1. For a recent treatment of the fortunes of a few of the great see Küntzel, Ulrich, Die Finanzen grosser Männer (Düsseldorf and Vienna, 1965). I have used his ninth chapter, dealing with Bismarck, for numerous details.Google Scholar

2. One of the most vicious pamphlets, published after his dismissal when it was safe to do without being dragged before the courts in one of the hundred or so libel cases that the Chancellor started, and collecting all the old rumors, is Balder, [pseud.], Die Wahrheit über Bismarck. Ein offenes Wort an die deustche Nation (Leipzig, 1892).Google Scholar

3. It is amusing to see how mechanically and carelessly Bolshevist historiography makes out of Bülow “the owner of a large landed estate on the Elbe,” on which river his Hamburg villa looked. Jerussalimski, A. S., Die Aussenpolitik und die Diplomatie des deutschen Imperialismus Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts ([East] Berlin, 1954), p. 449.Google Scholar

4. D'Abernon, Viscount, Versailles to Rapallo 1920–1922 (New York, 1929), pp. 97f.Google Scholar

5. von Frauendorfer, Siegmund, Ideengeschichte der Agrarwirtschaft und Agrarpolitik, I (Munich, 1957), 297.Google Scholar

6. To a lady cousin when about to quit the state service. Eyck, Erich, Bismarck (Zurich, 1941–1943), I, 132f.Google Scholar

7. Erich Marcks' hero worship extends to Bismarck as “an agronomist, in the full sense of the word, with a titanic knowledge of the soil and all things above and below it, in his eighties still startling all townspeople.” Küntzel, p. 452; see ibid. for contrary opinions.

8. Meyer, Arnold Oskar, Bismarck. Der Mensch und der Staatsmann (Leipzig, 1944), p. 387.Google Scholar

9. Preussische Jahrbücher (1912, I), p. 7.Google Scholar By 1881, he had learned differently about equal suffrage: because “the population there had angered him so much,” he did not go to Friedrichsruh for a time. Die gesammelten Werke (Berlin, 1942–1935), VIII, 424.Google Scholar

10. Thus Friedrich Gottlob Schultze-Gaevernitz (1795–1860), Jena professor of agriculture, one of those later claimed by the Nazi agriculturists as forerunners of their Blut und Boden ideas. Frauendorfer, I, 247.

11. Ibid., I, 272.

12. Ibid., I, 319, 346.

13. Bismarck, Herbert, ed., Fürst Bismarcks Briefe an seine Braut und Gattin (Stuttgart, 1916), p. 21.Google Scholar

14. Valentin, Veit, Geschichte der deutschen Revolution von 1848–49 (Berlin, 1931), II, 232.Google Scholar

15. Eyck, I, 73, 75f.

16. Eyck, I, 73f., 75f., 94f., 142.

17. von Poschinger, H., ed., Erinnerungen aus dem Leben von H. Viktor von Unruh (Stuttgart, 1895), pp. 125f.Google Scholar

18. Eyck, I, 143, 432.

19. Die gesammelten Werke, VII, 464.Google Scholar

20. Hallgarten, George W. F., Imperialismus vor 1914 (Munich, 1963), I, 167, 249.Google Scholar

21. Alcohol production, in large part exported, was such a considerable item in the Prusso-German economy that Friedrich Engels at one time saw Prusso-German military hegemony as absolutely depending on Prusso-German Branntweinhegemonie, based on the discovery of the suitability of the potato, grown on the Junkers' poor soils. It would fall, Engels believed, once the more cheaply produced, rye-distilled Russian alcohol overtook it, an evolution that even Bismarck, “the Junker par excellence” and one of the “more famous distillers” would not be able to avert. Mayer, Gustav, Friedrich Engels (The Hague, 1934), II, 267ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. Distilling had long been a matter of contention in the Prussian political economy. When it was proposed in the “hunger year” of 1847 to restrict alcohol production—and incidentally alcohol consumption—in the severely stricken province of Silesia, one Count von Westfalen declared in the Landtag that that would amount to the first step toward Communism. Müller, Venanz, Die Hohenzollern—Könige in der Kulturgeschichte (Frankfurt, a. M., 1866), p. 185.Google Scholar

22. Die gesammelten Werke, VIII, 30.Google Scholar

23. Küntzel, , pp. 483ff.; Die gesammelten Werke, VIII, 489.Google Scholar

24. Cf. for this the Crimean War attacks of the Times against “the cold shade of aristocracy” blighting the military energies of the nation. The History of The Times, II (London, 1939), 173.Google Scholar

