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⁵ See Cohen, Shaye, “Rabbinic Conversion Ceremony,” JJS 41 (1990) 203.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁶ Cohen, Shaye (The Beginnings of Jewishness [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999] 136Google Scholar ) remarks that “the redefinition of Jewish society in religious (and political) terms, as opposed to tribal or ethnic terms was a product of the second half of the second century BCE.” See also: Peter Machinist, “Outsiders or Insiders: The Biblical View of Emergent Israel and Its Contexts,” in Silberstein, L. J. and Cohn, R.L., eds., The Other in Jewish Thought and History (New York: New York University Press, 1994) 35–60Google Scholar ; Berger, H., “The Lie of the Land: The Text Beyond Canaan” Representations 25 (1989) 119–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Schwartz, R. M., The Curse of Cain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997) 133–42Google Scholar.

⁷ Porton, G. G., The Stranger within Your Gates (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994) 195Google Scholar . See also idem , Goyim: Gentiles and Israelites in Mishnah-Tosephta (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988)Google Scholar ; Stern, Sacha, Jewish Identity in Early Rabbinic Writings (Leiden: Brill, 1994) 90–95Google Scholar.

⁸ , Porton, Stranger within Your Gates, 219.Google Scholar

⁹ This term is borrowed from Balibar, E. and Wallerstein, I., Race, Nation and Class: Ambiguous Identities (New York: Routledge, 1991) 96Google Scholar.

¹⁰ m. Bikkurim 1.4. For an extended discussion of this text, see , Cohen, Beginnings of jewishness, 308–40Google Scholar.

¹¹ y. Bikkurim 1:4 (64a).

¹² See , Porton, Stranger within Your Gates, 6Google Scholar . Porton quotes Keyes, C. (Ethnic Change [Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1981] 6)Google Scholar , who describes kinship reckoning as one “which connections with forebearers or with those with whom one believes one shares descent are not traced along precisely genealogical lines. Americans, for example, predicate their national identity upon connections with the ‘Pilgrim Fathers’ and with the forefathers ‘who brought forth upon this continent a new nation,’ even though few Americans could actually trace genealogical connections with members of the Plymouth community or with those who wrote the Constitution or fought in the Revolutionary War.”

¹³ This motif is based upon a word play on Gen 3:13. Eve says “the serpent duped (hasiani) me” which can be read “the serpent married me.” For the history of this motif, see Urbach, Ephraim E., The Sages: Their Concepts and Beliefs (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1975) 169Google Scholar.

¹⁴ b. Šab. 145b.

¹⁵ See Romans 5:12. and Urbach, The Sages, All-29. In the common parlance of rabbinic polemic, R. Yochanan admits that humankind was infected with sin, which originated with Adam, but the revelation at Sinai removed the sin. Contrary to Paul, it is the acceptance of Torah that is the cure and not the cause of sin. On the ideas of contamination here, see BUchler, A., Studies in Sin and Atonement (New York: Ktav, 1967) 316–17Google Scholar.

¹⁶ See also, Kruger, S. F., “Becoming Christian, Becoming Male?” in Cohen, Jeffrey and Wheeler, Bonnie, eds., Becoming Male in the Middle Ages, (New York: Garland, 1997) 21–42.Google Scholar

¹⁷ As the Babylonian sage Samuel (255 CE) said: “All countries are as dough in comparison with Palestine, and Palestine is as dough relative to Babylon” (b. Qidd. 69b). Gafni points out that only seven converts are mentioned by name in Babylonian literature which spans a period of three hundred years. See Gafni, Isaiah, The Jews of Babylonia in the Talmudic Era, (Jerusalem: Merkaz Zalman Shazar, 1990 [Hebrew]) 137–48Google Scholar ; idem , Land, Center and Diaspora: Jewish Constructs in Late Antiquity (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997) 54Google Scholar.

