Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Home
Hostname: page-component-55b6f6c457-kv5sj Total loading time: 0.303 Render date: 2021-09-26T10:49:18.667Z Has data issue: true Feature Flags: { "shouldUseShareProductTool": true, "shouldUseHypothesis": true, "isUnsiloEnabled": true, "metricsAbstractViews": false, "figures": true, "newCiteModal": false, "newCitedByModal": true, "newEcommerce": true, "newUsageEvents": true }

‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 May 2015

MARC MULHOLLAND*
Affiliation:
St Catherine's College, Oxford University
*
St Catherine's College, Oxford, ox1 3ujmarc.mulholland@stcatz.ox.ac.uk

Abstract

In August 1914, as war broke out, socialist parties across Europe offered support to their own governments. The Socialist International was shattered. This rush to defencism has traditionally been seen as a volte face in which the International's frequent protestations in favour of peace and international working-class solidarity were suddenly abandoned. The collapse has been variously ascribed to socialist helplessness, betrayal, or ideological incoherence. This article examines the International's attitudes to war and peace as developed and espoused in the decades before 1914, and finds that the decisions of the constituent socialist parties in 1914 were understandable within this context. Socialists were not abandoning past ideals, but attempting to put them into practice. The circumstances of modern war, however, made traditional distinctions – between aggressor and defensive belligerents, and between ‘progressive’ and ‘reactionary’ nations – difficult to maintain. For some socialists, this meant that socialists of every country had a certain justification in rallying to their nation's defence. For Lenin and the Bolsheviks, however, if no capitalist country could be considered innocent, then all must be guilty.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

Many thanks to Adrian Gregory and Jim Monaghan for their help. I am grateful to the Journal's two anonymous referees for their valuable advice. All remaining errors are my own.

References

1 ‘L'Internationale’, Le Radical (25 July 1915), in Vandervelde, Emile, La Belgique envahie et le socialisme international (Paris and Nancy, 1917), pp. 155–8Google Scholar.

2 Callahan points out that the Second International publicized simple peace demands, purged of complexity, as the best way of mobilizing its large popular base in a ‘demonstration culture’ sufficiently impressive to make the Great Powers think twice about recourse to war. He quotes the 1912 manifesto of the International Socialist Bureau: ‘let the governments know that there will without doubt…be danger for them if they play with fire’. Callahan, Kevin J., ‘The international socialist peace movement on the eve of World War I revisited: the campaign of “War against War!” and the Basle International Socialist Congress in 1912’, Peace and Change, 29 (2004), pp. 147–76, at pp. 153, 154CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Miller states that the French left's exaggerated posture of opposition to war was calculated to ‘maintain influence’ on an increasingly militarist government. Miller, Paul B., From revolutionaries to citizens: antimilitarism in France, 1870–1914 (Durham, NC, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, p. 198. Milner similarly characterizes the revolutionary pacifism of the French syndicalists, to the left of the Second International, as an ‘elaborate bluff’ designed to ‘shape international events’. Milner, Susan, The dilemmas of internationalism: French syndicalism and the international labour movement, 1900–1914 (New York, NY, Oxford, and Munich, 1990), pp. 205–6Google Scholar. Newton argues that the British advocates of a mass strike to be called on the ‘first rumours of war’ hoped by their propaganda ‘to scare the ruling elites into the paths of peace’. Newton, Douglas J., British labour, European socialism and the struggle for peace, 1889–1914 (Oxford, 1985)Google Scholar, p. 258.

3 Otto Bauer, ‘Austria and imperialism’ (Oct. 1908), in Day, Richard B. and Gaido, Daniel, eds., Discovering imperialism: Social Democracy to World War I (Chicago, IL, 2011), pp. 380–1Google Scholar.

