Skip to main content Accessibility help
×
Home
Hostname: page-component-59b7f5684b-hd9dq Total loading time: 0.748 Render date: 2022-10-01T04:02:02.214Z Has data issue: true Feature Flags: { "shouldUseShareProductTool": true, "shouldUseHypothesis": true, "isUnsiloEnabled": true, "useRatesEcommerce": false, "displayNetworkTab": true, "displayNetworkMapGraph": false, "useSa": true } hasContentIssue true

Immoderate greatness: Is great power restraint a practical grand strategy?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 October 2016

Tudor Onea*
Affiliation:
Research Fellow, National University of Singapore
*
*Correspondence to: Tudor Onea, Political Science Department, National University of Singapore, Political, Singapore 119260. Author’s email: tudor.a.onea@dartmouth.edu

Abstract

The article examines when and how often great powers are likely to follow a grand strategy of restraint and whether there is any evidence that they have ever done so. The question has considerable implications for the ongoing US grand strategy debate. Restraint refers to the practice of self-discipline in the use of force for self-defence or for addressing massive power imbalances; and in extending security commitments to foreign political actors. The first part of the article examines statistics in the last two hundred years on great power involvement in wars and disputes as well as on their commitments to alliances and dependencies. The second part considers whether two seeming cases of the dominant power scaling down its international involvement – Ming China withdrawal from naval mastery in the fifteenth century and Victorian Britain splendid isolation – represent instances of genuine restraint.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
© British International Studies Association 2016 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Spykman, Nicholas, America’s Strategy in World Politics: The United States and the Balance of Power (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1942), pp. 37 Google Scholar.

2 Brooks, Stephen, Ikenberry, G. John, and Wohlforth, William, ‘Don’t come home America: the case against retrenchment’, International Security, 37:3 (2012), pp. 751 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Posen, Barry, Restraint: A New Foundation for US Grand Strategy (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; Brooks, Stephen and Wohlforth, William, America Abroad: The United States’ Global Role in the 21st Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2016)Google Scholar; Walt, Stephen, ‘More or less: the debate on US grand strategy’, Foreign Policy, 92:1 (2013)Google Scholar; Dueck, Colin, The Obama Doctrine: American Grand Strategy Today (New York: Oxford University Press, 2015)Google Scholar.

3 Restraint is defined as: ‘(1) calm, sensible, controlled behavior especially when it is difficult to stay calm; (2) (usually plural) a rule or principle that limits what people can do; (3) physical force that is used to hold someone back especially because they are likely to be violent; (4) something that prevents someone from moving freely such as a rope or seatbelt.’ The Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (New York: Pearson Longman, 2009), p. 1491. Present recommendations of restraint employ it exclusively in the (1) sense.

4 Posen, Barry, The Sources of Military Doctrine: France, Britain, and Germany between the World Wars (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), pp. 6869 Google Scholar.

5 Moreover, previous studies on great power activism ignore other uses of force except for interstate war and pay scarce attention to commitments. Additionally, there has been considerable recent updating of the data on great power use of force. Sarkees, Meredith Reid and Wayman, Frank, Resort to War: A Data Guide to Inter-state, Extra-state, Intra-State, and Non-State Wars, 1816–2007 (Washington: CQ Press, 2010)Google Scholar; Lebow, Richard Ned, Why Nations Fight (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Palmer, Glenn, D’Orazio, Vito, Kenwick, Michael, and Lane, Matthew, ‘The MID 4 Dataset, 2002–2010: Procedures, coding rules and description’, Conflict Management and Peace Science, 32:2 (2015), pp. 222242 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Walt, Stephen, ‘Keeping the world “off-balance”: Self-restraint and US foreign policy’, in G. John Ikenberry (ed.), America Unrivaled: The Future of the Balance of Power (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2002), pp. 121154 Google Scholar (p. 141); Layne, Christopher, ‘The unipolar illusion revisited: the coming end of the US unipolar moment’, International Security, 31:2 (2006), pp. 741 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 40–1).

7 Waltz, Kenneth, ‘Evaluating theories’, American Political Science Review, 91:4 (1997), pp. 913917 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 915).

