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Mapping Urban “Mixing” and Intercommunal Relations in Late Ottoman Jerusalem: A Neighborhood Study

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 January 2021

Michelle U. Campos*
Affiliation:
Jewish Studies and History, Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA, USA

Abstract

Although Ottoman cities long have been recognized as sites of significant ethnic and religious heterogeneity, very little scholarship exists that documents or analyzes patterns of residential sorting, be it segregation, the physical separation of groups from each other in the urban landscape, or its opposite, integration. GIS mapping of the Ottoman censuses of Jerusalem illuminates these urban patterns and reveals the importance of scale when considering this question. Even the most “integrated” neighborhood on the aggregate level reveals “segregated” zones of clustering and concentration at the smaller scales of quadrant, street, and building. At the same time, the proximity and exposure of residents to each other reveals how very porous boundaries were in the neighborhood. In order to understand how and why the city developed such a complex spatial pattern, qualitative sources like newspapers, memoirs, and court records are a necessary supplement to demographic records. This approach allows for a comprehensive outlining of the economic, legal, religious, and cultural factors and forces contributing to both segregation and integration in an Ottoman city. It also points to a multidisciplinary reconstruction of the social space of an historic neighborhood.

Type
Mapping Social Geography
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History

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References

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9 I use the terms “mixed,” “mixing,” and “unmixing” drawing on Schick's formulation of “gemischtes” as well as Lord Curzon's infamous expression in the aftermath of the Balkan wars and subsequently, the Treaty of Lausanne, quoted in Michael Robert Marrus, The Unwanted: European Refugees from the First World War through the Cold War (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2002), 41. See the critique of this term in Haim Yacobi, The Jewish-Arab City: Spatio-Politics in a Mixed Community (London: Routledge, 2009). I agree with Yacobi's argument that the adjective “mixed” obscures the power and inequity inherent to the post-1948 Israeli context, but I do not think this applies to the pre-1948 context.

10 Uziel O. Schmelz, “Population Characteristics of Jerusalem and Hebron Regions According to Ottoman Census of 1905,” in Gad Gilbar, ed., Ottoman Palestine, 1800–1914: Studies in Economic and Social History (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990), 15–68; Uziel O. Schmelz, “The Population of Jerusalem's Urban Neighborhoods According to the Ottoman Census of 1905,” in Amy Singer and Amnon Cohen, eds., Aspects of Ottoman History: Papers from CIEPO IX, Jerusalem (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1994), 93–113. For the earlier 1880s census, see Adar Arnon, “Mifkedei ha-ukhlusiya bi-Yerushalayim be-shalhei ha-tkufah ha-'Otmanit [Population censuses in Jerusalem at the end of the Ottoman period],” Katedra 6 (1977): 95–107; Adar Arnon, “The Quarters of Jerusalem in the Ottoman Period,” Middle Eastern Studies 28, 1 (1992): 1–65.

11 Calculations based on aggregate figures in Schmelz, “Population.”

12 Michael Poulsen, Ron Johnston, and James Forrest, “Intraurban Ethnic Enclaves: Introducing a Knowledge-Based Classification Method,” Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 33, 11 (2001): 2071–82.

13 Abigail Jacobson and Moshe Naor, Oriental Neighbors: Middle Eastern Jews and Arabs in Mandatory Palestine (Waltham: Brandeis University Press, 2016); Yair Wallach, A City in Fragments: Urban Text in Modern Jerusalem (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2020); Roberto Mazza, Jerusalem from the Ottomans to the British (London: I. B. Tauris, 2009); Abigail Jacobson, From Empire to Empire: Jerusalem between Ottoman and British Rule (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2011); Hillel Cohen, Year Zero of the Arab-Israeli Conflict: 1929 (Waltham: Brandeis University Press, 2015); Menachem Klein, Lives in Common: Arabs and Jews in Jerusalem, Jaffa, and Hebron, Haim Watzman, trans. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014); Michelle U. Campos, Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011); Tamari, “Confessionalism and Public Space.”

