1. From the March issue.

2. Ahistrom, Sidney E., A Religious History of the American People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), p. 504.Google Scholar

3. Most dissertations have been produced in the religion department at Brigham Young University, as have many of the books and articles. Two journals have published the bulk of the anti-Brodie articles, although her book is rarely cited in the footnotes. For examples see Brigham Young University Studies 9 (Spring 1969) and 10Google Scholar (Spring 1970), and Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 3 (Summer-Autumn 1968).Google Scholar

4. Bmkman, Milton, Joseph Smith's First Vision (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1971Google Scholar) is based on some interesting research. Nibley, Hugh, The Mythmakers (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1961), pp. 91–190Google Scholar deals with contradictions in the gold digging stories. See also Jones, Edward T., “The Theology of Thomas Dick and Its Possible Relationship to that of Joseph Smith” (Master's diss, Department of Religion, Brigham Young University, 1969).Google Scholar

5. Delivered at the meeting of the Mormon History Association in conjunction with the Western History Association at New Haven in October 1972. Bushman 's paper was evaluated by Klaus Hansen and Sidney Ahlstrom. Bushman indicates he will submit it for publication.

6. Arrington's, Great Basin Kingdom (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958)Google Scholar was based on a Ph. D. dessertation completed at the University of North Carolina. Flanders', Nauvoo: Kingdom on the Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1965Google Scholar) originated as a Ph. D. study at Wisconsin University. Hansen's, Quest for Empire (East Lansing: Michigan State University, 1967Google Scholar) was initiated at Wayne State, while O'Dea's, The Mormons (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1957Google Scholar) was begun in the Department of American Studies at Harvard.

7. Brodie, Fawn, No Man Knows My History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), p. xi.Google Scholar

8. Higham, John traces some aspects of the revolt against progressive history in History: The Development of Historical Studies in the United States (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1965), pp. 198–232.Google Scholar See also May, Henry F., “The Rediscovery of American Religious History,” American Historical Review 70 (10 1964): 79–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9. This trend largely postdates Higham's study. See Bass, Herbert J., ed., The State of American History (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1970), pp. 298–329Google Scholar for an assessment by Morton Rothstein, Samuel T. McSeveney, Philip J. Greven, Jr., Robert Zemaky and Joel Silbey. See also Edward Pessen's application of quantitative methods in the Jacksonian period, pp. 362–372.

10. Marty, Martin E., “Ethnicity: The Skeleton of Religion in America,” Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture 41 (03 1972): 5–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. “The Moral and Theological Revolution in the 1960s and Its Implication for American Religious History,” in Bass, ed., pp. 98–118.Google Scholar

12. Brodie, pp. 34–68, 168–180, 442–454.

13. Ibid., pp. 285–288 and 355–356.

14. Richard Bushman and Klaus Hansen are two exceptions to this generalization. Richard Anderson of Brigham Young University, trained in ancient history at Berkeley, has recently published a commentary on Joseph Smith's ancestors which includes some careful research and important sources but makes no pretence of being a biography. See his Joseph Smith's New England Heritage (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1971).Google Scholar

15. Only a few non-Mormons have made any use of the Historian's Archives. Donald R. Moorman of Weber State College, who is doing research on Brigham Young, is one example. The recent appointment of Leonard Arrington as church historian suggests that church leaders desire to establish the Archives and Historian's Department on a professional basis.

16. Recently a professor at Yale commented to me on how daring one must be to undertake a biography of the Mormon prophet.

17. In his review of her book in the American Historical Review 51 (07 1946).Google Scholar

18. Brodie is the daughter of Thomas McKay, Assistant to the Twelve Apostles, now deceased, and the niece of David O. McKay, a past president of the church.