4 Internationaler Sozialisten-Kongress zu Stuttgart (Berlin, 1907), pp. 64–6Google Scholar.

5 Walling, William English, ed., The socialists and the war (New York, NY, 1915)Google Scholar, p. 104.

6 Degen, Bernard, Haumann, Heiko, Mäder, Ueli, Mayoraz, Sandrine, Polexe, Laura, and Schenk, Frithjof Benjamin, Krieg dem Kriege: Der Basler Friedenskongress der Sozialistischen Internationale von 1912 (Basel, 2012)Google Scholar, p. 17. The SPD declined to call a general strike, however. Clarke, Christopher, Sleepwalkers: how Europe went to war in 1914 (London, 1912)Google Scholar, p. 228.

7 Haupt, Georges, Socialism and the Great War: the collapse of the Second International (Oxford, 1972), pp. 218–25Google Scholar.

8 Analysis of the politics of the Second International and its attitude toward the war has atrophied in the years since Haupt's work because, as Jay Winter points out, from the 1960s a social history of ‘the workers’ replaced study centred on the politics of the labour movement, and from the 1980s workers themselves disappeared as a focus of historiographical interest. See his essay ‘Workers’ in Winter, Jay and Prost, Antoine, eds., The Great War in history: debates and controversies, 1914 to the present (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 126–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Madeleine Rébérioux, ‘Le socialisme et la première guerre mondiale (1914–1918)’, in Droz, Jacques ed., Histoire générale du socialisme (4 vols., Paris, 1974)Google Scholar, ii, pp. 586, 598–9.

10 Becker, Jean-Jacques, ‘La IIe Internationale et la guerre’, in Les Internationales et le problème de la guerre au XXe siècle (Rome, 1987)Google Scholar, p. 16.

11 Meral Ugur Cinar and Kursat Cinar, ‘The Second International: the impact of domestic factors on international organization dysfunction’, Political Studies (2014), pp. 1–17.

12 The basic story is well covered in the three great activist-participant histories of socialism written in the 1950s. For G. D. H. Cole, the collapse was quite foreseeable for the socialists had no viable strategy for preventing mobilization. A history of socialist thought (5 vols., London, 1956), iii, pp. 102–3Google Scholar. Julius Braunthal rightly pointed out that ‘The problem confronting the Second International throughout its existence was not…the right of national defence, which few thought seriously of denying, but how to prevent nations from getting into the position of having to defend themselves by force.’ History of the International (3 vols., London, 1966–80), i, p. 325. Carl Landauer was rather more sympathetic than either Cole or Braunthal to the plight of the German socialists. He observes that they were less nationalistic than socialists in France, who were infused with the Jacobin tradition. European socialism: a history of ideas and movements from the industrial revolution to Hitler's seizure of power (2 vols., Cambridge, 1959)Google Scholar, i, p. 1096 n. 19.

13 Naturally, this was an already well-established moral in the Anglosphere. James Joll's study of the Second International treats the collapse of 1914 as the inevitable consequence of a ‘general all-embracing dogmatic theory of history and the nature of man’. The Second International, 1889–1914 (London, 1955), p. 195. For Merle Fainsod, ‘the Second International contained within itself the seeds of its own destruction’. International socialism and the World War (New York, NY, 1969), p. 16. Sheri Berman sees the 1914 debacle as dealing ‘a crushing blow’ to the central intellectual tenets of Marxism, though how it did much to validate her preferred ‘Social Democracy’ must be questionable. The primacy of politics: Social Democracy and the making of Europe's twentieth century (Cambridge, 2006), p. 96. More sympathetic to the radical Marxist tradition, but also very much a ‘genetic account’, is Nation, R. Craig, War on war: Lenin, the Zimmerwald left, and the origins of Communist internationalism (Chicago, IL, 1989; new edn, 2009), pp. 325CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Kissen's, S. F. valuable War and the Marxists: socialist theory and practice in capitalist wars (2 vols., London, 1988)Google Scholar, i, is avowedly non-evaluative but certainly perspicacious.

14 Sassoon, Donald, One hundred years of socialism: the west European left in the twentieth century (New York, NY, 1996)Google Scholar, p. 28.