14 Ulrike Freitag, “Cosmopolitanism in the Middle East as a Part of Global History,” in Programmatic Texts 4 (Berlin: Zentrum Moderner Orient, 2010): 1–5; Suraiya Faroqhi, “Did Cosmopolitanism Exist in Eighteenth-Century Istanbul? Stories of Christian and Jewish Artisans,” in Ulrike Freitag and Nora Lafi, eds., Urban Governance under the Ottomans: Between Cosmopolitanism and Conflict (London: Routledge, 2014), 21–36; Nora Lafi, “Mediterranean Cosmopolitanisms and Its Contemporary Revivals: A Critical Approach,” New Geographies: Journal of the Harvard University Graduate School of Design 5 (2013): 325–34. However, as the Ottomanist Edhem Eldem has bluntly warned, “not every form of diversity is cosmopolitan”; “Istanbul as a Cosmopolitan City: Myths and Realities,” in Ato Quayson and Girish Daswani, eds., A Companion to Diaspora and Transnationalism (West Sussex: Blackwell Publishing/Wiley & Sons, 2013), 217. For additional qualifications, see Will Hanley, “Grieving Cosmopolitanism in Middle East Studies,” History Compass 6, 5 (2008): 1346–67; Amy Mills, Streets of Memory: Landscape, Tolerance, and National Identity in Istanbul (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010); Ulrike Freitag, “‘Cosmopolitanism’ and ‘Conviviality’? Some Conceptual Considerations Concerning the Late Ottoman Empire,” European Journal of Cultural Studies 17 (2014): 375–91; Nora Lessersohn, “‘Provincial Cosmopolitanism’ in Late Ottoman Anatolia: An Armenian Shoemaker's Memoir,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, 2 (2015): 528–56.

15 J. B. Harley, “Maps, Knowledge, and Power,” in J. B. Harley, ed., The New Nature of Maps: Essays in the History of Cartography (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 2001), 52–80.

16 Ian N. Gregory and Paul S. Ell, Historical GIS: Technologies, Methodologies, and Scholarship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); Donald A. DeBats and Ian N. Gregory, “Introduction to Historical GIS and the Study of Urban History,” Social Science History 35, 4 (2011): 455–63; Ann Kelly Knowles, ed., Placing History: How Maps, Spatial Data, and GIS Are Changing Historical Scholarship (Redlands: ESRI Press, 2008); Jordi Martí-Henneberg, “Geographical Information Systems and the Study of History,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History xlii, 1 (2011): 1–13.

17 Meghan Cope and Sarah Elwood, eds., Qualitative GIS (Los Angeles: Sage, 2009).

18 I take this very suggestive concept from Lessersohn, “Provincial Cosmopolitanism.”

19 Christopher D. Lloyd, Ian G. Shuttleworth, and David W. Wong, eds., Social-Spatial Segregation: Concepts, Processes and Outcomes (Bristol: Policy Press, 2014); David H. Kaplan and Kathleen Woodhouse, “Research in Ethnic Segregation I: Causal Factors,” Urban Geography 25, 6 (2004): 579–85; “Research in Ethnic Segregation II: Measurements, Categories and Meanings,” Urban Geography 26, 8 (2005): 737–45, David H. Kaplan and Frederick Douzet, “Research in Ethnic Segregation III: Segregation Outcomes,” Urban Geography 32, 4 (2011): 589–605; Ronald van Kempen and A. Şule Özüekren, “Ethnic Segregation in Cities: New Forms and Explanations in a Dynamic World,” Urban Studies 35, 10 (1998): 1631–56; Deborah Phillips, “Ethnic and Racial Segregation: A Critical Perspective,” Geography Compass 1, 5 (2007): 1138–59; Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, “The Dimensions of Residential Segregation,” Social Forces 67, 2 (1988): 281–315; Ron Johnston, Michael Poulsen, and James Forrest, “Moving on from Indices, Refocusing on Mix: On Measuring and Understanding Ethnic Patterns of Residential Segregation,” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 36, 4 (2010): 697–706.

