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In Praise of the Caliphs: Re-Creating History from the Manāqib Literature

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 January 2009

Extract

Roughly around the end of the 7th century, a distinct genre of Islamic literature began to develop under the rubric fadāʾil (“virtues” or “excellences”) that praised the merits, for example, of reciting the Qurʾan, of the Companions of the Prophet, of performing religious duties such as hajj and jihad, and of sacred cities such as Jerusalem. The fadāʾil literature initially was a part of the burgeoning hadith corpus, and the fadāʾ-Qurʾ an traditions appear to be the oldest strand. A variant term for this type of tradition, especially with regard to the Companions of the Prophet, is manāqib (and less frequently, khasāʾ is). A survey of this kind of “praise” literature indicates that the terms manāqib and fadaāʾil could be used fairly interchangeably.

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Research Article
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1999

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References

NOTES

Author's note: An abridged version of this paper was presented at the colloquium Hadith: Texts and History in March, 1998 held at the Centre for Islamic Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

1 Cf. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed., ed. Gibb, H. et al. , s.v. “Fadila” (Leiden, 1960-; hereafter El2), 2:728–29.Google Scholar For a broad survey of the fadāʾil literature, see Gruber, Ernst August, Verdienst und Rang: Die Fadāʾil als literarisches und gesellschaftliches Problem im Islam (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1975), esp. 4982 for the Fadāʾil buldān works and 8393 for the Fadāʾil al-Qurʾāan works.Google Scholar

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29 Modarressi, Hossein, Crisis and Consolidation in the Formative Period of Shiʾite Islam (Princeton, N.J., 1993), 213–14Google Scholar, in which he quotes from a refutation by Qiba, Ibn (d. before 931) of the Kitāb al-lshhād by al-ʿAlawī, Abū Zayd (d. late 9th century), a Zaydi scholar.Google Scholar See also al-Bāqillānī, , Kitāb al-Tamhīd fi 'l-radd ʿalā 'l-mulḥida al-muʿaṭṭila wa-'l-rāfiḌa wa-'l-khawārij wa-'l-muʿtazila, ed. Maḥmūd Muhammad al-Khudayrī and Muhammad ʿAbd al-Hādī Abū Rīdah (Cairo, 1947), 169Google Scholar, in which he states that the Bakriyya and the ʿAbbāsiyya were known to believe in naṡṡ for Abu Bakr and al-ʿAbbas, respectively. For the Ibādiyya in general, see van Ess, Josef, Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra (Berlin, 1991), 2:656–59.Google Scholar

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31 Watt, Montgomery, The Formative Period of Islamic Thought (Edinburgh, 1973), 362, n. 19Google Scholar; Ess, van, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 117.Google Scholar

32 Taymiyya, Ibn, Minhāj al-sunna, 1:341Google Scholar; Ess, van, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 2:117.Google Scholar For the Bakriyya in general, see al-Ashʿari, , Maqālāt al-islāmiyyīn, 273–74Google Scholar; al-Baghdādi, , al-Farq bayn al-firaq, ed. al-Khusht, Muḥammad ʿUthmān (Cairo, n.d.), 187–88Google Scholar; Ess, van, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 2:108–18.Google Scholar

33 Ess, Van, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 2:117–18. In the Maghrib, the Bakriyya were designated as the followers of the Sufi al-Bakri al-Siqilli (d. 996).Google Scholar

34 Al-Ashʿari, , Maqalat al-islamiyyin, 273Google Scholar; al-Baghdādī, , al-Farq, 187.Google Scholar

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36 Taymiyya, Ibn, Minhāj al-sunna, 1:351.Google Scholar

37 al-Kindi, Muḥammad ibn Yūsuf (d. 870), Wulāt Miṣr (Beirut, 1959), 39, 42, 77Google Scholar; cfMadelung, Wilferd, The Succession to Muhammad (Cambridge, 1997), 152 ff.Google Scholar

38 Al-Masʿūdī, , Murūj al-dhahab wa-maʿadin al-jawhar (Beirut, 19651966), 2:353–54.Google Scholar

39 Al-Tabarī, , Taʾrīkh al-umam wa-'l-mulūk, 2:694–95Google Scholar; cfMadelung, , Succession to Muhammad, 146Google Scholar, for a list of the ʿUthmāniyya; for the ʿAlid loyalists, see 141 ff. and references therein.