15 Eley, Geoff, Forging democracy: the history of the left in Europe, 1850–2000 (Oxford, 2002), pp. 124–5Google Scholar. A recent survey book by William Smaldone recognizes that national defencism was not alien to the socialist tradition, but nonetheless states that the International abandoned its principles. Smaldone, William, European socialism: a concise history with documents (Lanham, MD, 2014), pp. 145–6Google Scholar

16 Jean de Bloch's 1898 treatise warning that a general war might easily spark socialist revolution was widely read in elite circles, and probably influenced Czar Nicholas II calling an international peace conference in The Hague in 1899. Dawson, Grant, ‘Preventing “a great moral evil”: Jean de Bloch's The Future of War as anti-revolutionary pacifism’, Journal of Contemporary History, 37 (2002), pp. 519CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 In September 1911, a twenty-four-hour general strike against the country's seizure of Tripolitania was organized in Italy. The moderate leadership of the Italian Socialist party was wary of provoking the government and was only forced into action by the radical rank-and-file. The strike was not considered to be particularly successful. Miller, James Edward, From elite to mass politics: Italian socialism in the Giolittian era, 1900–1914 (Kent, OH, 1990)Google Scholar, p. 145. Degl'Innocenti, Maurizio, ‘La guerra libica, la crisi del riformismo e la vittoria degli intransigenti’, Studi Storici, 13 (1972), pp. 466516Google Scholar, at pp. 485–7.

18 ‘Official Record of the ISB Session held at Brussels on 29–30 July 1914’, reprinted in Haupt, Socialism and the Great War, p. 258. My emphasis.

19 The literature is now voluminous. See Neiberg, Michael S., Dance of the furies: Europe and the outbreak of World War I (Cambridge, MA, 2011), pp. 102–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Geary, Dick, ‘Identifying militancy: the assessment of working-class attitudes towards state and society’, in Evans, R. J., ed., The German working class, 1888–1933 (London, 1982)Google Scholar; Gregory, Adrian, A war of peoples, 1914–1919 (Oxford, 2014), pp. 26–8Google Scholar. Scheidemann, Philip, a Majority SPD leader, recalled that ‘the vast majority of the people were opposed to war, without a doubt.’ Memoirs of a Social Democrat, trans. Mitchell, J. E. (2 vols., London, 1929)Google Scholar, i, p. 185.

20 He named Jules Geusde in France, H. M. Hyndman in Great Britain, Georgi Plekhanov in Russia, Louis de Brouckère, and Hendrick de Man in Belgium. To this list may be added Jean Longuet, Marx's grandson. Vandervelde also cited Karl Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Klara Zetkin, Karl Kautsky, and Eduard Bernstein as German socialists who remained ‘the disciples and defenders of Marx’. Vandervelde's speech, delivered over Marx's grave in London, is quoted in Hendrick de Man, ‘The lesson of the war’ (1919), in Dodge, Peter, ed., A documentary study of Hendrick de Man, socialist critic of Marxism (Princeton, NJ, 1979)Google Scholar, p. 67.

21 The German SPD majority consistently stressed that they favoured only a defensive war, as they made clear in the July 1917 Reichstag ‘Peace Resolution’ co-sponsored with the Liberals. Like Allied socialists, they were ambiguous at best about border adjustments that might be required for post-war ‘security’.

22 Luxemburg, Rosa, The crisis in the German social-democracy (the ‘Junius’ pamphlet) (New York, NY, 1919), pp. 20–1, 93–5, 104–5, 107–8Google Scholar.

23 The classic (and still valuable) work in this vein is Lenz, J., The rise and fall of the Second International (New York, NY, 1932)Google Scholar.

24 Kissen notes that ‘a socialist's answer to the question of supporting or opposing the war did not generally depend upon his or her being on the Right, Centre or Left of the movement’. Kissen, War and the Marxists, i, p. 182. Cf. Stargardt, Nicholas, The German idea of militarism: radical and socialist critics, 1866–1914 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 148–9, 153–7Google Scholar.

25 Braunthal, Julius, In search of the millennium (London, 1945)Google Scholar, p. 105.

26 Zeman, Z. A. B. and Scharlau, W. B., The merchant of revolution: the life of Alexander Israel Helphand (Parvus) (Oxford, 1965), pp. 175–6Google Scholar.

