Authors’ note: I am indebted to David Commins, Bernard Haykel, Roel Meijer, Harald Motzki, Saud al-Sarhan, and the anonymous IJMES reviewers, who gave excellent comments on previous drafts of this article, as well as to Beth Baron and Sara Pursley for their useful editorial advice. I also thank David Commins for inviting me to a panel on Salafism at the MESA Annual Meeting in Boston, November 2009, where I presented an earlier version of this paper.

¹ The most sustained versions of this idea can be found in publications such as Gold, Dore, Hatred's Kingdom: How Saudi Arabia Supports the New Global Terrorism (Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, Inc., 2003)Google Scholar; and Schwartz, Stephen, The Two Faces of Islam: Saudi Fundamentalism and Its Role in Terrorism (New York: Anchor Books, 2003)Google Scholar.

² Kohlberg, Etan, “Barāʾa in Shīʿī Doctrine,” Jerusalem Studies of Arabic and Islam 7 (1986): 139–41Google Scholar.

³ Rubin, Uri, “Barāʾa: A Study of some Quranic Passages,” Jerusalem Studies of Arabic and Islam 5 (1984): 13–32Google Scholar.

⁴ A major study on this subject is Bernards, Monique and Nawas, John, eds., Patronate and Patronage in Early and Classical Islam (Leiden and Boston: E. J. Brill, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁵ See, for example, Q. 5:51, which (in the translation of A. J. Arberry) reads: “O believers, take not Jews and Christians as friends [awliyāʾ]; they are friends of each other. Whoso of you makes them his friends [man yatawallahum minkum] is one of them. . . .”

⁶ Kohlberg, “Barāʾa,” 144–75.

⁷ An influential work in this respect is Ahmad b. ʿAbd al-Halim b. ʿAbd al-Salam b. Taymiyya, Iqtidaʾ al-Sirat al-Mustaqim li-Mukhalafat Ashab al-Jahim, 2 vols. (Riyadh: Dar al-Ishbiliya li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawziʿ, 1997/1998).

⁸ Wagemakers, Joas, “The Transformation of a Radical Concept: al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ in the Ideology of Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi,” in Global Salafism: Islam's New Religious Movement, ed. Meijer, Roel (London: Hurst & Co., 2009), 85–88Google Scholar.

⁹ Commins, David, The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia (London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 2006)Google Scholar; Crawford, M. J., “Civil War, Foreign Intervention, and the Question of Political Legitimacy: A Nineteenth-Century Saʿudi Qadi's Dilemma,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 14 (1982): 227–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; al-Fahad, Abdulaziz H., “From Exclusivism to Accommodation: Doctrinal and Legal Evolution of Wahhabism,” New York University Law Review 79 (May 2004): 485–519Google Scholar; Steinberg, Guido, Religion und Staat in Saudi-Arabien: Die wahhabitische Gelehrten, 1902–1953 (Würzburg, Germany: Ergon, 2002)Google Scholar; Winder, R. Bayly, Saudi Arabia in the Nineteenth Century (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1965)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ See Champion, Daryl, The Paradoxical Kingdom: Saudi Arabia and the Momentum of Reform (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), 33–35Google Scholar; Long, David E., The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (Gainsville, Fla.: University Press of Florida, 1997), 27–28Google Scholar; Niblock, Tim, Saudi Arabia: Power, Legitimacy and Survival (London and New York, 2006), 29Google Scholar; Al-Rasheed, Madawi, A History of Saudi Arabia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 24–25Google Scholar; and Safran, Nadav, Saudi Arabia: The Ceaseless Quest for Security (Ithaca, N.Y., and London: Cornell University Press, 1988), 17–18Google Scholar. Two exceptions are Vassiliev, Alexei, The History of Saudi Arabia (London: Saqi Books, 2000), 192–202Google Scholar; and H. St. John Philby, Saʿudi Arabia (Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1968 [1955]), 218–36.

¹¹ Commins, Wahhabi, 31–33; Al-Rasheed, History, 21–23.

¹² For a detailed account of the Egyptian invasion of the Arabian peninsula, see Vassiliev, History, 140–55.