19. Brodie, p. viii.

20. Ibid., pp. 22–23.

21. Ibid., pp. ix, 73, 83.

22. See ibid., pp. 16, 70.

23. New York Times Book Review 7 (01 20, 1946): 24.Google Scholar

24. Brodie acknowledged the central Importance of this assumption in her 1971 supplement, p. 405.

25. “The New England Origins of Mormonism,” The New England Quarterly 26 (06 1953): 147–168.Google Scholar

26. “The Quest for Religious Authority and the Rise of Morimonism,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 1 (Fall 1966): 68–88.Google Scholar Both Davis' article and part of DePillis' have recently been republished in Hill, Marvin S. and Allen, James B., eds., Mormonism and American Culture (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), pp. 13–34.Google Scholar

27. Burned-Over District (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950).Google Scholar

28. Brodie, pp. 21–25.

29. Smith, Joseph, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 1971), 1:5–7.Google Scholar

30. Brodie, p. 23.

31. Joseph Smith, 1:6.

32. Brodie, p. 25.

33. Since this is the earliest “history” written by Smith and one of the earliest major sources extant it bears weight despite the late date. The account is located in the Kirtland Letter Book, a manuscript of Smith's personal letters in the Historian's Archives in Salt Lake City. See pp. 1–6.

34. Joseph, Smith, “Manuscript History,” pp. 120–122.Google Scholar Smith related his vision to a Jewish minister named Joshua.

35. For example, to the editor of the Pittsburgh Gazette and reproduced in the Quincy Whig, November 1, 1843.

36. See her supplement to the 1971 edition, p. 409.

37. Walters, Wesley, New Light on Mormon Origins from the Palmyra (N. Y.) Revival (LaMesa, California: Utah Christian Tract Society, 1967).Google Scholar

38. Brodie, p. 410.

39. Ibid., pp. 24, 410.

40. Ibid., pp. 24, 410–411.

41. Backman p. 79. Backman made the point earlier in an article, “Awakenings in the Burned-Over District: New Light on the Historical Setting of the First Vision,” Brigham Young University Studies 9 (Spring 1969): 301–320.Google Scholar My italics.

42. Joseph Smith, 5, 356.

43. Finney, Charles G., Memoirs of Charles G. Finney by Himself (New York: Barnes & Co., 1878), p. 78.Google Scholar

44. William Smith said Stockton and Lane were at the revival in his interview with Briggs, E. C., reported in the Deseret News, 01 20, 1894.Google Scholar

45. Brodie, p. 25.

46. William made these remarks in a sermon delivered in Deloit, Iowa, June 8, 1884, or ten years earlier than the interview with Briggs. See Saints Herald 31: 643–644.Google Scholar

47. According to William, his father's “religious customs often became erksome or tiresome to me while in my younger days as I made no profession of Christianity.” See “Notes Written on Chamber's Life of Joseph Smith” in the Historian's Archives, p. 18. William was 83 years old in 1894.

48. Walters, p. 7.

49. L.D.S. Messenger and Advocate I (12 1834): 42.Google Scholar

50. Brodie, p. 410.

51. From Samuel Smith's file of papers in the Historian's Archives.

52. Smith, Lucy Mack, History of Joseph Smith by His Mother, ed. Preston, Nibley, (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1954), pp. 79–80.Google Scholar This edition deletes some things from the original but serves my purpose here. The original edition was published by Orson Pratt in 1853 under the title Biographical Sketches of Joseph Smith the Prophet.

53. Ibid., p. 46.

54. William Smith said Rev. Benjamin Stockton had alienated father Smith by intimating in Alvin's funeral service that since the deceased son was unconverted he had gone to hell. Deseret News, January 20, 1894.

55. “Journal of Alexander Neibaur,” n.p., n.d. This manuscript is in the Historian's Archives in Salt Lake City.

56. William Smith on Mormonism (Lamoni, Iowa: Herald Steam Book and Job Office, 1883), p. 6.Google Scholar

57. According to William, the mother and three children joined. Deseret News, January 20, 1894.

58. One gets the impression from reading Lucy's history that she was very much interested in status. See her frequent comments upon the initial prosperity of the family, the material things they owned and the general social acceptance they received in Palmyra until Joseph announced his visions. See Lucy Smith, pp. 25, 32, 39–40, 43, 51, 65, 85.

59. William Smith wrote that “there was not a single member of the family of sufficient age to know right from wrong but what had implicit confidence in the statements made by my Brother Joseph concerning his vision and the knowledge he thereby obtained concerning the plates”, “Notes Written on Chamber's Life of Joseph Smith,” p. 8. Compare also his similiar recollection in the Deseret News, January 20, 1894, where he says specifically that his mother and father believed Joseph's account.