20 Gudrun Krämer, “Moving out of Place: Minorities in Middle Eastern Urban Societies, 1800–1914,” in Peter Sluglett, ed., The Urban Social History of the Middle East (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2008), 182–223. For an overview of the “spatial turn” in Middle East studies more broadly, see Amy Mills, “Critical Place Studies and Middle East Histories: Power, Politics, and Social Change,” History Compass 10, 10 (2012): 778–88. For a more nuanced view of the Moroccan mellah, see Emily Benichou Gottreich, The Mellah of Marrakesh: Jewish and Muslim Space in Morocco's Red City (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007).

21 Çiğdem Kafescioğlu, Constantinopolis/Istanbul: Cultural Encounter, Imperial Vision, and the Construction of the Ottoman Capital (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009); Marc David Baer, “The Great Fire of 1660 and the Islamization of Christian and Jewish Space in Istanbul,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, 2 (2004): 159–81; Yaron Ben-Naeh, Yehudim be-mamlekhet ha-sultanim Jews in the empire of the sultans] (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 2007).

22 Sibel Zandi-Sayek, Ottoman Izmir: The Rise of a Cosmopolitan Port, 1840–1880 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011); Marc David Baer, The Dönme: Jewish Converts, Muslim Revolutionaries, and Secular Turks (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010).

23 Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century (New York: Columbia University Press, 1989); Yaron Ben-Naeh, “Urban Encounters: The Muslim-Jewish Case in the Ottoman Empire,” in Eyal Ginio and Elie Podeh, eds., The Ottoman Middle East: Studies in Honor of Amnon Cohen (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 177–97.

24 Najwa al-Qattan, “Litigants and Neighbors: The Communal Topography of Ottoman Damascus,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 44, 3 (2002): 511–33; Najwa al-Qattan, “Across the Courtyard: Residential Space and Sectarian Boundaries in Ottoman Damascus,” in Molly Greene, ed., Minorities in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Markus Wiener, 2005), 13–45; M. Erdem Kabadayı, “Working for the State in the Urban Economies of Ankara, Bursa, and Salonica: From Empire to Nation State, 1840s–1940s,” International Review of Social History 61, S24 (2016): 213–41; Gürer Karagedikli and Coşkun Tuncer, “The People Next Door: Housing and Neighbourhood in Ottoman Edirne, 1734–1814,” paper presented at the Economic History Society Annual Conference, Cambridge, 2016.

25 The one major demographic study of an Ottoman mixed city samples only from Muslim neighborhoods and takes fertility and family life as its central focus rather than spatial location and use. Alan Duben and Cem Behar, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family, and Fertility, 1880–1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). Johann Büssow sampled from three neighborhoods in Jerusalem to offer some preliminary observations, in Hamidian Palestine: Politics and Society in the District of Jerusalem, 1872–1908 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 138–67. For an exciting recent project, see Daniel Ohanian et. al, “Ottoman Istanbul and Its Armenian Inhabitants: Population Data and Maps, 1830s–c. 1907,” https://www.houshamadyan.org/mapottomanempire/vilayet-of-istanbul/locale/demography.html (last accessed 29 Aug. 2020). For comparative inspiration, see Kenneth M. Cuno and Michael J. Reimer, “The Census Registers of Nineteenth-Century Egypt: A New Source for Social Historians,” British Journal of Middle East Studies 24, 2 (1997): 193–216.

26 Elyse Semerdjian, “Naked Anxiety: Bathhouses, Nudity, and the Dhimmī Woman in 18th-Century Aleppo,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 45 (2013): 651–76; Cem Behar, A Neighborhood in Ottoman Istanbul: Fruit Vendors and Civil Servants in the Kasap Ilyas Mahalle (Albany: State University of New York, 2003); Baer, Dönme; Zandi-Sayek, Ottoman Izmir; Lessersohn, “Provincial Cosmopolitanism”; Ben-Naeh, “Urban Encounters.”

27 Nora Lafi and Florian Riedler, “Administrative Boundaries, Communal Segregation and Factional Territorialisation: The Complex Nature of Urban Boundaries in the Ottoman Empire,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, 4 (2018): 593–605; Florian Riedler, “Communal Boundaries and Confessional Policies in Ottoman Niš,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, 4 (2018): 726–56; Eldem, “Istanbul as a Cosmopolitan City.”