¹⁸ See Schiffman, L., “At the Crossroads: Tannaitic Perspectives on the Jewish-Christian Schism,” in Sanders, E. P. et. al., eds., Jewish and Christian Self-Definition (3 vols.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981) 2. 115–56Google Scholar ; Cohen, Shaye, “The Origins of the Matrilineal Principle in Rabbinic Law,” AJS Review 10 (1985) 19–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ See m. Qidd. 3.12.

²⁰ For a convenient summary of the major responses to the tale, see Exum, J. C., Fragmented Women: Feminist (Sub)versions of Biblical Narratives (Valley Forge: Trinity, 1993) 148–69Google Scholar.

²¹ The author adopts this exegetical tactic from the sister-tale in Genesis 20. See, Lehmann, M. R., “Q Genesis Apocryphon in the Light of the Targumim and Midrashim,” RevQ 1 (1958) 260Google Scholar ; Vermes, Geza, “Biblical Interpretation at Qumran,” Eretz-lsrael 20 (1989) 188Google Scholar ; Bernstein, M., “Re-arrangement, Anticipation and Harmonization as Exegetical Features in the Genesis Aprocryphon,” DSD 3 (1996) 40Google Scholar.

²¹ The Genesis Apocryphon of Qumran Cave I, 20:31-32, (trans. Fitzmyer, J.; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1971) 67.Google Scholar

²³ lt should be noted that one of the rhetorical techniques of the Genesis Apocryphon is to summarily introduce characters which will have a narrative function later on in the text. Thus the author introduces Lot and Hirqanosh (20.8, 11). If the narrator is consistent, this technique may enable us to reconstruct the missing columns and surmise that the original text continued at least till Genesis 16.

²⁴ Gen. Rab. 45:1. The original tradition continued to circulate as can be seen in the Mekhilta Mekhilta de-Rabbi Shimon b. Yokhai 1 and the previous section of this text which describes Hagar as a maidservant who was gifted to Sarah.

²⁵ Rubin, G., “The Traffic in Women: Notes on the ‘Political Economy of Sex,’” in Raiter, R., ed., Toward an Anthropology of Women (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1975) 174Google Scholar . See also the remarks of Irigaray, “The trade that organizes patriarchal society takes place exclusively among men. Women, signs, goods, currency, all pass from one man to another.…Woman exists only in the possibility of mediation, transaction, transition, transference–between men and his fellow-creatures, indeed between man and himself (L. Irigaray, “When the Goods Get Together,” in E. Marks and 1. Courtivron, eds., New French Feminisms [trans. Teeder, E.; New York: Schoken, 1981] 107–108)Google Scholar.

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²⁹ Nock, Arthur Darby, Conversion (1933; reprinted Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1972) 6–7Google Scholar . Nock uses the term adhesion as distinct from conversion. In adhesion “these external circumstances led not to any definite crossing of religious frontiers, in which an old spiritual home was left for a new once and for all, but to men's having one foot on each side of the fence which was cultural and not creedal. They led to an acceptance of new worship as useful supplements and not as substitutes, and they did not involve the taking of a new way of life in place of the old.” The crucial distinction between “adherence” and “conversion,” as discussed by Cohen “is that the latter entails the exclusive acceptance of a new theological or philosophical system, while the former does not. In “conversion” the new replaces the old, in “adherence” the new is added to the old” (, Cohen, “Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus,” 410)Google Scholar.

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³¹ Gen. Rab. 53:9. According to the Vatican 30 manuscript, only Abraham uncovers Sarah's breasts. Concerning the speech of the noblewomen, there is an interesting split in the manu-script traditions: while the better manuscripts speak of “the milk of the righteous man” others record “the milk of the righteous woman.”

³² Gen. Rab. 53.1.

³³ Ibid. 53.9.

³⁴ Pesq. R. Kah. 22; see also: b.B. Mes. 87a.

³⁵ See, Sifre Deut. 32 ; Goodman, Martin, Mission and Conversion (Oxford: Clarendon, 1994) 144–45Google Scholar.