¹³ Commins, Wahhabi, 33; Al-Rasheed, History, 23.

¹⁴ See the collection of Wahhabi writings, ʿAbd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. Qasim al-ʿAsimi al-Najdi al-Hanbali (hereafter Ibn Qasim), ed., al-Durar al-Saniyya fi al-Ajwiba al-Najdiyya, 16 vols., 7th ed. (n.p., 2004), 8:121–22. Sulayman's treatise is also available separately at www.tawhed.ws; all documents from this website mentioned herein were available on 3 April 2011. See also Commins, Wahhabi, 35–36.

¹⁵ For a highly polemical treatise against the Ottomans from a Wahhabi point of view, see Nasir b. Hamd al-Fahd, al-Dawla al-ʿUthmaniyya wa-Mawqif Daʿwat al-Shaykh Muhammad b. ʿAbd al-Wahhab minha (www.tawhed.ws). Although this is a recent booklet, it also lists the positions of 19th-century Wahhabi scholars.

¹⁶ See Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtidaʾ, 1:92–94, for example, which condemns resembling non-Muslims and their customs and participating in their traditions. This is a major theme throughout the whole book.

¹⁷ See Muhammad b. ʿAbd al-Wahhab, Mufid al-Mustafid fi Kufr Tarik al-Tawhid, www.tawhed.ws, pp. 16–24, where the idea of separation from and enmity toward non-Muslims as a compulsory task for believers is clearly present, though in a general way and without referring to specific forms of loyalty and disavowal.

¹⁸ See, for example, Sulayman's writings on non-political dimensions of al-walāʾ wa-l-barāʾ in Ibn Qasim, al-Durar, 8:166–67. See also Sulayman b. ʿAbdallah Al al-Shaykh, Awthaq ʿUra al-Iman, www.tawhed.ws. See also Sirriyeh, Elizabeth, “Wahhabis, Unbelievers and the Problems of Exclusivism,” BRISMES Bulletin 16 (1989): 123–32Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See, for example, the numerous references to the prohibition of living in or traveling to non-Muslim countries in Ibn Qasim, al-Durar, vol. 8. Sulayman himself wrote a fatwa in which he upheld this prohibition for Muslims incapable of “showing their religion” and remaining loyal to God (according to strict Wahhabi standards) among non-Muslims. See Ibn Qasim, al-Durar, 8:161–62. Although Sulayman's fatwa did allow Muslims to travel abroad if they were capable of upholding and showing their religious beliefs and of remaining loyal to God, this clearly did not go far enough for more moderate scholars. Some of the latter were quite aware of the need to conduct trade with other countries and apparently sought more leeway for Muslims engaged in these activities. See al-Fahad, “Exclusivism,” 500–501.

²⁰ Winder, Saudi Arabia, 60–64.

²¹ This invasion led to an interesting debate among scholars about whether it is permissible to continue living under Ottoman “infidel” rule or not. This discussion, in which Wahhabi scholar Hamd b. ʿAtiq played an important role, echoed, as Commins rightly states, the treatise of Sulayman b. ʿAbdallah mentioned earlier. See Commins, Wahhabi, 46–49.

²² The most comprehensive account in English of the conflict between ʿAbdallah and Saʿud and its aftermath can be found in Winder, Saudi Arabia, 229–78. See also Vassiliev, History, 192–204.

²³ Winder, Saudi Arabia, 249–56.

²⁴ The idea that asking non-Muslims for help is wrong in general can be traced back to a saying by the Prophet Muhammad and thus made its way into writings on Islamic law. See for example Khadduri, Majid, The Islamic Law of Nations: Shaybānī's Siyar (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins Press, 1966), 90Google Scholar.

²⁵ Crawford, “Civil War,” 236–38; al-Fahad, “Exclusivism,” 501–504; Steinberg, Guido, “The Wahhabi Ulama and the Saudi State: 1745 to the Present,” in Saudi Arabia in the Balance: Political Economy, Society, Foreign Affairs, ed. Aarts, Paul and Nonneman, Gerd (London: Hurst & Co., 2005), 19Google Scholar; idem, Religion, 429. Ibn ʿAtiq and Ibn ʿAjlan had strongly disagreed on the issue of whether one was allowed to live under “infidel” Ottoman rule. See note 12.