60. “Alexander Neibaur Journal,” n.p., n.d.

61. Suggested not only by William Smith's recollection, previously quoted, that his mother showed great concern for her children's salvation but also by Joseph's remark to her after his vision that “I have learned for myself that Presbyterianism is not true.” This would make it likely that Lucy had been trying to persuade Joseph that her church was the true one. See William Smith on Mormonism, p. 6 and Joseph, Smith, History of the Church, 1, 6.Google Scholar

62. I have argued this at some length in “Role of Christian Primitivism in the Origin and Development of the Mormon Kingdom, 1830–1844,” (Ph. D. diss., University of Chicago, 1968).Google Scholar

63. Brodie, pp. 16, 405–406.

64. Smith, Joseph and the 1826 Trial: New Evidence and New Difficulties,” Brigham Young University Studies 12 (Winter 1972): 232–233.Google Scholar

65. According to the recollections of the trial by Purple, W. D. published in the Chenango Union, 05 3, 1877.Google Scholar

66. Frisbie, Barnes, The History of Middletown, Vermont in Three Discourses (Rutland, Vermont: Tuttle & Co., 1867), pp. 44–46.Google Scholar

67. Ibid., p. 46.dence, Missouri: W. W. Phelps, 1833), pp. 15–19.Google Scholar

68. A Book of Commandments, for the Government of the Church of Christ (Indepen-

69. Brodie, pp. 91–92; compare Whitmer, David, Address to All Believers in Christ (Richmond, Missouri: By the author, 1887), pp. 30, 32.Google Scholar

70. Saints Herald 34 (02 1887): 89.Google Scholar

71. Latter-day Saints Millennial Star 26 (02 20, 1864): 118–119.Google Scholar

72. See Martin Harris' confessions to Ole A. Jensen that he searched for treasure in Grant Ivins, “Notes on the 1826 Trial,” a manuscript in the Historian's Archives. Young's, Brigham description of Rockwell's activities is in the Journal of Discourses 19 (1878): 37.Google Scholar Joseph Knight's gold digging is described by Austin, Emily, Mormonism: or Life Among the Mormons (Madison, Wisconsin: M. J. Cantwell, 1882), pp. 30–33.Google Scholar Stowel 's money digging is attested to by Purple, W. D. in the Chenango Union, 05 3, 1877.Google Scholar

73. No one can read Oliver Cowdery's private letters in the Huntington Library without recognizing his genuine piety. Martin Harris was more fanatical than Cowdery but no less anxious to find the true church. John A. Clark's testimony about Harris, previously cited, attests to his chiliasm. Rockwell's concern for religious things is described in Schindler's, HaroldOrrin Porter Rockwell: Man of God Son of Thunder (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1966), p. 16.Google Scholar A revealing letter was written by Stowel to Joseph Smith on December 19, 1843. Stowel was ill and had Martha Campbell write for him: “he says he has seen and believed. He seems anxious to get there [to Nauvoo] to renew his covenants with the Lord. … He gave me strict charge to say to you his faith is good concerning the work of the Lord.” This letter is found in the Historian's Archives at Salt Lake City.

74. Brodie, p. 35.

75. Ibid., pp. 36, 41.

76. Ibid., p. 55.

77. Ibid., pp. 46–49.

78. As witnessed by his early “wait and see” editorial comments on the forthcoming book, in the Palmyra Reflector, January 2, 1830.

79. Lucy Mack Smith, pp. 164–166, and compare the attitudes of Dogberry after January 2, 1830.

80. Brodie, p. 38.

81. Dogberry 's comments are contradictory. While he says the prophet made no “serious pretentions to religion until his late pretended revelation”, in his earliest remarks on the book he warned, “Priestcraft is short-lived”, suggesting his understanding that the book had religious import. See Palmyra Reflector, September 2, 1829, and February 1, 1831.

82. The Rochester Advertizer and Telegraph, August 31, 1829 depicted the book as having a doctrine “said to be far superior to the book of life.” The Rochester Gem, September 5, 1829 described it as purporting to be “an ancient record of divine origin.”