27 Dreyfus, Michel, ‘Pacifisme et pacifistes sous le Front populaire’, Matériaux pour l'histoire de notre temps, 6 (1986), pp. 1516CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

28 Bax, Ernest Belfort, Reminiscences and reflexions of a mid and late Victorian (1918) (New York, NY, 1967)Google Scholar, p. 252.

29 Victor Adler to Karl Kautsky (26 Nov. 1914), in Adler, Victor, Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky (Vienna, 1954), pp. 602–3Google Scholar.

30 ‘Forces of civilisation’, The Workers' Republic (8 Apr. 1916), in Cathasaigh, Aindrias Ó, The lost writings of James Connolly (London, 1997)Google Scholar, p. 215.

31 Cole, A history of socialist thought, iv, pp. 216–17.

32 Landauer, European Socialism, i, pp. 520–1.

33 Excluding the very extreme fringes, there was in fact much common ground between the ostensible ‘defeatists’ and the ‘defencisists’. Both hoped that the war would lead to the fall of the Tsarist autocracy. Florinsky, Michael T., The end of the Russian empire (New York, NY, 1931), pp. 163–4Google Scholar.

34 For example, see Lenin, ‘The foreign policy of the Russian revolution’ (27 June 1917) in Collected works (47 vols., London, 1960–80), xxvi, p. 36.

35 Lenin, ‘The Bolsheviks must assume power’, letter to the Bolshevik Central Committee (12–14 Sept. 1917) in Collected works, xxv, p. 20.

36 Carr, E. H., Studies in revolution (London, 1950)Google Scholar, p. 26. Cf. Carr, E. H., The Bolshevik revolution, 1917–1923 (3 vols., London, 1950–3), i, pp. 414–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Guesde, Jules, Questions d'hier et d'aujourd'hui (Paris, 1911)Google Scholar, p. 45.

38 Internationaler Sozialisten-Kongress zu Stuttgart (1907), p. 83.

39 Cf. Davis, Horace B., Nationalism and socialism: Marxist and labor theories of nationalism to 1917 (New York, NY, 1967; repr., 2009)Google Scholar, chs. 1–3; Cummins, Ian, Marx, Engels and national movements (London, 1980)Google Scholar; Anderson, Kevin B., Marx at the margins: on nationalism, ethnicity, and non-western societies (Chicago, IL, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chs. 2, 4.

40 Lissagaray, Prosper, History of the Paris Commune (London, 1976)Google Scholar, pp. 32, 35.

41 Liebknecht, Wilhelm, ‘A history of the Commune’ (1877), in Pelz, William A. and Hahn, Erich, Wilhelm Liebknecht and German Social Democracy: a documentary history (Westport, CT, 1994)Google Scholar, p. 321.

42 Jaurès, Jean, Studies in socialism (London, 1906), pp. 78Google Scholar.

43 For Britain, see Berger, Stafan, ‘British and German socialists between class and national solidarity’, in Berger, Stefan and Smith, Angel, eds., Nationalism, labour and ethnicity, 1870–1939 (Manchester, 1999), pp. 42–3, 45–6Google Scholar.

44 James Connolly, ‘The re-conquest of Ireland’ (1915) in Collected works (2 vols., Dublin, 1987), i, p. 268.

45 Bauer, Otto, Die Nationalitätenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (Vienna, 1907)Google Scholar, p. 92.

46 Kolakowski, Leszek, Main currents of Marxism (3 vols., Oxford, 1981)Google Scholar, ii, p. 290.

47 J. P. Nettl, Rosa Luxemburg, ii (Oxford, 1966), pp. 844–7.

48 Kautsky, Karl, The class struggle (Erfurt Program) (New York, NY, 1971)Google Scholar, p. 205. Kautsky also recognized that conflict over wages inflamed tensions amongst workers of different nationality.