²⁶ This book is also known under a different title in which the word al-Atrak (the Turks) has been replaced by Ahl al-Ishrak (polytheists). The title given previously is probably the correct one, however, since Ibn ʿAtiq himself mentions this specifically as the title of the book. See Hamd b. ʿAli b. ʿAtiq, Sabil al-Najat wa-l-Fikak min Muwalat al-Murtaddin wa-l-Atrak, www.tawhed.ws, 2.

²⁷ Ibid., 29.

²⁸ The only exception I found is Commins, who refers to Ibn ʿAtiq's book as part of an edited volume for information on its author. See Commins, Wahhabi, 229n26.

²⁹ Ibn ʿAtiq, Sabil, 27–28, 38–39.

³⁰ Ibn ʿAtiq also wrote a letter to Saʿud condemning the practice of maintaining contact with the Ottoman rulers of the holy places in Mecca and Medina. See Ibn Qasim, al-Durar, 9:48–49.

³¹ Personal interview with Saud al-Sarhan, London, 2 July 2008.

³² See Ibn Qasim, al-Durar, 8:324–87, quote at 366–67.

³³ Crawford, “Civil War,” 236–39.

³⁴ Steinberg, Religion, 427–31; idem, “The Wahhabi Ulama and the Saudi State,” 18–19.

³⁵ Steinberg, Religion, 430–31. For writings stressing samʿ and ṭāʿa, see for example Ibn Qasim, al-Durar, 9:78–79, 196–97. That this subservience was applied in practice became clear several decades later when the Saudi king ʿAbd al-ʿAziz was challenged by his own Wahhabi-inspired fighting force, the Ikhwan (Brethren). During the mediation that took place between the two parties, the scholars agreed with the Ikhwan's demands but, not wanting to be disobedient, overwhelmingly sided with ʿAbd al-ʿAziz anyway, even going so far as to support his defeat of the Ikhwan at the Battle of Sibilla in 1929. See Commins, Wahhabi, 75–92; John S. Habib, Ibn Saud's Warriors of Islam: The Ikhwan of Najd and Their Role in the Creation of the Saudi Kingdom, 1910–1930 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978), 121–55; Joseph Kostiner, “On Instruments and Their Designers: The Ikhwan of Najd and the Emergence of the Saudi State,” Middle Eastern Studies 21 (July 1985): 313–18; Steinberg, Religion, 431–69; and idem, “Wahhabi ʿUlama and the State in Saudi Arabia, 1927,” in The Modern Middle East: A Sourcebook for History, ed. Camron Michael Amin, Benjamin C. Fortna, and Elizabeth Frierson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 57–61. Interestingly, while King ʿAbd al-ʿAziz had strong ties to the British at the time, there does not seem to be any indication that the concept of al-istiʿāna bi-l-kuffār played a role in the conflicts between the king and the Ikhwan.

³⁶ In the conflict between the Ikhwan and ʿAbd al-ʿAziz, for example, several less prominent Wahhabi scholars are said to have sided with the former. See Steinberg, Religion, 465–66.

³⁷ Crawford, “Civil War,” 232–33; Steinberg, Religion, 429; idem, “The Wahhabi ʿUlama and the Saudi State,” 19.