28 For background and methodological issues with this census, see Michelle U. Campos, “Placing Jerusalemites in the History of Jerusalem: The Ottoman Census (Sicil-i Nufus) as a Historical Source,” in Angelos Dalachanis and Vincent Lemire, eds., Ordinary Jerusalem, 1840–1940: Opening New Archives, Revisiting a Global City (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 15–28; Stanford J. Shaw, “The Ottoman Census System and Population, 1831–1914,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 9, 3 (1978): 325–38; Kemal Karpat, “Ottoman Population Records and the Census of 1881/82–1893,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 9, 3 (1978): 237–74.

29 For a critical approach to understanding “millet,” see Benjamin Braude, “Foundation Myths of the Millet System,” in Benjamin Braude and Bernard Lewis, eds., Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982), 69–88; Antonis Hadjikyriacou, “Beyond the Millet Debate: Communal Representation in Pre-Tanzimat Era Cyprus,” in Marinos Sariyannis, ed., Political Thought and Practice in the Ottoman Empire: Halcyon Days in Crete IX (Rethymno: Crete University Press, 2019), 71–96.

30 For more on groupism and collective identity, see Rogers Brubaker, “Ethnicity without Groups,” Archives européennes de sociologie 43, 2 (2002): 163–89; Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper, “Beyond ‘Identity,’” Theory and Society 29 (2000): 1–47.

31 Israel Bartal, “’Al dmutah ha-rav ‘edatit shel ha-ḥevrah ha-Yehudit be-Yerushalayim be-me'ah ha-yud-tet [On the multiethnic character of Jewish society in Jerusalem in the nineteenth century],” Pe'amim: Studies in Oriental Jewry 57 (1993): 114–24; Yair Wallach, “Rethinking the Yishuv: Late-Ottoman Palestine's Jewish Communities Revisited,” Journal of Modern Jewish Studies 16, 2 (2017): 275–94.

32 Christine M. Philliou, Biography of an Empire: Governing Ottomans in an Age of Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011); Vangelis Constantinos Kechriotis, “The Greeks of Izmir at the End of the Empire: A Non-Muslim Ottoman Community between Autonomy and Patriotism” (PhD diss., Leiden University, 2005); Julia Phillips Cohen, Becoming Ottomans: Sephardi Jews and Imperial Citizenship in the Modern Era (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).

33 İpek K. Yosmaoğlu, “Counting Bodies, Shaping Souls: The 1903 Census and National Identity in Ottoman Macedonia,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, 1 (2006): 55–77; İpek Yosmaoğlu, Blood Ties: Religion, Violence, and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014); Sarah Shields, “Mosul, the Ottoman Legacy and the League of Nations,” International Journal of Contemporary Iraqi Studies 3, 2 (2009): 217–30.

34 Büssow, Hamidian Palestine; Yasemin Avcı, Değişim Sürecinde Bir Osmanlı Kenti: Kudüs (1890–1914) (Ankara: Phoenix, 2004).

35 Jews were divided into three millets, categorized by ethnic origin which had some liturgical and communal basis: Ashkenazi (European), Maghrebi (North African), and Sephardi (Iberian origin native to Jerusalem or other Ottoman lands). Christians were classified by religious denomination (Greek Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Armenian, Protestant, etc.).

36 Jewish immigration in particular is a difficult historical question due to the lack of reliable sources. The Montefiore censuses, for example, show large-scale Jewish immigration to Jerusalem from Eastern Europe, North Africa, and the Ottoman Balkans from the 1850s–1870s, and indicate that the size of the Jewish community in Jerusalem more than doubled between 1866 and 1875. Daniel Kessler, “The Jewish Community in Nineteenth Century Palestine: Evidence from the Montefiore Censuses,” Middle Eastern Studies 52, 6 (2016): 996–1010. However, the accuracy of these figures has not been investigated, nor does the Montefiore census account for out migration. Michal Ben Ya'akov, “Mifkadei Montefiore ve-ḥeker ha-Yehudim be-agan ha-yam ha-tichon [The Montefiore censuses and the study of Jews in the Mediterranean basin],” Pe'amim: Studies in Oriental Jewry 107 (2006): 117–49.