³⁶ As the Rabbis said in another context when attempting to appease the ruling authorities “are we not all the sons of one mother” (b. RoS. Hat. 19a). We should also note that like Galen (UP 2.639), the Rabbis held that a nursing mother's milk was produced from her blood (Lev. Rab. 14.3).

³⁷ b. Yeb. 47a; and see Cohen, Shaye, “The Rabbinic Conversion Ceremony,” JJS 41 (1990) 177–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Gen. Rab. 82.14.

³⁹ m. 'Abod. Zar. 2.1; t. 'Abod. Zar. 3.3; y. 'Abod. Zar. 40b (2.1); b. 'Abod. Zar. 26a.

⁴⁰ Ginzberg, Louis, Genzih Studies in Memory of J. Solomon Shecter (3 vols.; New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1928) 1. 188, 205.Google Scholar

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⁴² , Sinfield, Cultural Politics—Queer Reading, 4.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ This same meaning is alluded to in the midrash on Timna that “kings and rulers wished to become allied [through marriage] to him.”

⁴⁴ The bibliography is considerable and the following is only a partial list : Reynolds, Joyce and Tannenbaum, Robert, Jews and God-fearers at Aphrodisias (Supp. 12; Cambridge: Cambridge Philological Society 1987)Google Scholar ; Kraabel, A. T., “The Disappearance of the ‘God-Fearers’, Numen 28 (1981) 113–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Finn, T. M., “The God-fearers Reconsidered,” CBQ 47 (1985) 75–84Google Scholar ; Collins, John J., “A Symbol of Otherness: Circumcision and Salvation in the First Century,” in Neusner, J. and Fredrichs, E., eds., To See Ourselves as Others See Us (3 vols.; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1985) 2. 163–86Google Scholar ; A. T. Kraabel, “Synagoga Caeca: Systematic Distortion in Gentile Interpretations of Evidence for Judaism in the Early Christian Period,” in ibid., 2. 217-46; Tessa Rajak, “Jews and Christians as Groups in a Pagan World,” in ibid., 2. 247-62 ; MacLennan, R. S. and Kraabel, A. T., “The God-Fearers: A Literary and Theological Invention,” BAR 12 (1986) 47–53Google Scholar ; Robert Tannenbaum, “Jews and God-Fearers in the Holy City of Aphrodite,” ibid., 55-58; Louis Feldman, “The Omnipresence of the God-Fearers,” ibid., 58-69; idem , “Proselytes and ‘Sympathizers’ in the Light of the New Inscriptions from Aphrodisias,” REJ 148 (1989) 265–305Google Scholar ; Trebilco, Paul R., Jewish Communities in Asia Minor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991) 145–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar . For a convenient review of the evidence and secondary literature, see Feldman, Louis, Jew and Gentile in the Ancient World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993) 342–82Google Scholar ; Feldman, L. and Reinhold, M., Jewish Life and Thought among Greeks and Romans (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1996) 137–46Google Scholar ; Schiirer, E., The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (eds. Vermes, G., et. al.; 3 vols.; Edinburg: T. & T. Clark, 1996,) 1. 150–76Google Scholar.

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⁵¹ Gen. Rab. 28:5.

⁵² Pesiqta Rabbati 42.

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⁵⁷ , EpictetusArrianus 19–21Google Scholar (ET: , Stern, Greek and Latin Authors, 1. 543)Google Scholar . I follow here Cohen's translation (Beginnings of Jewishness, 60) of the word Ε παανøοτΕþισειν instead of Stern's “halting between two faiths.” For fuller discussion of this text, see Nolland, J., “Uncircumcised Proselytes?” JSJ 12 (1981) 173–94Google Scholar ; Schafer, Peter, Judeophobia (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997) 97–100Google Scholar.

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⁶⁰ , Goodman, “Proselytising in Rabbinic Judaism,” 177Google Scholar . However, as Cohen has pointed out, it is not clear that this building was actually a synagogue (oral communication).

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