³⁸ Commins, Wahhabi, 93–103. For more detailed accounts of the role of religious scholars in Saudi politics and the declining influence of the Al al-Shaykh, see, respectively, Kechichian, Joseph A., “The Role of the Ulama in the Politics of an Islamic State: The Case of Saudi Arabia,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 18 (1986): 53–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Bligh, Alexander, “The Saudi Religious Elite (Ulama) as Participant in the Political System of the Kingdom,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 17 (1985): 37–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁹ Al-Rasheed, Madawi, Contesting the Saudi State: Islamic Voices from a New Generation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 36–37Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ This interpretation of barāʾ is limited to hating non-Muslims because of their unbelief, not as persons. See for example ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Baz, Maʿna al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ, www.binbaz.org.sa, 1; all documents from this website used herein were accessed on 30 August 2007. General works by Wahhabis dealing with al-walāʾ wa-l-barāʾ include al-Jawhara bt. ʿAbdallah, Waqfa hawla al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ fi al-Islam (Riyadh: Dar al-Samiʿi li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawziʿ, 1991); Muhammad b. Saʿid al-Qahtani, al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ fi al-Islam min Mafahim ʿAqidat al-Salaf al-Salih, 12th ed. (Riyadh: Dar Tayyiba li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawziʿ, 2007); ʿAli b. Nayif al-Shuhud, ed., al-Mufassal fi Sharh Ayat al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ, http://saaid.net (2004); all documents used from this website used herein were accessed on 3 April 2011. See also Humud al-Tuwayjiri, Tuhfat al-Ikhwan bi-ma Jaʾa fi al-Muwalat, www.tawhed.ws (1963).

⁴¹ Muhammad b. Ibrahim Al al-Shaykh, Hukm al-Ihtifal bi-l-ʿId al-Watani, www.tawhed.ws (1965), 2.

⁴² See for example, ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Baz, Hukm Musharakat al-Nasara fi Aʿyadihim, www.binbaz.org.sa; Salih b. Fawzan al-Fawzan, al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ fi al-Islam, http://saaid.net, 7; Muhammad b. Salih al-ʿUthaymin, al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ, http://saaid.net, 12–13, 20–21.

⁴³ ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Baz, La Yajuzu Badʾ al-Kuffar bi-l-Salam, www.binbaz.org.sa; idem, Musafahat al-Nasrani aw al-Yahudi hal Tabtulu al-Wuduʾ, www.binbaz.org.sa; al-ʿUthaymin, al-Walaʾ, 13–16.

⁴⁴ ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Baz, Hukm al-Salam bi-l-Ishara bi-l-Yad, www.binbaz.org.sa.

⁴⁵ ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Bāz, Hukm al-Sakn maʿa al-ʿAwaʾil fi al-Kharij, www.binbaz.org.sa; idem, Hukm Iqamat al-Muslim fi Bilad al-Kufr, www.binbaz.org.sa; idem, La Tajuzu al-Iqama fi Balad Yazharu fihi al-Shirk wa-l-Kufr illa li-l-Daʿwa ila Allah, www.binbaz.org.sa; al-Fawzan, al-Walaʾ, 4–5; Sulayman b. Sahman, Irshad al-Talib ila Ahamm al-Matalib, www.tawhed.ws (1917), 10–16; al-ʿUthaymin, al-Walaʾ, 7–12.

⁴⁶ Al-Fawzan, al-Walaʾ, 4, 8.

⁴⁷ ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Baz, Hukm al-Muʿamala maʿa al-Shiʿa, www.binbaz.org.sa; idem, al-Taqrib bayna al-Rafida wa-Ahl al-Sunna ghayr Mumkin (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.).

⁴⁸ Doumato, Eleanor Abdella, “Manning the Barricades: Islam According to Saudi Arabia's School Texts,” Middle East Journal 57 (2003): 236–41Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ The clearest example of an obvious avoidance of these sources is ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Baz, Hukm al-Istiʿana bi-l-Kuffar fi Qital al-Kuffar (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.).

⁵⁰ Idem, Hukm Akl al-Muslim maʿa al-Kafir (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.); idem, Hukm Ziyarat ghayr al-Muslimin li-Daʿwatihim li-l-Islam (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.); idem, al-Kafir laysa Akhkhan li-l-Muslim (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.).

⁵¹ Idem, La Ikhwa bayna al-Muslimin wa-l-Kafirin wa-la Din Haqq ghayr Din al-Islam (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.).

⁵² Idem, Taʿqib ʿala Maqalat al-Shaykh Jad al-Haqq Shaykh al-Azhar bi-ʿUnwan: ʿAlaqat al-Islam bi-l-Adyan al-Ukhra (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.); idem, Wujub ʿAdawat al-Yahud wa-l-Mushrikin wa-ghayrihim min al-Kuffar (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.).