37 This category denoted Muslims and Christians who originated from outside Jerusalem, be it from villages on its outskirts or migrants from outside Ottoman lands. European and American citizens were not recorded by the census, although consular officials did keep their own records.

38 Musa Sroor, Fondations Pieuses En Mouvement De La Transformation Du Statut De Propriété Des Biens Waqfs À Jérusalem (1858–1917) (Beirut: Institut français du proche-orient, 2010); Ziyad 'Abd al-'Aziz Al-Madani, Madinat al-Quds wa-jawarha fi awakhir al-'ahd al-'Uthmani, 1831–1918 [The city of Jerusalem and its environs at the end of the Ottoman period, 1831–1918] (Amman: author, 2004).

39 Cem Behar also notes the fuzziness in the terms, boundaries, and temporal lifecycle of neighborhood and quarter (mahalle), in A Neighborhood in Ottoman Istanbul.

40 Israel State Archives (ISA), file 39, defter 23. The census was completed only in summer 1889, according to the stamped signatures of the census officials “sealing” each census notebook. This long delay in implementation was not unusual across the empire, leading to a major critique by demographers about the accuracy of census figures.

41 About half of the heads of household listed an occupation.

42 While there was a concentration of Jews in the south-central parts of the intramuros city denoted as early as the sixteenth century as “mahallat al-Yahud” and “harat al-Yahud,” Jews also lived in adjacent areas to the west and east. Amnon Cohen and Elisheva Simon-Pikali, Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpat ha-Muslemi: ḥevrah, kalkalah, ve-irgun kehilati bi-Yerushalayim ha-'Otomanit (ha-me'ah ha-shesh-'esreh) [Jews in the Islamic court: society, economy, and communal organization in Ottoman Jerusalem (the sixteenth century)] (Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi, 1993).

43 Yehoshu'a Yellin owned and partnered on various ḥazakot in the 1860s and 1870s in al-Wad. Yehoshu'a bar David Yellin, Zichronot le-ben Yerushalayim [Memories of a native Jerusalemite] (Jerusalem: Zion Press-Ruhold Brothers, 1923); Amnon Cohen, Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpaṭ ha-Muslemi: ḥevrah, kalkalah ve-irgun kehilati bi-Yerushalayim ha-'Otomanit (ha-me'ah ha-tsha'-'esreh) [Jews in the Islamic court: society, economy, and communal organization in Ottoman Jerusalem (the nineteenth century)] (Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi, 2003), 377–83.

44 Michal Ben Ya'akov, “Space and Place: North African Jewish Widows in Late-Ottoman Palestine,” Hawwa 10, 1–2 (2012): 37–58; Shabtai Zecharia, Yerushalayim ha-bilti noda'at: Prakim be-toldot ha-yishuv ha-Yehudi be-'ir ha-'atika be-dorot ha-aḥaronim [Unknown Jerusalem: chapters in the history of the Jewish community in the old city in the last generations] (Mizrach Binyamin: Beit El Press, 1998).

45 Preliminary analysis of the yabancılar notebooks shows that while only 127 Muslim craftsmen arrived in Jerusalem before 1299 (1883 in the mali calendar), in the decade after almost nine hundred arrived. Likewise, from one hundred Muslim religious migrants from sub-Saharan Africa until 1883, in the next decade that community more than tripled in size. Most strikingly, more than fifteen hundred Maghrebi pilgrims arrived in Jerusalem in the 1880s.

46 Ben Ya'akov, “Space and Place”; Gur Alroey, An Unpromising Land: Jewish Migration to Palestine in the Early Twentieth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2014).

47 In the late 1880s, for example, the local Ottoman governor expelled Jews who had settled in Jerusalem without registering with the census authorities, leading the local Jewish press to call on Jewish immigrants to register without haste. Ḥavatzelet, 17 Mar. 1887; ha-Ẓvi, 15 Sept. 1887; ha-Ẓfira, 14 Nov. 1887; ha-Melitz, 5 Dec. 1887.