83. Clark, John A., Gleanings by the Way (Philadelphia: W. J. and J. K. Simon, 1842), pp. 217, 222–223.Google Scholar

84. The official records of Hurlbut's excommunication are on file in the Historian's Archives. See Kirtland Stake High Council Minutes, pp. 21–22.

85. Mormonism Unveiled (Painesville, Ohio: By the author, 1834).Google Scholar

86. Brodie, p. 38.

87. Very little of the Book of Mormon was translated until that time. See Jesse, Dean, “The Original Book of Mormon Manuscript,” Brigham Young University Studies 10 (Spring 1970): 260.Google Scholar Compare Brodie, pp. 61, 62.

88. Brodie, p. 37.

89. Ibid., p. 88.

90. That is, in 1833, when they discuss things that happened in 1828 and 1829.

91. E. D. Howe confessed this to Arthur Deming in 1885, indicating that leading citizens of Kirtland and Mentor paid Hurlbut 's expenses to New York and Pennsylvania. See the Arthur Deming file in the Mormon Collection at the Chicago Historical Society.

92. Among those whose testimonies Hurlbut gathered were Isaac Hale, Smith's disgruntled father-in-law, who opposed the marriage of Joseph and Emma and ousted them from his land; Emma's brother, Alva, who constantly bickered with Joseph and nearly drove him to retaliation; Lucy Harris, Martin Harris' ex-wife who had become estranged from her husband over the issue of Mormonism; Abigail Harris, Lucy's sister; Nathaniel Lewis, a Methodist minister and relative of Isaac Hale; Jesse Townsend, one time minister of the Presbyterian Church in Palmyra which Lucy Smith ceased to attend; George Beckwith, Peletiah West and Henry Jessup, three Presbyterian elders prominent in Lucy Smith's excommunication in 1830; David Stafford, who quarreled with Joseph over a dog and was beaten by him in a fight; Peter Ingcrsoll and William Stafford, who had been on money-digging expeditions with Smith and may have been disillusioned by failure; Willard Chase who admitted he quarreled with the Smiths over the disposition of a magic stone found on Chase's land. It is significant that none of Hurlbut's witnesses said anything good of the Smiths although Thomas H. Taylor said there were many in Manchester who knew the family and would have testified in their favor. Information on Hurlbut's witnesses can be found in Joseph Smith, 1:17, 108; Saints Herald 26 (June 15, 1879): 190–191; some of the statements in E. D. Howe, especially those of the Harris sisters, and Stafford, Ingersoll and Chase; George, Peck, “Mormonism and the Mormons,” The Methodist Quarterly Review, 3rd Series 3 (01 1843): 112–113Google Scholar; Tucker, Pomeroy, Origin, Rise and Progress of Mormonism (New York: 1867) p. 288Google Scholar for a letter by Townsend, ; Brigham Young University Studies 10 (Summer 1970): 482–484Google Scholar for the excommunication proceedings against Emma and Samuel Smith; and Joseph Smith's “Journal” kept by Willard Richards, January 1, 1843, for the David Stafford incident. Thomas H. Taylor's statement was made to Kelley, W. H. and published in Saints Herald 28Google Scholar (June 1, 1881): 167.

93. “Joseph Smith's New York Reputation Reappraised,” Brigham Young University Studies 10 (Spring 1970): 283–314.Google Scholar

94. I believe that the responses Kelley received show more variety of expression, but notice that he has Ezra Pierce saying “everybody drank in them times”, David Booth affirming “everybody drank then”, Mr. Bryant saying “everybody drank whiskey in them times” and Orlando Saunders, “everybody drank a little in those days.” Also, Kelley reported Bryant saying that he was “not personally acquainted with any of them”, Ezra Pierce that he was “not very well acquainted with them” and Reed that he was “not personally acquainted with them.”

95. See Brodie, pp. 4, 5, 16, 84. The closest she comes to explaining her meaning is in her remark on page 5 that Joseph Smith, Sr. “reflected the irreligion which permeated the Revolution which had made the federal government completely secular.…” Her equation of irreligion with secularism suggests the narrowness with which she conceived the term. Goodenough's, Erwin R. warning seems appropriate here. “Those who think they know most clearly, for approval or disapproval, what religion ‘is’ seem to recognize least what amazingly different aspects of life the term has legitimately indicated.” The Psychology of Religious Experience (New York: Basic Books, 1965), p 2.Google Scholar

96. “Records of the Congregational Church in Topsfield,” Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society 14 (1909): 58.Google Scholar Also Tunbridge Town Record, December 6, 1797, p. 188Google Scholar where Asael and some of his sons claimed exemption from paying taxes to support the Congregational Church.