49 MacDonald, Ramsay, The socialist movement (London, 1911)Google Scholar, p. 236.

50 Kautsky, Karl, Patriotismus und Sozialdemokratie (Liepzig, 1907)Google Scholar, p. 6.

51 Callahan, Kevin J., Demonstration culture: European socialism and the Second International, 1889–1914 (Leicester, 2010)Google Scholar, p. viii.

52 Dominick, Raymond H. III, Wilhelm Liebknecht and the founding of the German Social Democratic party (Chapel Hill, NC, 1982)Google Scholar, p. 343.

53 Resolution on war passed at the Brussels Congress of the First International, Le livre bleu de l'Internationale: rapports et documents officiels (Paris, 1871)Google Scholar, p. 176.

54 Marx to Engels letter, 4 Sept. 1867, in Marx–Engels collected works (50 vols., London, 1975–2004) (MECW), xlii, p. 419.

55 ‘Socialism in Germany’ (1892) in Mecklenburg, Frank and Stassen, Manfred, eds., German essays on socialism in the nineteenth century (New York, NY, 1990)Google Scholar, p. 36.

56 Protokolle über die Verhandlungen der Parteitage der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, Erfurt (Berlin, 1891)Google Scholar, p. 285.

57 Protokoll des Internationalen Sozialistischen Arbeiterkongresses in der Tonhalle Zürich (Zurich, 1894)Google Scholar, p. 21.

58 The General Council of the International Working-Men's Association, On the war (London, 1870)Google Scholar, p. 3.

59 Ibid., p. 8.

Ibid

60 Nieuwenhuis, Domela, Le militarisme et l'attitude des anarchistes et socialistes révolutionnaires devant la guerre (Paris, 1901)Google Scholar, p. 32.

61 Congrès international ouvrier socialiste tenu à Bruxelles (Brussells, 1893)Google Scholar, pp. 67, 72.

62 Noland, Aaron, The founding of the French Socialist party, 1893–1905 (Cambridge, MA, 1956)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, p. 55.

63 3e congrès national, Parti socialiste, Compte rendu analytique (Siège du Conseil national), pp. 260–1.

64 Hervé, Gustave, Leur patrie (Paris, 1905)Google Scholar, p. 8. Hervé was pro-national defence by 1914.

65 Hyndman, H. M., Evolution of revolution (London, 1920)Google Scholar, p. 352.

66 Internationaler Sozialisten-Kongress zu Kopenhagen (Berlin, 1910)Google Scholar, p. 35.

67 Marx, ‘Preparation for war’ (1860), MECW, xvii, p. 496.

68 ‘Parliamentary debate on army estimates’ (Feb. 1794), The speeches of the Right Honourable Charles James Fox in the House of Commons (6 vols., London, 1815)Google Scholar, v, p. 183.

69 Engels, letter to Danielson (1892), Marx, and Engels, , Selected correspondence (New York, 1942)Google Scholar, p. 498.

70 Engels, ‘Introduction to Karl Marx's, The class struggles in France (1895)’, MECW, xvii, pp. 506–24.

71 Steenson, Gary P., After Marx, before Lenin: Marxism and socialist working-class parties in Europe, 1884–1914 (Pittsburgh, PA, 1991)Google Scholar, p. 98. Emphasis in original.

72 Anon., Patriotisme et militarisme, par ‘un esclave’ (Toulon, 1900)Google Scholar, p. 30.

73 Trotnow, Helmust, Karl Liebknecht: a political biography (Hamden, CT, 1984), pp. 61–2Google Scholar.

74 Karl Liebknecht, Militarism and anti-militarism (1907) (Glasgow, n.d.), p. 33.

75 Ibid., pp. 39–40.

Ibid

76 Karl Liebknecht, ‘Rekrutenabschied’ (22 Sept. 1906), in Die Junge Garde, No. 7 (1906).

77 Engels, ‘The Prussian military question and the German workers’ party’ (1865), MECW, xx, p. 55.

78 Gallie, W. B., Philosophers of peace and war: Kant, Clausewitz, Marx, Engels and Tolstoy (Cambridge, 1978)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, p. 94.