25. The “dotations,” as they were called, were in the Prussian tradition. Blücher, Gneisenau, and other generals had received them after the Wars of Liberation. As a non-victorious general, Hindenburg received the gift of the estate of Neudeck, which had gone out of the family and was bought at the suggestion of the agrarians, largely with industry money; the results of this gift are known. Napoleon had given domains to his marshals; since they were situated in the temporarily French territory, they were lost in 1814. English grants to heroes, down to the peace of 1919, took the form of money grants, such as the $250,000 for Allenby, Lord. New York Times, 05 15, 1936.Google Scholar

26. von Poschinger, Heinrich, Bausteine zur Bismarck-Pyramide (Berlin, 1904), p. 110. “As to the acquisition of a shipping share, I would be quite ready to accept your proposal if I were not convinced on principle that I must decline all participation in mercantile and similar business.”Google Scholar

27. Küntzel, pp. 478ff. I have allowed the original data on money and acreage to stand. One taler was equal to three marks (after 1871); one hectare equals 100 ares or 10,000 sq. meters, one Prussian morgen equals 25.5 ares, while one acre equals 40.5 ares.

28. Busch, Moritz, Bismarck. Some Secret Pages of his History (London, 1898), II, 168Google Scholar. Not long after the acquisition of Varzin the great annexationist told visiting friends, with a glance at the adjoining lands, that every evening he felt a ravenous hunger for them but that in the morning he could look at them quite calmly. Meyer, p. 382.

29. Küntzel, p. 481.

30. Poschinger, , Bausteine, pp. 119f.Google Scholar

31. Bismarck, , Die gesammelten Werke, VIII, 168, 581.Google Scholar

32. Meyer, p. 448.

33. Busch, III, 39ff.

34. Hallgarten, I, 168.

35. Der Spiegel, 1965, No. 14; Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th ed., IV, 8.Google Scholar

36. Clarendon, to Victoria, , Wiesbaden, , Aug. 21, 1869.Google ScholarMillman, Richard, British Foreign Policy and the Coming of the Franco-German War (Oxford, 1965), pp. 14, 176, 222.Google Scholar The London Times greeted the first announcement of Bismarck's social legislation of 1881 as a sign that socialism, “a revolutionary policy, would be boldly and promptly met.” The History of The Times, IV (London, 1952), 37.Google Scholar

37. Mehring, Franz, Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie (12th ed., Berlin and Stuttgart, 1922), IV, 27.Google Scholar

38. Poschinger, , Bausteine, p. 101.Google Scholar

39. For a description—of the beauties rather than the economics—of Friedrichsruh see Meyer, pp. 445ff.

40. Küntzel, pp. 495f.

41. For the relations with two of his foresters see Lange, Hermann, Erinnerungen an den Sachsenwald (Halle, 1909),Google Scholar and Westphal, Ernst, Bismarck als Gutsherr. Erinnerungen aus Varzin (Leipzig, 1922).Google Scholar

42. Taffs, Winifred, Ambassador to Bismarck (London, 1938), p. 154.Google Scholar

43. Eyck, III, 12f.

44. Meyer, Hellmut & Ernst, , Berlin, Historische Autographen, Lagerkatalog No. 32, 06–07 1933, No. 85.Google Scholar

45. Meyer & Ernst, Lagerkatalog No. 33, No. 439.

46. “…kenne ich…noch garnicht, Sie können daher noch eingehender schreiben. Ein Gut von dem ich nichts weiss, hat kein Interesse für mich, und die Rente von einer Actie ist höher wie von Grundbesitz. Das Interesse an Letzterem muss einen Theil der Zinsen decken, sonst ist es thöricht ihn zu besitzen. Ich wünsche namentlich zunächst folgende Auskunft: Wieviel Fläche, und Wo, ist mit Winterkorn bestanden, wieviel mit Klee, roth oder weiss, mit Gras-Saat?

“Was beabsichtigen Sie zum Sommer zu bestellen, wo, wie gross, womit? in Dung oder nicht? Welche Versuche werden Sie mit Lupinen, Seradella machen,… welche Gras-Mischung zur Weide? Letztere scheint bisher ganz der Natur überlassen…

“Wie lohnt das Korn im Drusch? Was ist gedroschen, was noch zu dröschen. Wie ist der Kartoffel u. Rüben-Vorrath?