8 Snyder, Jack, Myths of Empire: Domestic Politics and International Ambition (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), pp. 1419 Google Scholar and 31–49; Van Evera, Stephen, Causes of War: Power and the Roots of Conflict (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1999), pp. 6 Google Scholar, 9, and 191–2; Layne, Christopher, Peace of Illusions: American Strategy from the 1940s to the Present (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005), p. 6 Google Scholar; Layne, Christopher, ‘America’s Middle East grand strategy after Iraq: the moment for offshore balancing has arrived’, Review of International Studies, 35:1 (2009), pp. 525 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 8); Pape, Robert, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (New York: Random House, 2006)Google Scholar; Posen, Restraint. The litmus test for a dispositional interpretation is that for proponents of restraint there are few, if any, realistic circumstances in which it pays off for a state to favour assertiveness over restraint. A great power surrounded by powerful enemies and without powerful allies may be the exception – but the one example provided Prussia/Germany is also frequently used as a cautionary case of self-defeating expansionism. See Posen, The Sources of Military Doctrine, pp. 50 and 70.

9 Posen, Restraint, p. XIII.

10 Posen, Barry, ‘The case for restraint’, American Interest, 3:1 (2007), pp. 717 Google Scholar; Walt, Stephen, Taming American Power: The Global Response to US Primacy (New York: Norton, 2005), pp. 222227 Google Scholar; Walt, ‘Keeping the world “off-balance”’; Gholz, Eugene, Press, Daryl, and Sapolsky, Harvey, ‘Come home, America: the strategy of restraint in the face of temptation’, International Security, 21:4 (1997), pp. 548 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Betts, Richard, American Force: Dangers, Delusions, and Dilemmas in National Security (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), pp. 512 Google Scholar and 284–6; Layne, Peace of Illusions, pp. 152–92; Mearsheimer, John J., Tragedy of Great Power Politics (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001), pp. 389392 Google Scholar.

11 Mearsheimer, John J., ‘Imperial by design’, National Interest, 111 (2011), pp. 1634 Google Scholar; Gholz, Press, and Sapolsky, ‘Come home, America’; Gholz, Eugene and Press, Daryl, ‘Footprints in the sand’, American Interest, 5 (2010), pp. 5967 Google Scholar; Betts, American Force, pp. 292–6; Posen, Restraint; Layne, ‘America’s Middle East grand strategy after Iraq’.

12 While the question of the proper national interest of a state remains contested, the defence of the state’s territory and independence is the least common denominator among proponents of restraint.

13 Jervis, Robert, ‘A political science perspective on the balance of power and the concert’, American Historical Review, 97:3 (1992), pp. 716724 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 717–18).

14 Layne, ‘The unipolar illusion revisited’, pp. 40–1.

15 Pressman, Jeremy, Warring Friends: Alliance Restraint in World Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008)Google Scholar; Ikenberry, G. John, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 4043 Google Scholar and 53–64.

16 Snyder, Glenn, Alliance Politics (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

17 Weinberg, Albert, ‘The historical meaning of the American doctrine of isolation’, American Political Science Review, 34:3 (1940), pp. 539547 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jonas, Manfred, Isolationism in America, 1935–1941 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966)Google Scholar; Nordlinger, Eric, Isolationism Reconfigured: American Foreign Policy for a New Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; McDougall, Walter, Promised Land, Crusader State (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1997)Google Scholar.

18 Posen, Restraint, pp. 20 and 70–1.

19 Jonas, Isolationism in America, p. 135.

20 Nordlinger, Isolationism Reconfigured, p. 41.

21 Ibid., pp. 56–62, ch. 3.

22 Posen, Restraint; Mearsheimer, Tragedy of Great Power Politics.

23 Posen, Restraint; Betts, American Force.

24 Elrod, Richard, ‘The concert of Europe: a fresh look at an international system’, World Politics, 28:2 (1976), pp. 159174 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 168); Gulick, Edward Vose, Europe’s Classical Balance of Power (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1955), p. 33 Google Scholar.

25 Moïsi, Dominique, ‘L’Amérique, ange ou démon?’, Le Nouvel Observateur (13 au 19 décembre 2001), pp. 6061 Google Scholar.

26 Monteiro, Nuno, ‘Unrest assured: Why unipolarity is not peaceful’, International Security, 36:3 (2011), pp. 940 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 26–30).

27 Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace (New York: Knopf, 1973), pp. 4647 Google Scholar.

28 Feaver, Peter (ed.), Strategic Retrenchment and Renewal in the American Experience (Carlisle: Strategic Studies Institute and US Army War College Press, 2012), pp. 810 Google Scholar. Alternatively, retrenchment is ‘a policy of retracting grand strategic commitments in response to a decline in relative power. Abstractly, this means decreasing the overall costs of foreign policy by redistributing resources away from peripheral commitments and toward core commitments.’ MacDonald, Paul K. and Parent, Joseph, ‘Graceful decline? The surprising success of great power retrenchment’, International Security, 35:4 (2011), pp. 744 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 11).