48 Reporting was incomplete for the petit bourgeois, artisanal, working classes, women and children, and nomadic tribes. Alan Duben, “Household Formation in Late Ottoman Istanbul,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 22 (1990): 419–35; Kemal H. Karpat, Ottoman Population 1830–1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985); Justin McCarthy, The Population of Palestine: Population History and Statistics of the Late Ottoman Period and the Mandate (New York: Columbia University Press, 1990). One historian proposed that undercounting in Jerusalem due to age and sex was 7.5 percent, the lowest in all the Arab provinces. Justin McCarthy, Population History of the Middle East and the Balkans (Istanbul: Isis Press, 2002), 193.

49 Campos, Ottoman Brothers, 63 n16.

50 Schmelz, “Population Characteristics.” Istanbul had similarly high ratios of migrants in the mid-late nineteenth century. Florian Riedler, “The Role of Labour Migration in the Urban Economy and Governance of Nineteenth-Century Istanbul,” in Ulrike Freitag and Nora Lafi, eds., Urban Governance under the Ottomans: Between Cosmopolitanism and Conflict (London: Routledge, 2014), 145–58; Duben and Behar, Istanbul Households.

51 All neighborhood figures come from my own analysis of the original census, ISA, file 39, defter 2, 6, 20, 21, 37, 39, 47, 57. I included counts for Mahkama, since it is recorded as a sub-neighborhood within al-Wad for most families, but for some families it is recorded as a separate neighborhood. (Schmelz incorrectly places the neighborhood outside the city walls.)

52 In al-Sa'adiya, the neighborhood to the north, only 18 percent of households were headed by non-Jerusalemites. Büssow, Hamidian Palestine, 144–45.

53 These entries contained temporal clues such as dates and birthplaces for children or younger siblings that helped narrow down the decade of arrival in Jerusalem. N= 180.

54 This is likely an undercount, though, since the memoirs of another Ashkenazi Jewish resident note that his father spoke Arabic but his census entry does not include this skill. Gad Frumkin, Derekh shofet bi-Yerushalayim [The path of a judge in Jerusalem] (Tel Aviv: Dvir, 1954). For comparison, Büssow identified 20 percent of the adult Ashkenazi male heads of household in his sample of al-Silsila neighborhood who had reported oral Arabic skills; Hamidian Palestine, 160.

55 The only exceptions were two who were employed as lantern carriers. For more information on foreign security guards in Palestine at the time, see Büssow, Hamidian Palestine; and Evelin Dierauff, “Global Migration in Late Ottoman Jaffa as Reflected in the Arab-Palestinian Newspaper Filastin (1911–1913),” in Liat Kozma, Cyrus Schayegh, and Avner Wishnitzer, eds., A Global Middle East: Mobility, Materiality, and Culture in the Modern Age, 1880–1940 (London: I. B. Tauris, 2015), 165–74.

56 Comparing the two censuses, we can see that there is some continuity of the neighborhood's Muslim residents, since at least 20 percent of all 1883 households still had at least one member living in al-Wad in 1905.

57 ISA, file 39, defter 21, 28–32, 100–1.

58 The final one is centralization. Massey and Denton, “Dimensions of Residential Segregation.”

59 Sean F. Reardon et al., “The Geographic Scale of Metropolitan Racial Segregation,” Demography 45, 3 (2008): 489–514.

60 Christopher S. Fowler, “Segregation as a Multiscalar Phenomenon and Its Implications for Neighborhood-Scale Research: The Case of South Seattle 1990–2010,” Urban Geography 37, 1 (2016): 1–25.

61 For the Christians, see ISA, file 39, defter 6, 11–13; for the Muslims see ISA, file 39, defter 21, 33, 43–44, 98–99.

62 Gad Frumkin wrote that his family rented one of the Husseini family courtyards adjacent to the mufti's house, which appears in his memory map to be on the alley called al-Bayrak today, although this name is not recorded anywhere in the census nor did Frumkin call it by that name. Puzzlingly, however, the Frumkin family census entry appears on Tariq al-Wad, east of their actual location. The census also lists no tenants living in their courtyard, although Frumkin mentioned several of them by name. Frumkin, Derekh shofet.