⁵³ Idem, al-Sulh maʿa al-Yahud aw ghayrihim min al-Kafara la Yalzamu minhu Mawaddatihim wa-la Muwalatihim (www.binbaz.org.sa, n.d.).

⁵⁴ Al-Fawzan, “al-Baraʾ min Din al-Kuffar wa-laysa bi-Tark al-Taʿamul maʿahum,” ʿUkaz, 21 December 2003.

⁵⁵ The fact that the Wahhabi scholars are generally obedient to their rulers does not mean that they have no independence at all. In the social sphere, where dissenting views are considered less threatening to the regime, the scholars enjoy a far greater freedom to speak out.

⁵⁶ Hatim b. ʿArif al-ʿAwni, al-Walaʾ wa-l-Baraʾ bayna al-Ghuluw wa-l-Jifaʾ (fi Dawʾ al-Kitab wa-l-Sunna) (Riyadh: Dar al-Samayʿi li-l-Nashr wa-l-Tawziʿ, 2005), 69–83. For more on this discussion, see Wagemakers, Joas, “Defining the Enemy: Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi's Radical Reading of Surat al-Mumtahana,” Die Welt des Islams 48 (2008): 353–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Salih b. Fawzan b. ʿAbdallah al-Fawzan, Sharh Risalat al-Dalaʾil fi Hukm Muwalat Ahl al-Ishrak (n.p., 2007), 15.

⁵⁸ The direct reason al-Fawzan wrote this book was probably the use of Sulayman's treatise against the Saudi state by members of the (violent) Islamic opposition after the Gulf War of 1990, which will be dealt with in more detail.

⁵⁹ See, for example, Ibn Taymiyya, Iqtidaʾ, 1:176–85. This book is dedicated to warning Muslims about the feasts and customs of Jews and Christians and calls on believers not to adopt these non-Islamic ways. Ibn Taymiyya clearly deals with this topic through the prism of loyalty and disavowal.

⁶⁰ See for example Shams al-Din Abi ʿAbdallah Muhammad b. Abi Bakr b. Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Ahkam Ahl al-Dhimma, 3 vols. (Dammam/Beirut: Ramadi li-l-Nashr/Dar Ibn Hazm, 1997). In this book Ibn al-Qayyim (1292–1350) deals extensively with this issue; see esp. 1:409–26.

⁶¹ See Hamd b. ʿAli b. ʿAtiq, al-Tahdhir min al-Safar ila Bilad al-Mushrikin (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.); Ahmad b. Yahya al-Wansharisi, Asna al-Matajir fi Bayan Ahkam man Ghalab ʿala Watanihi al-Nasara wa-lam Yuhajir wa-ma Yatarattabu ʿalayhi min al-ʿUqubat wa-l-Zawajir (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.).

⁶² I define Salafism as the broader trend of trying to adhere to the ways of the first three generations of Muslims—“the pious predecessors” (al-salaf al-ṣāliḥ)—as closely and in as many spheres of life as possible, and Wahhabism as the Najdi version, encompassing the entire Salafi tradition originally emanating from this central Arabian region and not just its regime-friendly version.

⁶³ See, for example, on non-Islamic feasts, Humud b. ʿUqalaʾ al-Shuʿaybi, Hukm al-Musharaka fi Ihtafalat al-Nasara (www.tahwed.ws, n.d.); idem, Hukm Tahniʾat al-Kuffar bi-Aʿyadihim (www.tawhed.ws, 2000); on greeting non-Muslims, Sulayman b. Nasir al-ʿUlwan, Hukm Badaʾa Ahl al-Kitab bi-l-Salam (www.tawhed.ws, 2000); on living or settling in non-Muslim countries, Humud b. ʿUqalaʾ al-Shuʿaybi, Hukm Akhdh al-Jinsiyya li-l-Makrah min Dawla Kafira (www.tawhed.ws, 2001); and ʿAbd al-ʿAziz b. Salih al-Jarbuʿ, al-Iʿlam bi-Wujub al-Hijra min Dar al-Kufr ila Dar al-Islam (www.tawhed.ws, 2001).