97. The original is in the Historian's Archives, but published by Anderson, Mary Audentia, Ancestry and Posterity of Joseph Smith and Emma Hale (Independence, Missouri: Herald Publishing House, 1929), pp. 62–64.Google Scholar It also appears in Anderson, Richard, Joseph Smith's New England Heritage, pp. 124–129.Google Scholar

98. The original history of Lucy Mack, upon which her published history is based, is in the Historian 's Archives but the page on which this entry appears, near the end of her manuscript, is unnumbered.

99. Sidney Ahlstrom indicates Hosea Ballou was one Universalist leader so influenced. See Ahlstrom, p. 482.

100. Brodie, p. 5.

101. Tunbridge Town Record, p. 188.

102. Brodie, p. vii.

103. A large portion, for example, was taken from a journal written by the prophet's cousin, George A. Smith. Another was written by Willard Richards covering December 21, 1842 through June 27, 1844.

104. He was only able to work on it himself periodically. See vol. 1:2, 298; 3:25 and 6:66. He lamented that some of his scribes and historians were not always satisfactory.

105. Located in the Historian's Archives.

106. “Joseph Smith's Book for Record,” partly in his own hand, covers the period November 28, 1832 through December 5, 1834.

107. The letter, dated June 6, 1832, is in the Mormon Manuscript Collection.

108. Joseph Smith Letter Book, covering November 22, 1832 through August 4, 1835.

109. All of these sources, so necessary for capturing the mood and mind of Smith and his fellow Mormons are in the Historian's Archives. They were not available to Brodie.

110. Brodie, p. 84.

111. Orthodox Utah Mormons still see the Book of Abraham as an authentic historical work. As example, see Nibley, Hugh, “What is the Book of Breathings?” Brigham Young University Studies 11 (Winter 1971): 153–187.Google Scholar

112. Joseph Smith Letter Book, November 22, 1832 through August 4, 1835.

113. Brodie, p. 74.

114. Letter from Stephen Burnett to “Br. [Lyman?] Johnson,” April 15, 1838, in Joseph Smith Letter Book, 2.

115. Doctrine and Covenants, sec. 17, vss. 2, 5.

116. See Metcalf, A., Ten Years Before the Mast (Milad, Idaho: By the author, 1870), p. 70Google Scholar; John Gilbert to James T. Cobt, March 16, 1849, in Historian's Archives, Harmon's, Reuben T. statement in Naked Truths About Mormonism (04 1888): 1Google Scholar, and Pomeroy Tucker, p. 288 for the Townsend letter to Phineas Stiles.

117. See Saints Herald 29 (June 15, 1882) for the piece by J. W. Catburn. Compare Whitmer's testimony as recorded by P. Wilhelm Poulson of Ovid, Idaho in Historian's Archives, and the report of Troughbee, J. L. in Saints Herald 26Google Scholar (November 15, 1879): 341.

118. Interview with Elder Z. H. Gurley, January 14, 1885, a copy of which is in Historian's Archives.

119. Burnett to Br. Johnson, April 15, 1838. This is also partially confirmed by George A. Smith's report of the meeting in a letter of March 29, 1838. Smith wrote that “Martin Harris then bore testimony of its [the Book of Mormon's] truth and said all would be damned that rejected it.”

120. Brodie, pp. 79–80.

121. The testimony affirmed that Smith had “shown unto us the plates of which hath been spoken, which have the appearance of gold; and as many of the leaves as said Smith had translated we did handle with our hands.” It seems unlikely that they would handle only the gold leaves Smith had already translated and not the whole book of plates.

122. Messenger and Advocate 2 (03 1836): 236–237.Google Scholar

123. Deseret News, January 20, 1894. Compare J. W. Peterson's interview of William in a manuscript in the Historian's Archives dated 1921.

