 37Google Scholar.
52 Mackeen, A. M. Mohamed, “The Sufi-Qawm Movement,” Muslim World 53 (1963): 223CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For an extensive discussion of sainthood and the quṭb according to Ibn al-ʿArabī, a contemporary of al-Shādhilī, see Chodkiewicz, Michel, Le Sceau des saints (Paris: Gallimard, 1986)Google Scholar.
53 Accounts of members of this family may be found in Ḍiyāf's, AḥmadItḥāfahl al-zamān bi-akhbār mulūk Tūnis waʿahd al-amān, 8 vols. (Tunis: Tunisian Government Printing Office, 1963–1966), 7:156Google Scholar.
54 Depont, and Coppolani, , Les Confréries, 454Google Scholar. For short biographies of ʿAlī ibn al-Ḥajj Muḥammad ibn al-Shādhilī ibn ʿUmar Ibn al-Muʾaddib Bilḥasan (d. 1899) and his son Muhammad ibn ʿAlī Bilhasan (d. 1916), see Green, Arnold H., The Tunisian Ulama 1873–1915 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978), 243Google Scholar.
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56 Gilsenan, , Saint and Sufi, 176.Google Scholar Discrepancies in practice between groups of the same ṭarīqa are common. Shaykh Hassen Belhassen also stated that the brotherhood, in his lifetime, has never had official international contact with any other Shadhili group.
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63 Published in Beirut by al-Maktaba al-Thiqāfiyya, it is one of numerous prayer books readily available in Tunis. There is no indication in the collection itself as to its origin or location of use, beyond the fact that it is printed in Beirut. It is probably used by a number of groups, as it contains Khalwati, Ahmadi, Rifaʿi, and Shadhili material. On the other hand, it may simply be intended for popular or non-brotherhood use.
64 This distinction applies to the terms only in their widest sense.
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73 al-Ṣabbāgh, Ibn, Mystical Teachings, 162,Google Scholar and Maḥmūd, ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm, Al-Madrasa, 139:Google Scholar “Praise be to Allah, I seek Allah's pardon, there is no power and no strength except in Allah.” For more examples, see Allāh, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ, Laṭāʾ if al-minan, 340.Google Scholar
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77 Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v. “Wird.”
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81 Ibid., 82.
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88 Ibid., 6. Bashīsh is an alternative spelling for mashīsh.
89 Faqih Abderrahman Ez Zaoudi, quoted in Blochet, Edgar, “A Propos du Ḥizb,” Revue du Monde Musulman 14 (1911), 112.Google Scholar According to Duncan B.MacDonald Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., s.v. “Hizb,” ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī was the first to use the term in the sense of a supererogatory prayer.
90 Edouard Michaux-Bellaire as quoted in Blochet, , “A Propos du Ḥizb,“ 111.Google Scholar
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102 Ḥirz al-jawshan (Tunis: Matbaʿa al-manār) (containing Ḥizb al-baḥr, Ḥizb al-barr, and Ḥizb alnaṣr). The symbolism of a coat of mail is reinforced by the fact that one must carry the booklet in one's breast pocket while in public for it to be effective as an amulet.
103 Ibid., 2–3. See also ʿAyyād, Ibn, Mafākhir al-ʿaliyya, 253,Google Scholar for a discussion of the power of a ḥirz and its limitations in the face of divine will.
104 Qurʾan is from the verbal root qaraʾa—“to recite,” “to read.” Note that qirāʾa (pl. qirāʾ āt), meaning “recitation” and often referring to the various traditions of Qurʾanic recitation, is from the same root. For further discussion, see Graham, William, Beyond the Written Word; Oral Aspects of Scripture in the History of Religion (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 99.Google Scholar
105 Ibid., 80.
106 Ibid., 114.
107 Ibid., 111.
108 Allāh, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ, Miftāḥ al-falāḥ, 4.Google Scholar
109 Ibid., 9. Translation from Khoury-Danner's Remembrance of God, 55.
110 Allāh, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ, Miftāḥ al-falāḥ, 5.Google Scholar
111 Ibid., 7.
112 Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed., s.v. “Dhikr.”
113 Trimingham, , sufi Orders, 204.Google Scholar
114 Bannerth, , “Dhikr et Khalwa,” 87.Google Scholar
115 Ibid., 68.
116 ʿAyyād, Ibn, Mafākhir al-ʿaliyya, 175.Google Scholar
117 Allah, Ibn ʿAṭāʾ, Miftāḥ al-falāḥ, 28,Google Scholar and ʿAyyād, Ibn, Mafākhir al-ʿaliyya, 175.Google Scholar
118 Cf. Gilsenan, , Saint and Sufi, 161–63, 169.Google Scholar
119 This is not to deny their other uses, either as individual recitations at times of crisis or as part of wird duties. For the second, see Maḥmūd, ʿAbd al-Ḥalīm, Al-Madrasa, 191,Google Scholar and ʿAyyād, Ibn, Mafākhir alʿaliyya, 190.Google Scholar
120 As with the ʿIsāwiyya. See Brunei, Rene, Essai sur la confrérie religieuse des ʿAīssāoūa au Maroc (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste, 1926), 93.Google Scholar
121 It is not my intention here to deny the importance of dhikr, but at Sidi Belhassen, the power and significance of the aḥzāb recitations overshadow dhikr asmāʾ Allāh. According to my preliminary research, this situation is unusual among the Sufi orders.
122 As further evidence of the significance of recitation, 1 was told by Shaykh Belhassen and other important individuals that these summer recitations are the most important gatherings for the brotherhood.
123 The framework and terminology of this analysis rely partly on Waugh, , Munshidīn, 7–9.Google Scholar See also Elboudrari, , “Ethique d'un saint,” 279.Google Scholar I leave any deeper typological analysis to specialists in the psychology of religion.
124 Najā, , Kashf al-asrār, 126.Google Scholar Ahmad ibn Idris claimed that his prayers and litanies were given to him by Khidr in the presence of the Prophet; Rex S. O'Fahey, , Enigmatic Saint: Ahmad Ibn Idris and the Idrisi Tradition (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1990), 4.Google Scholar
125 Najā, , Kashf al-asrār, 25.Google Scholar
126 Ibn ʿAbbād of Ronda, trans. Renard, 176.Google Scholar
127 Brown, , Cult of the Saints, 61.Google Scholar St. Augustine wrote, “Let us take the benefits of God through him [the saint], our fellow servant” (Sermon 319.8.7).
128 ʿAyyād, Ibn, Mafākhir al-ʿaliyya, 128.Google Scholar
129 Waugh, , Munshidīn, 9.Google Scholar
130 ʿAyyād, Ibn, Mafākhir al-ʿaliyya, 84.Google Scholar See also p. 154. The importance of a spiritual guide and proper spiritual association (ṣuḥba) is asserted by many Sufi thinkers.
131 Waugh, , Munshidīn, 8.Google Scholar
132 Rinn, , Marabouts, 93.Google Scholar
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