29 Kennedy, Paul, Strategy and Diplomacy, 1870–1945: Eight Studies (London: Fontana Press, 1989), pp. 12 Google Scholar; Luttwak, Edward, Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace (Cambridge: Belknap, 1987), p. 69 Google Scholar.

30 Feaver (ed.), Tragedy of Great Power Politics, p. 225.

31 Posen, Restraint; MacDonald and Parent, ‘Graceful decline?’; Layne, ‘The unipolar illusion revisited’.

32 Kennedy, Paul, The Rise and Fall of British Naval Mastery (London: Allen Lane, 1976), pp. 23 Google Scholar; Mahan, Alfred Thayer, The Influence of Sea Power upon History, 1660–1783 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 138 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

33 Posen, Barry, ‘Command of the commons: the military foundations of US hegemony’, International Security, 28:1 (2003), pp. 546 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 7, 8, 9, and 21); Posen, Restraint, p. XIII.

34 Feaver (ed.), Tragedy of Great Power Politics, pp. 240–3 (p. 243); O’Hanlon, Michael, Healing the Wounded Giant: Maintaining Military Preeminence while Cutting the Defense Budget (Washington: Brookings Institution Press, 2013)Google Scholar; ‘Quadrennial Defense Review 2014’, available at: {http://archive.defense.gov/pubs/2014_Quadrennial_Defense_Review.pdf}.

35 Sarkees, and Wayman, , Resort to War, pp. 34-36 Google Scholar; Levy, Jack, War in the Modern Great Power System, 1495–1975 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1983), pp. 2949 Google Scholar; Kennedy, Paul, The Rise and Fall of Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Contest From 1500 to 2000 (New York: Random House, 1987)Google Scholar.

36 Gibler, Douglas, International Military Alliances, 1648–2008, Volumes 1–2 (Washington: CQ Press, 2, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Singer, David and Small, Melvin, ‘Formal alliances: 1815–1939: a quantitative description’, Journal of Peace Research, 3:1 (1966), pp. 132 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 George, Alexander and Bennett, Andrew, Case Study and Theory Development in Social Sciences (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

38 Kennedy, Paul, ‘The eagle has landed’, Financial Times (2 February 2002)Google Scholar; Brooks, Stephen and Wohlforth, William, World Out of Balance: International Relations and the Challenge of American Primacy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

39 Mote, Frederick, Imperial China, 900–1800 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), pp. 743744 Google Scholar; McNeil, William, The Pursuit of Power (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Lee, Choon Kun, ‘War in the Confucian international order’ (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Texas at Austin, August 1988)Google Scholar; Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of Great Powers, pp. 148–9, 154–5, and 200–3; Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of British Naval Mastery.

40 Sarkees and Wayman, Resort to War, pp. 566–7.

41 Correlates of War (COW), ‘Militarized Interstates Disputes’, available at: {http://www.correlatesofwar.org/data-sets/MIDs}.

42 Sarkees and Wayman, Resort to War.

43 Lebow, Why Nations Fight, pp. 156–66 and 228–47. Adding, for the sake of argument, wars caused by the command of the commons affect the results only marginally. Command or access of the commons causes war if the stakes involve the military control of the seas, or the control of strategically significant territory, such as straits, capes, harbours, and islands. Only 7 per cent or 4 inter-state wars are compatible with the access of the commons (the Russo-Turkish wars of 1828–9 and 1877–8; the British conquest of Egypt of 1882; and the Sinai War of 1956); while the figures for extra-state wars are 2.7 per cent or 3 wars (the 1816 bombardment of Algiers, the 1849 British war against Chinese pirates, and the 1863–4 Shimonoseki war).

44 Sarkees and Wayman, Resort to War, pp. 27–9.

45 Gibler, International Military Alliances.

46 Correlates of War, ‘Territorial Change Dataset v.5.’, available at: {http://www.correlatesofwar.org/data-sets/territorial-change}.

47 Lipson, Charles, ‘Why are some international arrangements informal?’, International Organization, 45:4 (1991), pp. 495538 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

48 Opening the seas for peaceful trade was not a major objective. Other polities were perceived as gaining commercially more than China. As Mote comments: ‘there was no direct economic return for China from its huge investment’. Dreyer, Edward, Zheng He: China and the Oceans in the Early Ming Dynasty, 1405–1453 (New York: Pearson Longman, 2007), pp. 6062 Google Scholar; Mote, Imperial China, 900–1800, p. 615.