40 Goldziher, , Muslim Studies, 2:119Google Scholar; cf'I-Hadīd, Ibn Abī, Sharh nahj al-balagha, ed. Tamim, Hasan (Beirut, 1963), 1:804 ff.Google Scholar

41 For the first common definition of the Murjiʾ, see Saʿd, Ibn, Kitāb al-tabaqāt al-kabīr, ed. Sachau, Edward (Leiden, 19041908), 6:214Google Scholar; for the second, see al-Shahrastānī, , al-Milal wa-'l-niḥal, 1:162Google Scholar; cfWatt, , Formative Period, 124–26Google Scholar; Athamina, Khalil, “The Early Murjiʾa: Some Notes,” Journal of Semitic Studies 35 (1990): 111–-13.Google Scholar

42 van Ess, Josef, Frühe muʿtazilitische Häresiographie: Zwei Werke des Nāšiʾ al-Akbar, Beiruter Text und Studien, vol. 11 (Beirut, 1971), 6061.Google Scholar

43 Al-Jāḥiẏ, , Kitāb al-ʿUthmāniyya, ed. Harun, ʿAbad al-Salam (Cairo, 1938), 277.Google Scholar

44 Taymiyya, Ibn, Minhāj al-sunna, 1:340 ff.Google Scholar

45 See also al-Nawbakhti, , Firaq al-shiʿa (Cairo, 1992), 15.Google Scholar

46 Taymiyya, Ibn, Minhāj al-sunna, 1:353; a probable reference to Qurʾan 2:30.Google Scholar

47 Ibid., 1:364–65.

48 For the evolution of this term, see El2, s.v. “Ahl al-Bayt,” 1:237–38; Sharon, Moshe, “Ahl al-Bayt—People of the House,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 (1986): 169–84Google Scholar; see also idem, The Umayyads as Ahl al-BaytJerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 14 (1991): 116–52, in which he describes Umayyad attempts to arrogate this term to themselves.Google Scholar

49 Their more zealous adherents are called the Rāwandiyya; cfEss, van, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 3:1017.Google Scholar

50 Al-Fasawī, , Kitāb al-maʿrifa wa-'l-taʾrīkh, ed. al-ʿUmarī, Akram Diyāʾ (Baghdad, 1976), 1:493542.Google Scholar

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52 Al-Fasawī, , Maʿrifa, 1:499.Google Scholar

53 Goldziher, , Muslim Studies, 2:107.Google Scholar

54 Al-Munāwī, (d. 1621), Fayd al-qadīr, ed. al-Salam, Ahmad ʿAbd (Beirut, 1994), 1:500 ff.Google Scholar

55 Ibid., 1:513. Significantly, a similar tradition is recorded by al-Khwarazmi, in his Manāqib (p. 219)Google Scholar, in which ʿAli occupies this middle position between Abraham and Muhammad on the Day of Judgment on account of his intimacy with God. In Sunni hadith, the term khalīl in the sense of Muhammad's close friend is overwhelmingly reserved for Abu Bakr; cfal-Bukhārī, , Ṣaḥiḥ (Cairo, 1973), 6:7879Google Scholar; al-Hajjāj, Muslim ibn, Ṣaḥiḥ (Beirut, 1995), 4:1478–79Google Scholar; Shayba, Ibn Abī, Muṣannaf, 6:348, nos. 31923, 31924, and 31926Google Scholar; Saʿd, Ibn, Tabaqāt, 3:176.Google Scholar

56 Al-Munāwī, , Fayd al-qadīr, 4:491, no. 5665.Google Scholar

57 Ibid., no. 5663.

58 For this hadith in relation to ʿAli, see al-Tirmidhī, (d. 892–93), Ṣaḥiḥ Sunan (Beirut, 1988; hereafter Sunan), 3:213, no. 2929Google Scholar; Māja, Ibn (d. 886), Sunan (Riyadh, 1983), 1:24, no. 106.Google Scholar

59 The family of the Prophet (āl Muhammad), however defined, is barred from accepting both zakāt and ṣadaqa (“voluntary alms”), according to most Sunni jurists; see El2, s.v. “Ṣadaka,” 8:713. The Shiʿa, however, allow ṣadaqa, in addition to khums, for them.

