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Hanoi's Diplomatic Front in Sweden: Communist Propaganda Strategies in the Vietnam War
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2021
Abstract
This article offers a new perspective on the Swedish protests against the Vietnam War by placing it in its broader global Cold War context. As a case study on ‘people's diplomacy’ and ‘united front strategy’, it acknowledges the importance of Chinese and Vietnamese influences on the peace campaigns in Sweden and aims, as far as possible, to reconstruct Hanoi's motives, strategies and actions to create and direct Sweden's policy and opinion on the war. With the extremely generous political freedoms granted it by official Sweden, Hanoi was able to find new international allies as well as organise political propaganda manifestations from their Stockholm base. In the end, North Vietnam's version of the war as being about national liberation fought by a people united in their resistance to a foreign, genocidal, aggressor won a large enough share of the opinion in the West to force the American political leadership to give up the fight. Hanoi's Diplomatic Front in Sweden was one of the important battlefields behind that victory
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References
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53 Ibid.
54 Ibid.
55 Vietnambulletinen, 1–2 (1967), 63–8.
56 Ibid.
57 Kilander, Vietnam var nära, 113.
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59 Salomon, Rebeller, 99.
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76 Nhân Dân, of course, reported from the Stockholm tribunal in a number of articles.
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79 There is no place in this article to discuss these ten conferences. They instead will be dealt with in a forthcoming article.
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86 At the time of the Tet Offensive, the Soviet Union had stepped up to become the main benefactor of Hanoi, which had become increasingly suspicious of China's real motives.
87 Riksarkivet, Stockholm. Handwritten note by Jenny Resch to Sköld Peter Matthis and Rolf Bucht (no date), the international secretariat of DFFG, korrespondens.
88 In an otherwise masterful study, Brigham wrongly claims that the prime minister, Tage Erlander, ‘faced a serious challenge from Olof Palme, who attacked Erlander for not backing the NLF’ and that ‘one year later Erlander and de Gaulle suffered political defeat at the hands of the NLF’. Brigham, Guerrilla Diplomacy, 82, 83.
89 With Indochina's French colonial history – and in light of President de Gaulle's criticism of American foreign policy – it made sense for the NLF to set up its only other Western information bureau in Paris, simultaneously with the one in Stockholm.
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91 Ibid. Foreign Minister Torsten Nilsson was, of course, referring to the United States.
92 Åselius, Vietnamkriget, 498.
93 Brigham, Guerrilla Diplomacy, 80.
94 Ibid.
95 De förenade FNL gruppernas arkiv housed in the Riksarkivet, Stockholm. Mats Widgren to Rolf Bucht (no date), international secretariat of DFFG, korrespondens.
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98 Ibid.
99 For more on Lidman in Hanoi, see Perry Johansson, ‘Sara Lidman: A Case study of Beijing's and Hanoi's Use of Foreigners during the Vietnam War’, Journal of Cold War Studies (forthcoming).
100 Sara Lidman Archives, Umeå Universitetsbibliotek, Umeå. Author's translation from Lidman's Swedish version of the speech.
101 Åselius, Vietnamkriget, 304.
102 De förenade FNL gruppernas arkiv housed in the Riksarkivet, Stockholm. Letter from Joel Miller, international secretary of DFFG, 12 Sept. 1972, korrespondens, 1970–1974.
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111 Ibid.
112 Ibid.
113 Ibid.
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116 Ibid.
117 Brigham, Guerrilla Diplomacy, 23.
118 ‘Welcoming Foreign Minister Nguyễn Thị Bình’, Nhân Dân.
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124 Ibid.
125 Annelie Bränström Öhman, Stilens munterhet: Sara Lidmans författardagböcker från Missenträsk 1975–1985 (Stockholm: Albert Bonniers förlag, 2014), 305.
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