49 Dreyer, Zheng He; Levathes, Louise, When China Ruled the Seas: The Treasure Fleet of the Dragon Throne, 1405–1433 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), pp. 86153 Google Scholar.

50 Mote, Imperial China, 900–1800, pp. 614–15.

51 Lo, Jung-Pang, ‘Decline of the early Ming navy’, Oriens Extremus, 5 (1958), pp. 149168 Google Scholar (p. 150).

52 Ibid., pp. 158–62; Dreyer, Zheng He, pp. 166–71; Levathes, When China Ruled the Seas, pp. 177–81.

53 Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of Great Powers, pp. 7–8.

54 Fairbank, John King, ‘Introduction: Varieties of Chinese military experience’, in Frank Kierman and John King Fairbank (eds), Chinese Ways in Warfare (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), pp. 126 Google Scholar (pp. 7–9); Hsu, Cho-yun, ‘Applying Confucianist ethics to International Relations’, Journal of Ethics and International Affairs, 5 (1991), pp. 1531 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Johnston, Alastair Iain, Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Fairbank, John King, The Chinese World Order: Traditional China’s Foreign Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Li, Kangying, The Ming Maritime Trade Policy in Transition, 1368 to 1567 (Wiessbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010), pp. 2427 Google Scholar.

55 Hsu, ‘Applying Confucianist ethics to International Relations’, pp. 23–4.

56 Dreyer, Zheng He, p. 180; Mote, Imperial China, 900–1800, pp. 616–17.

57 Lo, ‘Decline of the early Ming navy’, pp. 165–8; Levathes, When China Ruled the Seas, pp. 179–80; Dreyer, Zheng He, pp. 173–4.

58 Dreyer, Zheng He, pp. 190–1.

59 Levathes, When China Ruled the Seas, pp. 180–1.

60 Waldron, Arthur, The Great Wall of China: From History to Myth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 8485 Google Scholar; Wang, Yuan-kang, Harmony and War: Confucian Culture and Chinese Power Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), pp. 135142 Google Scholar.

61 Mote, Frederick, ‘The T’u-mu Incident of 1449’, in Kierman and Fairbank (eds), Chinese Ways in Warfare, pp. 243272 Google Scholar.

62 Mote, ‘The T’u-mu Incident of 1449’, pp. 268–72; Waldron, The Great Wall of China, pp. 91–2; Wang, Harmony and War, pp. 121–2.

63 Johnston, Cultural Realism; Wang, Harmony and War, pp. 121–44; Waldron, The Great Wall of China, pp. 95–107 and 125–39.

64 Mote, Imperial China, 900–1800 , pp. 868–76.

65 Layne, Christopher, ‘From preponderance to offshore balancing: America’s future grand strategy’, International Security, 22:1 (1997), pp. 86124 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (pp. 113–23); Mearsheimer, Tragedy of Great Power Politics.

66 Mearsheimer, Tragedy of Great Power Politics, pp. 261–4; Layne, ‘America’s Middle East grand strategy after Iraq’, p. 11; Levy, Jack and Thompson, William R., ‘Balancing on land and sea: Do states ally against the leading global power?’, International Security, 35:1 (2010), pp. 743 CrossRefGoogle Scholar (p. 18).

67 Chamberlain, Muriel, Pax Britannica? British Foreign Policy, 1789–1914 (London: Routledge, 2014), p. 126 Google Scholar.

68 Darwin, John, The Empire Project: The Rise and Fall of the British World-System, 1830–1970 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 268 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 Farwell, Byron, Queen Victoria’s Little Wars (New York: Norton, 1985), p. 1 Google Scholar.

70 Sarkees and Wayman, Resort to War.

71 Callwell, C. E., Small Wars: Their Principles and Practice (3rd edn, London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1906), pp. 2128 Google Scholar; Saul, David, Victoria’s Wars: The Rise of Empire (London: Penguin, 2009)Google Scholar; Morris, James, Heaven’s Command: An Imperial Progress (New York: Harcourt, 1973)Google Scholar.

72 Ferguson, Niall, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (London: Penguin, 2003), p. 240 Google Scholar; Brendon, Piers, The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, 1781–1997 (London: Jonathan Cape, 2007), p. 95 Google Scholar.

73 Brendon, The Decline and Fall of the British Empire, p. 137.

74 Kennedy, The Rise and Fall of British Naval Mastery, pp. 154–6.

75 Galbraith, John, ‘The “turbulent frontier” as a factor in British expansion’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2:2 (1960), pp. 150168 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Robinson, Ronald and Gallagher, John, Africa and the Victorians: The Official Mind of Imperialism (London: Macmillan, 1967)Google Scholar.