79 Engels, ‘Can Europe disarm?’ (1893), reprinted in Henderson, W. O., The life of Friedrich Engels (2 vols., London, 1976), ii, pp. 812–13Google Scholar.

80 Internationaler Sozialisten-Kongress zu Stuttgart (1907), p. 83.

81 Kitchen, Martin, The German officer corps, 1890–1914 (Oxford, 1968)Google Scholar, p. 144.

82 Internationaler Sozialisten-Kongress zu Stuttgart (1907), p. 67.

83 Gary P. Steenson, ‘Not one man! Not one penny!’ German Social Democracy, 1863–1914 (Pittsburgh, PA, 1981), pp. 75–7.

84 Full report of the proceedings of the international workers' congresses (Glasgow and London, 1896), p. 27.

85 For the ‘co-ordination problem’ confronting socialists, see Francisco Herreros, ‘The dilemma of Social Democracy in 1914: chauvinism or social dilemma?’, Rationality and Society (Aug. 2003), pp. 325–44.

86 Vandervelde, Émile, Souvenirs d'un militant socialiste (Paris, 1939), pp. 161–2Google Scholar; Beer, Max, Fifty years of international socialism (London, 1935), pp. 126–9Google Scholar.

87 Jaurès, Jean, L'Armée nouvelle (Paris, 1911)Google Scholar, p. 6.

88 Ibid., p. 177.

Ibid

89 Karl Kautsky, ‘Die neue Taktik’, Neue Zeit, 2 (1912), p. 725.

90 Cinquième Congrès Socialiste International (Paris, 1901)Google Scholar, p. 105.

91 Ibid., p. 60.

Ibid

92 Ibid., p. 61.

Ibid

93 ‘Eine taktische Frage’ (1899), in Luxemburg, Rosa, Ausgewählte Reden und Schriften (2 vols., Berlin, 1955)Google Scholar, ii, p. 63.

94 Kautsky, Karl, Sozialisten und Krieg (Prague, 1937)Google Scholar, p. 315.

95 Salvadori, Massimo, Karl Kautsky and the socialist revolution, 1880–1938 (London, 1976; repr., 1990)Google Scholar, p. 89.

96 Internationaler Sozialisten-Kongress zu Amsterdam (Berlin, 1904)Google Scholar, p. 74.

97 Pace Billington, James H., Fire in the minds of men: on the origins of revolutionary faith (London, 1980)Google Scholar, p. 385.

98 ‘Imperialism v. socialism’, in Bax, Ernest Belfort, The religion of socialism (London, 1886; 4th edn, 1896)Google Scholar, p. 123.

99 Walling, William English et al., eds., The socialism of today: a source book of the present (New York, NY, 1916)Google Scholar, p. 510.

100 Social reform and revolution (1900), in Luxemburg, Rosa, Selected political writings, ed. Howard, Dick (New York, NY, 1971)Google Scholar, p. 111.

101 Kautsky, Karl, The road to power (Der Weg zur Macht) (Berkeley, CA, 2007)Google Scholar, p. 105.

102 Marx, Karl, Critique of the Gotha Programme (1875) (Peking, 1972)Google Scholar, p. 19.

103 Kautsky himself had in 1902 pointed out that the devastation of war creates the worst conditions possible for an orderly inheritance of power by a proletarian government. Kautsky, Karl, The social revolution (Die Soziale Revolution) (London, 1909), pp. 48–9Google Scholar.

104 Kautsky, The road to power, p. 99.

105 Hilferding, Rudolph, Finance capital: a study in the latest phase of capitalist development (1910) (London, 1981)Google Scholar, p. 301.

106 Ibid., p. 335.

Ibid

107 Smaldone, William, Rudolph Hilferding: the tragedy of a German Social Democrat (DeKalb, IL, 1998)Google Scholar, p. 58.

108 Jemnitz, J., The danger of war and the Second International, 1911 (Budapest, 1972), pp. 62–8Google Scholar, quote p. 62.