63 ISA, file 39, defter 20, 2.

64 Musa Sroor, “The Real Estate Market in Jerusalem between Muslims and Christians (1800–1810),” Oriente Moderno 93 (2013): 593–608; Amnon Cohen and Elisheva Ben Shimon-Pikali, Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpat ha-Muslemi: ḥevrah, kalkalah, ve-irgun kehilati be-Yerushalayim ha-‘Otomanit (ha-me'ah ha-shva' 'esreh) [Jews in the Islamic court: society, economy, and communal organization in Ottoman Jerusalem (the seventeenth century)], 2 vols. (Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi, 2010).

65 A contemporary survey of the Muslim, Christian, and Armenian quarters found that 79 percent of properties had the status of legal endowments, whether religious (Muslim and Christian) or family. Only 18 percent of properties in those neighborhoods were privately owned. Samer Ghaleb Bagaeen, “Housing Conditions in the Old City of Jerusalem: An Empirical Study,” Habitat International 30, 1 (2006): 87–106, 93.

66 Sroor, Fondations pieuses, 153, 78–80, 92–93.

67 Idem, 194–98.

68 Randi Deguilheim, “The Waqf in the City,” in Salma Khadra Jayussi et al., eds., The City in the Islamic World (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 945–46.

69 Frumkin, Derekh shofet; Cohen, Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpaṭ ha-Muslemi (ha-me'ah ha-tsha’ ‘esreh); Sroor, Fondations pieuses.

70 Eliezer Rivlin, “Ḥazakot shel ḥatzerot ve-batim be-Yerushalayim [Usufruct agreements for courtyards and houses in Jerusalem],” in Festschrift Dr. Jakob Freiman Zum 70 Geburtstag (Berlin: Viktoria, 1937), 149–62.

71 Rabbi Michael Molho, “Takanat ḥezkat ha-batim, ḥatzerot ve-ḥanuyot be-Saloniki [The regulation over the usufruct of houses, courtyards, and stores in Salonica],” Sinai 28 (1951): 296–314; Meir Benyahu, “Haskamot “Ḥezkat ha-ḥatzerot, ha-batim, ve-ha-ḥanuyot” be-Saloniki ve-psakeihem shel Rabbi Yosef Taitatzak ve-ḥachmei doro [The ‘courtyards, houses, and stores usufruct’ agreements in Salonica and the rulings of Rabbi Yosef Taitatzak and the sages of his generation],” Michael 9 (1985): 55–146.

72 “Takanat ha-ḥazakot,” Jerusalem Municipal Archives, file 280/30/216. The Jewish rabbinical court system was reportedly occupied with disputes about ḥazaka terms, inheritance, sales, forgeries, and so forth. See Rivlin, “Ḥazakot.”

73 Sephardi and Maghrebi Jews were collapsed into a single group in the Montefiore census, along with other “Eastern” Jews from Iran, Georgia, et cetera. The Ashkenazi Jewish census did not record courtyards. See http://www.montefiorecensuses.org/ (last accessed 29 Aug. 2020).

74 In comparison, in al-Sa'adiya neighborhood, Büssow found only five houses that were shared between Muslims and Greek Orthodox Christians, 3 percent of the neighborhood's total inhabitants; Hamidian Palestine, 150.

75 ISA, file 39, defters 37, 1; 20, 131; 57, 11; 21, 108; and 57, 23.

76 Rachel Shar'abi, Ha-yishuv ha-Sfaradi bi-Yerushalayim be-shalhei ha-tkufah ha-'Otomanit [The Sephardi community in Jerusalem at the end of the Ottoman period] (Tel Aviv: Misrad ha-Bitaḥon, 1989), 23.

77 This means that 10 percent of al-Wad's Jews were living in inter-ethnic Jewish buildings. In al-Silsila, Büssow found 17 percent of Jews living in such mixed buildings; Hamidian Palestine, 157.

78 Yellin, Zichronot.

79 Cohen, Yehudim be-veit ha-mishpat ha-Muslemi … (ha-me'ah ha-tsha'-'esreh), 462–547. See also Ron Shaham, “Christian and Jewish Waqf in Palestine during the Late Ottoman Period,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, 3 (1991): 460–72; Amin Mas'ud Abu Bakr, Milkiyyat al-aradi fi mutasarafiyyat al-Quds, 1858–1918 [Land properties in the province of Jerusalem, 1858–1918] ('Amman: Mu'assasat 'Abd al-Hamid Shoman, 1996); Ahmad Hamed Ibrahim Al-Quda, Nasara al-Quds: Dirasa fi daw al-watha'iq al-'Uthmaniya [Christians of Jerusalem: research study in light of Ottoman documents] (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihdah al-`Arabiyah, 2007).