60 Al-Fasawī, , Maʿrifa, 1:536; Muslim, Ṣaḥiḥ, 4:1492–93.Google Scholar For traditions that include the Prophet's wives among the ahl al-bayt, notably Umm Salama, see Shayba, Ibn Abī, Musannaf, 6:370, no. 32104Google Scholar; al-Tabarī, al- Muhibb, Dhakhāʾir al-ʿuqba fi manāqib dhawī 'l-qurbā (Jedda, 1995), 5559.Google Scholar

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62 For whom, see al-Baghdādī, al-Khatīb (d. 1071), Taʾrikh Baghdād (Cairo, 1931), 9:174–84; GAS, 1:96.Google Scholar

63 Sunni biographies point out that Jaʿfar ibn Muhammad was also a descendant of Abu Bakr on his mother's side, in which fact he is said to have taken great pride; cf., for example, Hajar, Ibn, Tahdhīb altahdhīb, 1:310–11.Google Scholar

64 See Furat, Ahmed Subhi, “al-Hakīm al-Tirmizī ve al-radd ʿala '1-Rāfiẏa adli risalesi,” in Sarkiyat Mecmuasi 6 (1966): 38Google Scholar; al-Tabarī, al-Muhibb, al-Riyād al-nadira, 1:78.Google Scholar

65 Al-Jāḥiẏ, , ʿUthmāniyya, 113.Google Scholar It should be pointed out that the Risālat al-ʿUthmāniyya has scarcely anything to do with ʿUthman, as Sharon erroneously states in his Black Banners from the East (Jerusalem, 1983), 35 and n. 10.Google Scholar The work is rather exclusively concerned with establishing Abu Bakr's greater qualifications to succeed the Prophet vis-à-vis ʿAli.

66 For accounts referring to Abu Quhafa's acceptance of Islam, see Hishām, Ibn, Sira, 2:856–57.Google Scholar

67 For whom, see Hajar, Ibn, Tahdhīb al-tahdhīb, 4:183–84, in which he is described as a client (mawlā) of Āl al-Zubayr, which immediately attaches to him an anti-ʿAlid bias. The various reports in the Tahdhib, however, pronounce him in general to be a thiqa.Google Scholar

68 See al-Nīsābūrī, Al-Hākim, al-Mustadrak ʿalā 'l-ṣaḥiḥayn (Hyderabad, 19211922), 3:475Google Scholar; a similar report, also from Musa ibn ʿUqba, is contained in al-Ṭabarī, al-Muḥibb, al-Riyāḍ al-naḍira, 1:214.Google Scholar For Shiʿi refutation of such traditions, see, for example, al-Amīnī, , Al-ghadīr fi 'l-kitāb wa-'l-sunna wa-'l-adab (Beirut, 1994), 7:351–-66.Google Scholar

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70 Ibid., 1:160.

71 For whom, see El2, 1:53–54. ʿAbd Allah Ibn ʿUmar was commonly believed, however, to have belonged to a “neutral” or “moderate” camp that refused to take sides in the dispute between ʿAli and Mucawiya after the murder of cUthman; cfWatt, , Formative Period, 7273.Google Scholar

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75 CfHazm, Ibn, al-Fiṣal fi 'l-milal wa-l-ahwā wa-'l-niḥal (Beirut, 1996), 3:26.Google Scholar

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78 al-Qummī, Saʿd ibn ʿAbd Allāh, Kitāb al-maqālāt wa-'l-firaq (Tehran, 1963), 7, no. 22.Google Scholar

79 Al-Bukhārī, , Sahih, 7:100101, no. 3867.Google Scholar

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81 Al-Fasawī, , Maʿrifa, 1:450.Google Scholar

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85 Al-Haythamī, , Majmaʿ al-zawāʾid, 9:41.Google Scholaral-Jawzi, Ibn (d. 1201) lists this as a spurious tradition in his Kitāb al-mawdūʿāt, ed. ʿUthman, ʿAbd al-Rahmān Muḥammad (Medina, 1966), 1:318. It is worthy of note that an almost identical tradition occurs in a Zaydi manāqib work, but with ʿAli's name substituted for Abu Bakr's, see Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad ibn Sulaymān, Manāqib amīr al-muʾminīn ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, ms., Ambrosiana Microfilm Collection, Medieval Institute, University of Notre Dame, Arabi H 128, pt. 2, fol. 46b. For Abu Jaʿfar (alive 912), see GAS, 1:346.Google Scholar

86 Al-Haythamī, , Majmaʿ al-zawāʾid, 9:41.Google Scholar

87 CfAhmad, Jamal al-DinTawus, Ibn (d. 1274–75), Bināʾ al-maqāla al-fāṭimiyya fi naqḍ al-risāla al-ʿuthmāniyya, ed. al-Ghurayfī, ʿAdnān (Qumm, 1411 A.H.), 242–43.Google Scholar

88 Al-ၬūsi, , al-shāfi, Talkhīṣ, ed. al-Sayyid Husayn Baḥr al-ʿUlūm (Najaf, 1963), 3:30.Google Scholar

89 Ibid.; Raḍī al-DIn Ibn ၬāwūs (d. 1266), Kitāb al-Turaf (Najaf, 1369 A.H.), 31–32.

90 This tradition is recorded, for example, by al-Tirmidhī, Sunan, 3:213, no. 2930, and by Ibn Māja, Sunan, 1:24–25, no. 108.