⁶⁴ See, for example, some of his fatwas: Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, Majmuʿ Fatawa al-Shaykh Abu [sic] Muhammad al-Maqdisi (n.p.: Muʾassasat Ard al-Ribat al-Iʿlamiyya, 2007), 90–91, 122, 124. These fatwas are also available separately on www.tawhed.ws.

⁶⁵ Personal interview with Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, Amman, 13 January 2009.

⁶⁶ For more on al-Maqdisi's use of al-walāʾ wa-l-barāʾ and his ideology as a whole, see Wagemakers, Joas, “A Purist Jihadi-Salafi: The Ideology of Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 36 (2009): 281–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, Millat Ibrahim wa-Daʿwat al-Anbiyaʾ wa-l-Mursalin wa-Asalib al-Tughat fi Tamyiʿiha wa-Saraf al-Duʿat ʿanha (www.tawhed.ws, 1984), 47.

⁶⁸ This accusation by al-Maqdisi is mostly based on the belief that the rulers of the Muslim world adhere to and implement man-made laws instead of the shariʿa. Al-Maqdisi also considers this practice a wrong form of walāʾ. For more on this, see Wagemakers, “Transformation,” 92–95. Since this legislative version of al-walāʾ wa-l-barāʾ is not central to this article, it will not be discussed any further here.

⁶⁹ For Sulayman, see al-Maqdisi, Millat, 35, 64; for ʿAbd al-Latif, see ibid., 15, 20, 24, 29, 39; for Ibn ʿAtiq, see ibid., 15, 19, 24, 29, 44, 57–60, 63–64.

⁷⁰ The most important of these is the country's alleged reliance on man-made laws instead of on the shariʿa. He also accuses the state of participating in local and global organizations that are governed by rules and regulations not rooted in the shariʿa. See Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, al-Kawashif al-Jaliyya fi Kufr al-Dawla al-Saʿudiyya (www.tawhed.ws, 1989), 15–57, 58–84, 105–39.

⁷¹ Ibid., 84–105.

⁷² Ibid., 104. It should be mentioned that al-Maqdisi was not the first modern-day ideologue who used al-walāʾ wa-l-barāʾ against the Saudi state. It was done by Juhayman al-ʿUtaybi, the leader of the rebels who occupied the Grand Mosque of Mecca in 1979. Juhayman, however, made no attempt to incorporate the 19th-century writings into his ideology. See Juhayman b. Sayf al-ʿUtaybi, Awthaq ʿUra al-Iman: al-Hubb fi Allah wa-l-Bughd fi Allah (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.); idem, Rafʿ al-Iltibas ʿan Milla min Jaʿlihi Allah Imaman li-l-Nas (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.); idem, Risalat al-Imara wa-l-Bayʿa wa-l-Taʿa wa-Hukm Talbis al-Hukkam ʿala Talabat al-ʿIlm wa-l-ʿAmma (www.tahwed.ws, n.d.). For more on Juhayman's ideology, see Hegghammer, Thomas and Lacroix, Stéphane, “Rejectionist Islamism in Saudi Arabia: The Story of Juhayman al-ʿUtaybi Revisited,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 39 (2007): 103–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kechichian, Joseph A., “Islamic Revivalism and Change in Saudi Arabia: Juhayman al-ʿUtaybi's ‘Letters’ to the Saudi People,” Muslim World 80 (1990): 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷³ Al-Maqdisi, al-Kawashif, 130.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 147–48.

⁷⁵ Abir, Mordechai, Saudi Arabia: Government, Society and the Gulf Crisis (London and New York: Routledge, 1993), 174, 177–79Google Scholar; Piscatori, James, “Religion and Realpolitik: Islamic Responses to the Gulf War,” Islamic Fundamentalisms and the Gulf Crisis, ed. Piscatori, James (Chicago: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1991), 6–9Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ For more on the Saudi opposition in the early 1990s, see Dekmejian, R. Hrair, “The Rise of Political Islamism in Saudi Arabia,” Middle East Journal 84 (1994): 627–43Google Scholar; Fandy, Mamoun, Saudi Arabia and the Politics of Dissent (New York: Palgrave, 1999)Google Scholar; and Teitelbaum, Joshua, Holier than Thou: Saudi Arabia's Islamic Opposition (Washington, D.C.: Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 2000), 25–82Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Interviews with Mishari al-Dhayidi, Riyadh, 8 November 2008; Yusuf al-Dayni, Jeddah, 13 November 2008; and a Saudi government official who wished to remain anonymous.