76 Thornton, A. P., The Imperial Idea and Its Enemies (London: Macmillan, 1959), p. 44 Google Scholar.

77 Howard, Michael, The Continental Commitment: The Dilemma of British Defense Policy in the Era of the World Wars (London: T. Smith, 1972), p. 67 Google Scholar.

78 Thucydides, , The Peloponnesian War (London: Penguin Books, 1972), pp. 8081 Google ScholarPubMed.

79 Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (Reading: Addison Wesley, 1979), pp. 2627 Google Scholar; Wolfers, Arnold, Discord and Collaboration: Essays on International Politics (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1962), p. 14 Google Scholar; Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 106107 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

80 Mearsheimer, Tragedy of Great Power Politics.

81 McKay, Derek and Scott, H. M., The Rise of Great Powers, 1648–1815 (London: Pearson, 1983), p. 211 Google Scholar.

82 Larson, Deborah, Paul, T. V., and Wohlforth, William (eds), Status in World Politics (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; Tajfel, Henri and Turner, John, ‘The social identity theory of intergroup behavior’, in Stephen Worchel and William Austin (eds), Psychology of Intergroup Relations (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1986), pp. 724 Google Scholar.

83 Levy, War in the Modern Great Power System, p. 17; Sarkees and Wayman, Resort to War.

84 Mote, Imperial China, 900–1800, p. 615.

85 Saul, Victoria’s Wars; Morris, Heaven’s Command; Farwell, Queen Victoria’s Little Wars.

86 Spykman, America’s Strategy in World Politics, p. 20.

87 Wolfers, Discord and Collaboration, p. 67.

88 Mearsheimer, John J., ‘China’s unpeaceful rise’, Current History, 150:690 (2006), pp. 160163 Google Scholar.

89 Larson, Paul, and Wohlforth, Status in World Politics; Dafoe, Allan, Huth, Paul, and Renshon, Jonathan, ‘Reputation and status as motives for war’, Annual Review of Political Science, 17 (2014), pp. 371393 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 Onea, Tudor, US Foreign Policy in the Post-Cold War: Restraint versus Assertiveness from George H. W. Bush to Barack Obama (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 Ross, Andrew and Posen, Barry, ‘Competing visions for US grand strategy’, International Security, 21:3 (1996), pp. 553 Google Scholar; Chollet, Derek and Goldgeier, James, America Between the Wars: From 11/9 to 9/11 (New York: Public Affairs, 2008)Google Scholar.

92 COW, ‘Militarized Interstate Disputes’.

93 The US has formal security treaties with some seventy states: the NATO and Rio Pact signatories, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Australia, Thailand, and Pakistan. Yet, a summary examination indicates that the US entertains security ties with thirty-odd additional polities: Bahrain, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Yemen in the Middle East; Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, Singapore, and Taiwan in East Asia and the Pacific; Afghanistan, India, Kirgizstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan in South and Central Asia; Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Georgia, Macedonia, and Ukraine in Europe; Algeria, Cameroon, Chad, Djibouti, Morocco, Nigeria, Tunisia, Senegal, and South Africa in Africa. Nina Serafino, ‘The Department of Defense Role in Foreign Assistance: Background, Major Issues and Options for Congress’, available at: {https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/RL34639.pdf}; US Department of State, ‘Bilateral Relation Fact Sheets’, available at: {http://www.state.gov/p/}.

94 Larson, Deborah, Origins of Containment: A Psychological Explanation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 129 Google Scholar.

Supplementary material: File

Onea supplementary material

Appendix

Download Onea supplementary material(File)
File 260 KB
1
Cited by

Save article to Kindle

To save this article to your Kindle, first ensure coreplatform@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about saving to your Kindle.

Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.

Find out more about the Kindle Personal Document Service.

Immoderate greatness: Is great power restraint a practical grand strategy?
Available formats
×

Save article to Dropbox

To save this article to your Dropbox account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you used this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your Dropbox account. Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.

Immoderate greatness: Is great power restraint a practical grand strategy?
Available formats
×

Save article to Google Drive

To save this article to your Google Drive account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you used this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your Google Drive account. Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.

Immoderate greatness: Is great power restraint a practical grand strategy?
Available formats
×
×

Reply to: Submit a response

Please enter your response.

Your details

Please enter a valid email address.

Conflicting interests

Do you have any conflicting interests? *