109 Walling, ed., Socialists and the war, pp. 179–80.

110 Man, Hendrik de, The remaking of a mind: a soldier's thoughts on war and reconstruction (New York, NY, 1919), pp. 40–1Google Scholar.

111 Maehl, William Harvey, August Bebel: shadow emperor of the German workers (Philiadelphia, PA, 1980), pp. 510–11Google Scholar.

112 From an article by SPD publicist, Friedrich Stampfer, 31 July 1914, cited in Scheidemann, Memoirs of a Social Democrat, p. 189.

113 Polasky, Janet, The democratic socialism of Emile Vandervelde: between reform and revolution (Oxford, 1995), pp. 106–8Google Scholar.

114 Walling, ed., Socialists and the war, pp. 185–6.

115 Quoted in Waltz, Kenneth N., Man, the state, and war: a theoretical analysis (New York, NY, 1959; 2nd edn, 2001)Google Scholar, p. 133. Kautsky, in the same work, made the point that socialists opposed ‘militarism’, which he defined as the subordination of the civil state to the armed forces, but supported national defence. Kautsky, Karl, Die Internationalitӓt und der Krieg (Berlin, 1915)Google Scholar, p. 26.

116 Harding, Neil, Lenin's political thought: theory and practice in the socialist revolution (2 vols., Chicago, 1978; repr., 2009)Google Scholar, ii, p. 38.

117 Robert Service, Lenin: a political life (3 vols., Basingstoke, 1985–95), ii, p. 83.

118 Donald, Moira, Marxism and revolution: Karl Kautsky and the Russian Marxists, 1900–1924 (New Haven, CT, 1993)Google Scholar, p. 208.

119 Lih, Lars T., Lenin (London, 2011)Google Scholar, p. 128.

120 Lenin, ‘Dead chauvinism and living socialism’ (1914), in Collected works, xxi, p. 98. Cf. Haupt, Georges, Aspects of international socialism, 1871–1914, trans. Fawcett, Peter (Cambridge, 1986)Google Scholar, p. 136.

121 Lenin, ‘Under a false flag’ (1915), in Collected works, xxi, pp. 146–8.

122 Lenin to P. Kievsky (Piatakov) (Aug. or Sept. 1916), in Gankin, Olga Hess and Fisher, H. H., The Bolsheviks and the World War: the origin of the Third International (Stanford, CA, 1968)Google Scholar, pp. 225, 226.

123 Lenin, ‘Speech on the war’ (9 June 1917), in Collected works, xxv, p. 36.

124 Lenin, ‘And what now?’ (12 Dec. 1914), in Gankin and Fisher, The Bolsheviks and the World War, p. 162.

125 Lenin, ‘Opportunism and the collapse of the International (1916), in Collected works, xxii, p. 109. Even now, Lenin clarified that ‘we are not…against “defence of the fatherland”…but only against the embellishment of this imperialist war by this deceitful slogan’. Lenin's reply to Bukharin (spring or summer, 1916), in Gankin and Fisher, The Bolsheviks and the World War, p. 233.

126 Lenin, , The state and revolution (Aug. 1917) (Chippendale, 1999)Google Scholar, p. 40.

127 Lenin, The proletarian revolution and the renegade Kautsky (1918), in Selected works (3 vols., New York, NY, 1967), iii, p. 52.

2
Cited by

Send article to Kindle

To send this article to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about sending to your Kindle. Find out more about sending to your Kindle.

Note you can select to send to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be sent to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR*
Available formats
×

Send article to Dropbox

To send this article to your Dropbox account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your <service> account. Find out more about sending content to Dropbox.

‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR*
Available formats
×

Send article to Google Drive

To send this article to your Google Drive account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your <service> account. Find out more about sending content to Google Drive.

‘MARXISTS OF STRICT OBSERVANCE’? THE SECOND INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL DEFENCE, AND THE QUESTION OF WAR*
Available formats
×
×

Reply to: Submit a response

Please enter your response.

Your details

Please enter a valid email address.

Conflicting interests

Do you have any conflicting interests? *