91 See, for example, al-Bāqillānī, Tamhīd, 169–73.

92 Al-Jāhiz, ʿUthmāniyya, 145. For a variant tradition concerning the Companion Burayda al-Aslami, see ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Musannaf, 11:225, no. 20388; Mustadrak, 3:110.

93 Al-Bukhārī, , Sahīh, 6:79. Abū Dāʾūd, Ṣaḥiḥ Sunan (Beirut, 1989), 3:876, nos. 3870 and 3871.Google Scholar

94 Al-Fasawī, Maʿrifa, 1:479–80.

95 11:225, no. 20387; al-Muḥibb al-Ṭabarī, al-Riyāḍ al-naḍira, 1:47.

96 11:225, no. 20387.

97 Al-Muḥibb al-Ṭabarī, al-Riyāḍ al-naḍira,, 1:65.

98 lbid., 1:62.

99 Ibid., 1:181.

100 al-Jawzī, Abū 'l-Faraj Ibn, Manāqib amīr al-muʾminln ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb, ed. al-Qārūt, Zaynab Ibrāhim (Beirut, n.d.), 31Google Scholar; al-Suyūtī, , al-Ghurar fi fadāʾil ʿUmar, ed. Haydar, al-Shaykh ʿAmir Ahmad (Beirut, 1991); al-Hākim al-Nīsābūrī, Mustadrak, 3:85.Google Scholar

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105 CfWatt, , Formative Period, 167.Google Scholar

106 El 2, s.v. “Imāma,” 3:1164; Zaman, , Religion and Politics, 169 ff.Google Scholar

107 This refers to the treaty of Hudaybiyya, concluded in 628.

108 Al-Baghdādī, , al-Farq, 303–4.Google Scholar

109 For whom, see Ḥajar, Ibn, Tahdhlb al-tahdhib, 4: 252;Google Scholar he is overwhelmingly described as a thiqa from whom the giant traditionists such as al-Bukhari, al-Tirmidhi, al-Nasaʿi, and others, transmitted hadiths.

110 Ibid., 3:1115–16. Cf. the version given by Zaman, , Religion and Politics, 5152.Google Scholar

111 See further, Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr, IstiḤʿā, 3:1116, in which another report from Yahya ibn Macin states, “The best of this community after our Prophet are Abu Bakr and ʿUmar, then ʿUthman, then ʿAli; this is our doctrine (madhhabunā) and the saying of our leaders.” But according to other reports, Yahya ibn Maʿin also used to place ʿAli before cUthman, apparently with no misgivings.

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116 The Zaydi scholar Abu Muhammad al-Qasim al-Rassi (d. 860) wrote several refutations of the Rāfida;cf. GAS, 1:561–63.

117 Qutayba, Ibn, Taʿwil mukhtalif al-ḥadith (Cairo, 1981), 92.Google Scholar

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120 Al-Nawbakhtī, , Firaq al-shiʿa, 15;Google Scholaral-Qummī, , Maqālāt, 3, no. 5.Google Scholar

121 Al-Masʿūdī, , al-Tanbīh wa-'l-ishrāf, 337.Google Scholar

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126 Al-Ṭūsī, , Talkhīṣ, 2: 9495,Google Scholar and Ess, van, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 1: 379,Google Scholar in which it is mentioned that the theory of naṣṣ is also attributed to Hisham ibn al-Hakam (d. 3rd/9th century); ʿal-Jabbār, Abd, Tathbīt dalāʿil al-nubuwwa, ed. ʿʿUthmān, Abd al-Karīm (Beirut, 1996), 224–26.Google Scholar Other accounts attribute it to Abu ʿIsa al-Warraq (d. 861); al-Ṭūsī, , Talkhīṣ, 2: 95.Google Scholar For Ibn al-Rawandi, see El 2, 3:905–6.

127 Zaman, , Religion and Politics, 8 ff.Google Scholar

128 CfCrone, Patricia and Hinds, Martin, God's Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam (Cambridge, 1986).Google Scholar

129 Madelung, , Succession to Muḥammad, Introduction, 127.Google Scholar

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