⁷⁸ Anonymous, al-Nizam al-Saʿudi fi Mizan al-Islam (www.tawhed.ws, 1996), 10.

⁷⁹ Ibid., 11.

⁸⁰ Al-Rasheed ascribes the book to Saudi dissident Saʿd al-Faqih (Al-Rasheed, History, 239). Al-Faqih told me, however, that he wrote the book with several unnamed co-authors. Personal interview with Saʿd al-Faqih, London, 11 March 2008. Fellow Saudi dissident Muhammad al-Masʿari later told me in an e-mail conversation that the book was written by him, al-Faqih, and Jordanian Jihadi-Salafi ideologue Abu Qatada al-Filastini.

⁸¹ Hegghammer, Thomas, Jihad in Arabia: Violence and Pan-Islamism since 1979 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 83–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸² Humud b. ʿUqalaʾ al-Shuʿaybi, al-Qawl al-Mukhtar fi Hukm al-Istiʿana bi-l-Kuffar (http://saaid.net, 1999), 85.

⁸³ Ibid., 64.

⁸⁴ Ibid., 70–72, 88.

⁸⁵ For more on Saudi Arabia's role as a U.S. ally after 9/11, see Roger Hardy, “Ambivalent Ally: Saudi Arabia and the ‘War on Terror,’” in Al-Rasheed, Kingdom, 99–112, esp. 104–10.

⁸⁶ See, for example, ʿAli b Khudayr al-Khudayr, al-Hadd al-Fasil bayna Muwalat wa-Tawalli al-Kuffar (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.).

⁸⁷ See also Al-Rasheed, Contesting, 139–48.

⁸⁸ Nasir b. Hamd al-Fahd, Al-Tibyan fi Kufr Man Aʿana al-Amrikan, 2 vols. (www.tawhed.ws, 2001), 1:25–41.

⁸⁹ Al-Rasheed, Contesting, 146.

⁹⁰ Al-Fahd, al-Tibyan, 1:44–45.

⁹¹ Ibid., 69. Al-Fahd seems to want to underline this point in a shorter treatise about the supposedly infidel Ottoman Empire, which again makes extensive use of the writings by Sulayman, ʿAbd al-Latif, and Ibn ʿAtiq. See al-Fahd, al-Dawla.

⁹² On the development of QAP, see Cordesman, Anthony and Obaid, Nawaf, Al-Qaeda in Saudi Arabia: Asymmetric Threats and Islamist Extremists (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2005)Google Scholar; Hegghammer, Thomas, “Terrorist Recruitment and Radicalisation in Saudi Arabia,” Middle East Policy 13 (2006): 39–60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, “Islamist Violence and Regime Stability in Saudi Arabia,” International Affairs 84 (2008), 701–15; idem, “Jihad, Yes, but not Revolution: Explaining the Extraversion of Islamist Violence in Saudi Arabia,” British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 36 (2009), 395–416; idem, “Violence politique en Arabie Saoudite: Grandeur et decadence d'‘Al-Qaida dans la peninsula arabique,” in Qu'est-ce que le Salafisme? ed. Bernard Rougier (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2008), 105–21; Meijer, Roel, “The ‘Cycle of Contention’ and the Limits of Terrorism in Saudi Arabia,” in Saudi Arabia in the Balance, ed. Aarts, Paul and Nonneman, Gerd (London: Hurst & Co., 2005), 271–311Google Scholar; Riedel, Bruce and Saab, Bilal Y., “Al-Qaeda's Third Front: Saudi Arabia,” Washington Quarterly 31 (2008), 33–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Teitelbaum, Joshua, “Terrorist Challenges to Saudi Arabian Internal Security,” Middle East Review of International Affairs 9 (2005), 1–11Google Scholar.