“Wer von einem Gut nichts Anderes efrährt als zuzahlen und nicht hört wie die Aussicht für die Zukunft ist, der verliert die Lust daran.”

(Autograph letter in the author's possession.)

47. Meyer & Ernst, Lagerkatalog No. 33, Nos. 437f., 440, 442.

48. Hallgarten, II, 167. For this fundamental change see now Böhme, Helmut, Deutschlands Weg zur Grossmacht. Studien zum Verhältnis von Wirtschaft und Staat während der Reichsgründungszeit 1848–1881 (Cologne and Berlin, 1966).Google Scholar

49. For some scandals involving high Austro-Hungarian nobility see Friedjung, Heinrich, Der kampf um die Vorherrschaft in Deutschland 1859 bis 1866 (10 ed., Stuttgart and Berlin, 1916), I, 135ff.Google Scholar

50. Eyck, II, 287.

51. The Holstein Papers, ed. Rich, and Fisher, , II (Cambridge, 1957), 82.Google Scholar

52. Eyck, II, 436.

53. von Gerlach, Helmut, Von rechts nach links (Zurich, 1937), p. 90,Google Scholar and Gerlach's, earlier book Meine Erlebnisse in der preussischen Verwaltung (2nd ed., Berlin, 1919);Google Scholar Küntzel, p. 484.

54. Die gesammelten Werke, XIV, Part 2, pp. 971f.;Google Scholarvon Ballhausen, Lucius, Bismarck Erinnerungen (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1920), pp. 331, 382;Google Scholar Hallgarten, I, 167.

55. von Kardorff, Siegfried, Wilhelm von Kardorff. Ein nationaler Parlamentarier im Zeitalter Bismarcks und Wilhelms II. (Berlin, 1936), pp. 59f.Google Scholar According to Küntzel, Bismarck until 1876 paid no land tax for the Sachsenwald, “simply ignored all tax notices.” For further “favors” that Bismarck assumed, see Der Spiegel, 1965, No. 14.

56. Kardorff, p. 199.

57. kardorff, pp. 83ff.

58. Cited in Der Spiegel, 1965, No. 14.

59. In addition, there were foreign favors, such as a tabatière valued at 40,000 francs, the gift of the visiting Tsar Alexander III in 1889, which was shown “to his familiars with an infantile satisfaction,” the Prince flattering himself that he had completely reassured the Tsar about his diplomacy; in addition, Herbert Bismarck received a jewel valued at 15.000 francs. Documents diplomatiques français, Ist Series, VII (Paris, 1937), No. 487.Google Scholar

60. Kardorff, pp. 82ff.

61. Busch, II, 319; Gerlach, , Von rechts nach links, Chapter 12, “How Bismarck Saved Money.” Gerlach was “learning to be a Landrat” in Lauenburg in the 1890's.Google Scholar

62. Similar insensibility on this point was at least as common outside Germany. To mention some glaring cases: the uncle of the main founders of Schneider-Creusot was a general and in 1839 even minister of war. The Schneiders, one of them for a time President of the Second Empire Corps législatif, encountered far less hostility on the part of the military bureaucracy than that into which Alfred Krupp originally ran. Habaru, A., Le Creusot terre féodale (Paris and Brussels, 1934), p. 26;Google ScholarLhomme, Jean, Lagrande bourgeoisie au pouvoir (1838–1880) (Paris, 1960), pp. 101f.Google Scholar

63. Boelcke, Willi, ed., Krupp und die Hohenzollern ([East] Berlin, 1950), p. 48.Google Scholar

64. Berdrow, Wilhelm, ed., Krupp. A Great Businessman Seen through His Letters (New York, 1930), pp. 303ff.Google Scholar

65. Ibid., p. 262.

66. Boelcke, , op. cit., p. 38.Google Scholar Krupp had, in caucus presumably, recommended Moltke as a candidate: if he accepted, “one can congratulate the precinct; for in addition to the general interest, the private interests of the precinct will have a due share in his influence.” Menne, Bernhard, Krupp. Deutschlands Kanonenkönige (Zurich, 1937), pp. 141, 147.Google Scholar

67. Mehring, , Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, IV, 136.Google Scholar

68. Even today, as a study of comparative corporate legislation and practice finds, “Some Germans regard our concepts of conflict of interest as too dogmatic and point to the fact that the resolution of conflicting loyalties is a common part of every public official's life.” Vagts, Detlev F., “Reforming the ‘Modern’ Corporation: Perspectives from the German,” Harvard Law Review, LXXX (1966), 75.Google Scholar