80 PS-GOPJ/VI/Γ/15/1889/42 [1889]. Open Jerusalem project, http://www.openjerusalem.org/project (last accessed 15 Sept. 2020), (OJ preface below). My thanks to Angelos Dalachnis for his generosity in sharing this source.

81 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/670.

82 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1888/293; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1888/243; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1888/200; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/204; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1886/254.

83 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1886/44; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1886/493.

84 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1886/483; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1886/476; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1887/317.

85 OJ/PS-GOPJ/VI/Γ/15/1885/324; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1888/61 (16 May 1885).

86 OJ/PS-GOPJ/VI/Γ/15/1887/321 (18 Sept. 1887).

87 OJ/PS-GOPJ/VI/Γ/15/1889/14.

88 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/292.

89 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1886/15; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1887/138; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1887/56. This is the terminology used in the translations provided by the Open Jerusalem team.

90 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/565.

91 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/668.

92 OJ/JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/644; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/608; JM-AEPI/VI/Γ/15/1885/547.

93 On the wide-spread Christian property ownership in Bab al-‘Amud and elsewhere in the intramuros city, see Sroor, “Real Estate Market.”

94 Lemire, Jerusalem 1900, 36–37.

95 Geoffrey Furlonge, Palestine Is My Country: The Story of Musa Alami (New York: Praeger, 1969).

96 For a description of the stores on al-Wad, see Salim Tamari and Issam Nassar, eds., Al-Quds al-'Uthmaniyya fil-mudhakkirat al-Jawhariyya: al-kitab al-awwal min mudhakkirat al-musiqi Wasif Jawhariyya, 1904–1917, vol. 1 [Ottoman Jerusalem in the Jawhariyya memoirs: volume one of the memoirs of the musician Wasif Jawhariyya, 1904–1917] (Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Dirasat al-Filastiniyya, 2003).

97 Ha-Melitz, 26 Jan. 1896.

98 Furlonge, Palestine Is My Country; Salim Tamari and Issam Nassar, The Storyteller of Jerusalem: The Life and Times of Wasif Jawhariyyeh. 1904–1948 (Northampton: Interlink, 2014); Ya'kov Yehoshu'a, “Neighborhood Relations in the Turkish Period,” unpub. MS, Jerusalem Municipal Archives, box 502; Ya'kov Yehoshu'a, Ha-bayt ve-ha-reḥov bi-Yerushalayim ha-yeshana [House and street in old Jerusalem] (Jerusalem: Reuven Mass, 1966); Ya'kov El'azar, Ḥatzarot be-Yerushalayim ha-'atika [Courtyards in ancient Jerusalem] (Jerusalem: Galor, 1978).

99 Furlonge, Palestine Is My Country.

100 Tamari and Nassar, Al-Quds al-'Uthmaniyya.

101 Frumkin, Derekh shofet. See also the fascinating analysis of this source in Yair Wallach, “Jerusalem between Segregation and Integration: Reading Urban Space through the Eyes of Justice Gad Frumkin,” in S. R. Goldstein-Sabbah and H. R. Murre van den Berg, eds., Modernity, Minority, and the Public Sphere: Jews and Christians in the Middle East (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 205–33.

102 Grannis, Rick, “The Importance of Trivial Streets: Residential Streets and Residential Segregation,” American Journal of Sociology 103, 6 (1998): 1530–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

103 See especially Ya'kov Yehoshu'a, Ha-bayt ve-ha-reḥov.

104 Anderson, Elijah, The Cosmopolitan Canopy: Race and Civility in Everyday Life (New York: W. W. Norton, 2011)Google Scholar.

105 Warf, Barney and Arias, Santa, eds., The Spatial Turn: Interdisciplinary Perspectives (Abigdon: Routledge, 2009), 1Google Scholar.

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