124. Page's letter of May 30, 1847 appeared in the Ensign of Liberty of the Church of Christ 1 (01 1848): 63.Google Scholar

125. The Lively Experiment (New York: Harper & Row, 1963), p. 49.Google Scholar

126. “Spiritualism and Science: Reflections on the First Decade of Spirit Rappings,” American Quarterly 24 (10 1972): 474–500.Google Scholar

127. In her chapter, “If a Man Entice a Maid,” p. 297–308, Brodie quotes J.W.C. that Smith said “whenever I see a pretty woman I have to pray for grace.”

128. Ibid., p. 297.

129. William E. McClellin, a dissenter, maintained Emma Smith informed him of Joseph's affair with an unmarried woman in November 1832. See McClellin to Joseph Smith 3rd, July 1872 in the McClellin Papers at the Reorganized Church Library in Independence, Missouri.

130. Winchester, Benjamin, “Primitive Mormonism,” in Woodward, Charles L., “The First Half Century of Mormonism” (unpublished manuscript in the New YorkPublic Library), p. 195.Google Scholar

131. In Jacob, chap. 2, vs. 30 of the Book of Mormon, Smith said, “for if I will, saith the Lord of Hosts, raise up seed unto me, I will command my people; otherwise they shall harken unto these things.”

132. W. W. Phelps to Brigham Young, August 12, 1861. He quotes part of the revelation from memory and says that Smith indicated in 1834 that wives would be given through revelation. Phelps' letter is among the Brigham Young papers at the Historian's Archives.

133. Brodie, pp. 346, 436, 437, 440–441, 456, 459, 461. But the implication runs throughout her appendix on polygamy.

134. Ibid., pp. 434–435.

135. Benjamin F. Johnson to George S. Gibbs.

136. But Johnson said in a letter to Anthon H. Lund, dated May 12, 1903, “I was well acquainted with the ‘Lawrence girls’ that I knew were living in the ‘mansion’ by Emma's consent as his wives as also others with homes elsewhere of which she knew.…” This letter is in the Benjamin F. Johnson file in the Historian's Archives.

137. Johnson, Benjamin F., My Life's Review (Independence, Missouri: Zion's Printing and Publishing Co., 1947), p. 96.Google Scholar

138. I know of no other contemporary of Smith, intimately acquainted with him, who comments on the number of wives with whom Smith had marital relations. Lucy Walker noted four, whom Emma personally approved, but does not say this was all there were. Brodie quotes her to this effect, p. 456.

139. Ibid., pp. 434–435.

140. I have personally examined this record at the Geneological Society in Salt Lake City.

141. “Family Record of Parley Parker Pratt” under date March 11, 1850. The original manuscript is in the possession of Katie Pratt of Salt Lake City. Pratt himself records that Mary Ann was sealed to him by Hyrum Smith in June 1843 but that afterwards she became “alienated from her husband.” Pratt said he forgave his wife for some wrongs she did him and she was “by mutual consent of parties and by the Advise of President Young Sealed to Joseph Smith (the deceased President of the Church) for Eternity and to her former husband for time.”

142. See Johnson, Benjamin F., My Life's Review, p. 10Google Scholar. Compare Pratt, Parley P., Millennial Star, 5 (05 1845): 191.Google Scholar

143. Gunnison, J. W. comments on the practice in Utah in The Mormons or Latter-day Saints in the Valley of the Great Salt Lake (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1856), p. 73.Google Scholar

144. Levi W. Richards Papers, Historian's Archives.

145. Vol. 27 (Autumn).

146. Brodie, p. 419.

147. Ibid., pp. 413–418.

148. Greenacre, pp. 362–363.

149. Brodie, p. 414.

150. See Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon (Liverpool: S. W. Richards, 1852), p. 1Google Scholar, where Pratt says “This book must be either true or false. If true, it is one of the most important messages ever sent from God to man. … If false, it is one of the most cunning, wicked, bold, deep-laid impositions ever palmed upon the world.” Compare a similar kind of reasoning applied to Smith, Joseph in Pratt's Divine Authority, or the Question, Was Joseph Smith Sent of God (Liverpool: R. James, 1848), pp. 1–16.Google Scholar