69. Marder, Arthur J., The Anatomy of Sea Power (New York, 1940), pp. 28f.Google Scholar

70. Snow, C. P., Variety of Men (New York, 1967), pp. 136f.Google Scholar

71. Ziekursch, Johannes, Politische Geschichte des neuen Deutschen Kaiserreiches, III: Das Zeitalter Wilhelms II. (Frankfurt a. M., 1930), p. 176.Google Scholar

72. Cited in Der Spiegel, 1965, No. 14.

73. von Schweinitz, Lothar, Denkwürdigkeiten (Berlin, 1927), II, 270 (04, 23, 1884).Google Scholar

74. Vagts, Alfred, Deutsch-amerikanische Rückwanderung (Heidelberg, 1960), p. 76.Google Scholar The most general personal involvement of diplomats, including Metternich, Nesselrode, and Hardenberg, in a financial arrangement was in the French “reparations” settlement, by way of a loan that the Barings brought on the market following the Congress of Aachen in 1818. For the details see Nolte, Vincent, Fünfzig Jahre in beiden Hemisphären (2nd ed., Hamburg, 1854), I, 308.Google Scholar

75. Busch, III, 83; Kardorff, pp. 89ff. For a rather sober, but oversimplified presentation of the Bismarck-Bleichröder connections see Fürstenberg, Hans, ed., Carl Für stenberg. Die Lebensgeschichte eines deutschen Bankiers. 1870–1914. (Berlin, 1931), pp. 48ff., 79.Google Scholar The one substantial Bismarck biography to appear in the Third Reich, Arnold Oskar Meyer's, mentions Bleichröder only once, as against some twenty-five mentions in Busch's Secret Pages. Documentary publications about Bismarck's relations with Bleichröder and the Rothschilds have been in preparation for quite some time. Hallgarten, , Imperialismus, I, 168.Google Scholar According to Küntzel, (p. 490), a well-known West German ordinarius for history once held a Bleichröder file in the Friedrichsruh archives in his hands but did not open it, “and thus preserved his scientific virginity.”Google Scholar

76. Küntzel, pp. 486, 490f.

77. Busch, I, 341.

78. Ibid., I, 353. After Bismarck had forbidden Herbert a love marriage, he was satisfied by the son's rich marriage, the bride a Countess Hoyos, the granddaughter of Whitehead, the inventor of the torpedo, and not highly regarded by Viennese high society as the grandchild of “a blacksmith.” Monts, Graf Anton, Erinnerungen und Gedanken (Berlin, 1932), pp. 103ff.Google Scholar

79. Bismarck, , Die gesammelten Werke, VIII, 231, 463.Google Scholar

80. Ibid., p. 130.

81. Ibid., pp. 212, 383.

82. The History of The Times, III (London, 1947), 181.Google Scholar For a contemporary American diplomatic commentary on the loan of 1884 and “the house of Bleichröder…a protégé of Prince Bismarck, fast rising into prominence in the financial world,” see Papers Relating to the Foreign of the United States for 1884 (Washington, 1885), pp. 449ff.Google Scholar

83. Die grosse Politik der europäischen Kabinette, 1871–1914 (Berlin, 1922–1926), III, No. 694; IV, No. 747.Google Scholar For the employment of Bleichröder, who was heavily engaged in Rumanian enterprises, in the matter of the emancipation of the Jews which Rumania withheld despite the Great Powers' mandate, and the wider significance of this maneuver, see Winckler, Martin, Bismarcks Bündnispolitik und das europäische Gleichgewicht (Stuttgart, 1964), pp. 28ff.Google Scholar

84. Grosse Politik, IV, No. 750.Google Scholar

85. See for this Meisner, Heinrich Otto, Denkwürdigkeiten des Generalfeldmarschalls Alfred Grafen von Waldersee (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1922).Google Scholar Waldersee admits that at the time, 1889 and after, he had “expressed considerable exaggerations”—omitted by the editor—as to the relationships between Bismarck and Bleichröder. See also von Epstein, G., Fürst Bismarcks Entlassung (Stuttgart, 1928), pp. 31, 100.Google Scholar