⁹³ Hegghammer, Jihad in Saudi Arabia, 97, 148–49, 152–55.

⁹⁴ Yusuf al-ʿUyayri, Haqiqat al-Harb al-Salibiyya al-Jadida (www.tawhed.ws, 2001), 74–86. For more on al-ʿUyayri, see Meijer, Roel, “Yūsuf al-ʿUyairī and the Making of a Revolutionary Salafi Praxis,” Die Welt des Islams 47 (2007): 422–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and idem, “Yusuf al-Uyairi and the Transnationalisation of Saudi Jihadism,” Kingdom without Borders: Saudi Arabia's Political, Religious and Media Frontiers, ed. Madawi Al-Rasheed (London: Hurst & Co., 2008), 221–43.

⁹⁵ Al-ʿUyayri, Haqiqat, 80.

⁹⁶ Muʿjab al-Dawsari, Tahdhib al-Kawashif al-Jaliyya fi Kufr al-Dawla al-Saʿudiyya (www.tawhed.ws, 2003), 19–23, quote at 23. Abu ʿUmar al-Sayf, Hukm Muzaharat al-Amrikan ʿala al-Muslimin: al-ʿIraq wa-Ghazu al-Salib: Durus wa-Taʿammulat (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.).

⁹⁷ Abu Jandal al-Azdi, al-Ayat wa-l-Ahadith al-Ghazira ʿala Kufr Quwwat Dirʿ al-Jazira (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.), 3; idem, al-Bahith ʿan al-Hukm Qatl Afrad wa-Dubbat al-Mabahith (www.tawhed.ws, 2002), 28–31.

⁹⁸ Sultan b. Bijad al-ʿUtaybi, Risala fi al-Tawaghit (www.tawhed.ws, 2002), 26.

⁹⁹ Hamd b. Rayyis al-Rayyis, Hadhihi ʿAqidatuna (www.tawhed.ws, 2003), 14–16.

¹⁰⁰ Abu ʿUmar al-Sayf, Hukm Muzaharat al-Amrikan ʿala al-Muslimin: al-ʿIraq wa-Ghazu al-Salib: Durus wa-Taʿammulat (www.tawhed.ws, n.d.).

¹⁰¹ Ayman al-Zawahiri, al-Walāʾ wa-l-Barāʾ: ʿAqida Manqula wa-Waqiʿ Mafqud (www.tawhed.ws, 2002). For more on the adoption of the politicized version of the concept by non-Saudi radicals, see Joas Wagemakers, “A Quietist Jihadi-Salafi: The Ideology and Influence of Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi” (PhD diss., Radboud University Nijmegen, 2010), 183–87.

¹⁰² Brachmann, Jarret M., Global Jihadism: Theory and Practice (New York: Routledge, 2009), 47Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ Personal interview with Muhammad al-Masʿari, London, 10 March 2008.

¹⁰⁴ al-Masʿari, Muhammad b. ʿAbdallah, al-Adilla al-Qatʿiyya ʿala ʿadam Sharʿiyyat al-Duwayla al-Saʿudiyya, 6th ed. (London: Committee for the Defence of Legitimate Rights, 2002), 7–8Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Idem, al-Muwalat wa-l-Muʿadat, 3rd ed. (London: Tajdeed, 2004); idem, Hukm Tawalli al-Kuffar al-Harbiyyin wa-Muzaharatihim fi al-Qital ʿala al-Muslimin (London: Committee for the Defence of Legitimate Rights, 2002).

¹⁰⁶ Idem, al-Muwalat, 40.

¹⁰⁷ Ibid., 42.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., 63.

¹⁰⁹ The Algerian scholar Abu ʿUzayr ʿAbd al-Ilah Yusuf al-Yubi al-Hasani al-Jazaʾiri recently released his al-Ifrak fi Hawd Dalaʾil fi Hukm Muwalat Ahl al-Ishrak (www.tawhed.ws, 2010), a huge work on the treatise by Sulayman that started the developments described in this article. Although outside the scope of this article, this book further underlines the continuing relevance of the events of the 19th century for scholars writing on this issue.