86. Hertz, Richard, “Der Fall Wohlgemut,” Historische Vierteljahresschrift, XXXI (1937–1939), 760ff.Google Scholar

87. How far Bleichröder was using hints from Bismarck for his own speculations is largely unknown. Once at least he went wrong on a tip from the Chancellor. As Walther Rathenau reported it, this resulted in Bleichröder's “one big mistake…over the crisis of 1887, when Bismarck told him that war between Russia and England was certain. He went a heavy bear and lost millions of marks on Bismarck's advice.” D'Abernon, , Versailles to Rapallo, p. 278.Google Scholar

88. In one of these affairs, concerning Rumanian rail stocks, in which some Prussian aristocrats, named by Bismarck, had become scandalously and deeply involved, Bleichröder according to the Chancellor had done excellent salvaging work, “gallantly risking his money, and it was for that reason that he had been ennobled by the King.” Busch, III, 79. The financial salvaging of Prussian noble families by Jewish bankers might almost be called institutional: the head of the Hamburg banking firm of Warburg around 1900 was offered a knighthood, heritable, in return for salvaging such an old family at the cost of 3 million marks. Mayer, Gustav, Erinnerungen. Vom Journalisten zum Historiker der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung (Munich, 1949), p. 151.Google Scholar Bismarck had long been critical of the “guinea pig” role in company boards which German aristocrats, like some British peers, indulged in. Briefwechsel des Generals Leopold von Gerlach mit dem Bundestags-Gesandten Otto von Bismarck (Berlin, 1893), p. 89.Google Scholar The habit long continued, internationally. Sir Arthur Nicolson, after his retirement, served on the board of the London City and Midland Bank “and enjoyed his attendance at the Bank.” Nicolson, Harold, Portrait of a Diplomatist (New York, 1930), p. 313.Google Scholar

89. Busch, II, 317; Kardorff, pp. 106ff. Küntzel, pp. 486ff., ignoring the documented version of Kardorff, still follows the version of Bismarck's enemies.

90. Küntzel, pp. 489ff.

91. von Holstein, Friedrich, Die geheimen Papiere (Göttingen, 1956–1957), I, 149.Google Scholar

92. Kardorff, pp. 168ff. It was at the same time that Karl Schurz, always an ardent “goldbug,” doubted “the feasibility of getting Bismarck around” to bimetallism. Vagts, Alfred, Deutschland und die Vereinigten Staaten in der Weltpolitik (London and New York, 1935), p. 486 and Chapter X, “German and American Bimetallism.”Google Scholar

93. Kardorff, pp. 97ff.; Die gesammelten Werke, VIII, 296.Google Scholar Bismarck spoke to Maximilian Harden, who printed it in Die Zukunft, about the Prussian Conservatives who did not know what they wanted to conserve, from whose loutishness and envy he had to suffer while in power and about whose part in his disgrace he was only too well informed. Documents diplomatiques français, Ist Series, XIII (Paris, 1953), No. 318Google Scholar

94. 1880. Frank, Walter, Hofprediger Adolf Stoecker und die christlichsoziale Bewegung (2nd ed., Hamburg, 1935), pp. 91, 304f.Google Scholar The attacks on Bleichröder in particular, declared Herbert Bismarck at the same time, echoing his father's views, took place “not because he is a Jew, but because he is rich.… The dangerous thing is the Communistic-Socialistic tendency of Stoecker's provocation.” ibid., p. 96. Similarly Bismarck to Busch (II, 454): “I draw a distinction between Jew and Jew. Those who have become rich are not dangerous. They will not put up barricades, and they pay their taxes punctually. It is the enterprising ones who have nothing, particularly those of the press. But after all, it is the Christians, and not the Jews who are the worst” (1881).

95. Frauendorfer, I, 166, 276.

96. It was Kardorff who made Bismarck, the former free trader, see the connection between lumber prices, which interested the Chancellor greatly, and the low prices of iron and steel which agriculturalists had welcomed per se. Since German iron tariffs had been removed, leaving the industry unprotected against foreign imports, this suffering industry was no longer the foremost consumer of lumber products, needed for mining and charcoal-using furnaces. Protective tariffs would rescue both. Bismarck, , Die gesammelten Werke, VIII, 225f.Google Scholar

97. Bülow, , Denkwürdigkeiten, I, 58.Google Scholar

98. Frauendorfer, I, 346.

99. Ibid.

100. As the sociologist of parties Robert Michels wrote of the Bund der Landwrite: “When the Junker party, the Prussian Conservatives, seemed in danger, due to the Bismarckian general and equal suffrage, of losing its parliamentary power, which it needed after all in addition to the power which it held as the close phalanx of the Crown and the holders of the jobs in administration, army, diplomacy, etc., it founded the Bund der Landwirte, which allowed for and obtained a popular base.” Grundriss der Sozialökonomik, IX, Abteilung, I. Teil (Tübingen, 1926), p. 326.Google Scholar

101. A Bauernfänger was originally a card sharper and city slicker, preying on the peasantry. Ziekursh, I: Die Reichsgründung, 80.

102. For more details see Vagts, Alfred, “Diederich Hahn—ein Politikerleben,” Jahrbuch des Bundes der Männer vom Morgenstern for 1965, pp. 155–92.Google Scholar

103. To Tirpitz, June 1897. von Tirpitz, Alfred, Erinnerungen (5th ed., Berlin and Leipzig, 1927), p. 90.Google Scholar Bismarck had not “served his year” in a feudal cavalry regiment—the splendid uniform of the Halberstadt Cuirassiers was a later acquisition—but in a more modest, unmounted Jaeger battalion, first at Potsdam, then at Greifswald. At this point an excursus on the rich and poor army officer in the German and other armies could begin. In Germany, the highest and richest nobility, from count up, contributed nearly nothing to the body of generals commanding in combat; in England, Haig in a way was too rich and independent in his means to knuckle under to the Welsh commoner, Lloyd George, while Montgomery, of poorer background, eventually obeyed. The most self-willed American general of World War II was George S. Patton. “Independently wealthy through inheritance and married to a member of an even wealthier family, he was oblivious to the normal inhibitions imposed by the Army on its officers,” most of whom were poor, and consequently, one might say, had to write their memoirs. Pogue, Forrest C., George C. Marshall. Ordeal and Hope (New York, 1960), p. 405.Google Scholar

104. Meisner, , Denkwürdigkeiten Waldersees, II, 202.Google Scholar

105. The British paid Bleichröder the compliment of making him consul general for Berlin (Busch, III, 188); the Rothschilds were for long years Prussian consuls general in Paris.

106. Count Wolff-Metternich, the penultimate German ambassador at the Court of St. James before World War I, had entrusted his private fortune to the management of Sir Ernest Cassel, even after his departure from London. It was confiscated after July 1914, leaving Metternich very poor. HHA: Letters of the Earl of Oxford and Asquith to a Friend. Second Series (London, 1934), p. 66.Google Scholar

107. For such bankers' activities in connection with Bismarckian diplomacy before 1866 see Friedjung, , Der kampf um die Vorherrschaft, I, 150, 165.Google Scholar

108. Küntzel, p. 480. The Friedrichsruh estates include a grain distillery and, leased, a “Bismarck Quelle.” The most recent development in the Bismarck fortune: the suburbs of Hamburg have reached the Sachsenwald, on the grounds of which a high-rise apartment building, eighty meters high and with 143 cooperative apartments, “now renting,” has been constructed. Der Spiegel, Aug. 7, 1967, No. 33.

109. Küntzel, pp. 506ff.

110. Die gesammelten Werke, VIII, 352.Google Scholar

111. “The chief qualification of a Cabinet member was not so much ability as aristocratic connections and a large landed property.” Aspinwall, A., “The Cabinet Council: 1783–1835,” Proceedings of the British Academy, XXXVIII (1952), 199.Google Scholar

112. Newtown, Lord, Lord Lansdowne. A Biography (London, 1929), p. 7.Google Scholar The Lansdowne holdings in Ireland alone amounted to 170,000 acres in the 1880's. Abels, Jules, The Parnell Tragedy (New York, 1966), p. 95.Google Scholar Lansdowne, unwilling to surrender any of these holdings, in the early 1880's broke with Gladstone in defense of Irish land system, “in which the old patrician order had shown itself at its worst and most selfish.” Hammond, J. L., C. P. Scott of the Manchester Guardian (London, 1934), p. 215.Google Scholar

113. A curious “synthetic” landholder was Walther Rathenau, who had bought from the Hohenzollerns a rundown château which he restored.

114. Lhomme, , op. cit., pp. 20, 22, 27, 36f., 273.Google Scholar

115. One should not altogether forget Henry Morgenthau, FDR's neighbor and an apple grower, and his fancy of “pastoralizing” Germany and thus returning her to a state of innocence, without a war-making industry.