1 Knowles, Stanley, The New Party (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1961);Google ScholarHorowitz, Gad, Canadian Labour in Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968), 198–233Google Scholar; and Morton, Desmond, NDP: Social Democracy in Canada (2nd ed.; Toronto: Hackett. 1977), 19–32Google Scholar.

2 As the National Committee for a New Party stated, “a central organization like the Canadian Labour Congress, which itself is made up almost entirely of affiliated organizations, will not be affiliated to the new party as a Congress. Individual trade unions each make their own democratic decision whether to affiliate to the party or not. If they decide in favour, they will be affiliated to the CLC for economic purposes and to the party for political purposes. It is important to keep the two functions separate. The Congress and the new party will undoubtedly have a very friendly relationship with each other, but in all probability there will be no formal lies between them. This is the situation in Great Britain and other democratic countries” (quoted in Horowitz, 242). For a reiteration of this position once the NDP had been established, see the lead editorial in the official journal of the CLC, Canadian Labour 6 (September 1961), on the occasion of the NDP's founding convention.

3 The merger of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) in the United States in 1955 opened the way for a merger of their Canadian counterparts, the Trades and Labor Congress and the Canadian Congress of Labour, respectively. The latter organizations merged in 1956 to create the CLC which, as of 1982, represented 57.6 per cent of organized labour in Canada (Labour Canada, Directory of Labour Organizations in Canada, 1982 [Ottawa], 19). For a more detailed discussion of the TLC/CCL merger see Horowitz, Canadian Labour, chap. 5. It should be noted that the description of the CLC as a united working class movement is necessarily a relative one. It is obvious from the above that fully 42.4 per cent of union members in Canada belong to unions not affiliated with the CLC. A disproportionate share of these unionists reside in the province of Quebec, in which many of the union federations are affiliated with the Confederation des syndicats nationaux (CSN), Confederation des syndicats democratiques (CSD), and Confederation des syndicats canadiens (CSC). Thus, a more accurate description may be a united English-speaking working class movement.

4 See, for instance, Canadian Labour 6 (September 1961)Google Scholar.

5 Duverger, Maurice, Political Parties, trans, by Barbara and Robert North (New York: Wiley, 1967), 227Google Scholar.

6 Barnes, Samuel, “Ideology and the Organization of Conflict,” Journal of Politics 28 (1966), 522–30Google Scholar.

7 Giovanni Sartori, “From the Sociology of Politics to Political Sociology.” in Lipset, Seymour Martin (ed.), Politics and the Social Sciences (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), 84–85Google Scholar (emphasis in original).

8 Dahl, Robert, Modern Political Analysis (3rd ed.; Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1976), 44–53Google Scholar.

9 Meisel, John, Working Papers on Canadian Politics (McGill-Queen's University Press, 1972);CrossRefGoogle ScholarClarke, Harold, Jenson, Jane, LeDuc, Lawrence and Pammett, JonPolitical Choice in Canada (Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1979)Google Scholar.

10 Miller, Richard and Isbester, Fraser (eds.), Canadian Labour in Transition (Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1970), 231;Google Scholar and Chi, N. H. and Perlin, George C., “The New Democratic Party: A Party in Transition,” in Thorburn, Hugh G. (ed.). Party Politics in Canada (4th ed.: Scarborough: Prentice-Hall, 1979), 179Google Scholar.

11 Keddy, V.. “Class Identification and Party Preference Among Manual Workers: The Influence of Community, Union Membership and Kinship.” Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 17 (1980). 31Google Scholar.

12 When we examined union members instead of union families, the results of the analysis were essentially identical within sampling error.

13 Zipp, John, “Social Class and Canadian Federal Electoral Behaviour: A Reconsideration and Elaboration” (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Duke University, 1978)Google Scholar.

14 Data from the 1979 Canadian National Election Study were provided by the ICPSR. The data were originally collected by Harold Clarke, Jane Jenson, Lawrence LeDuc and Jon Pammett. Neither the ICPSR nor the original collectors of the data bear any responsibility for the analyses or interpretations presented here.

15 Annual reports on local union affiliation with the NDP covering the period from 1961 to 1981 were made available by the federal office of the NDP, which bears no responsibility for the interpretations presented here.

16 Union status has been operationally-defined as a trichotomous variable, including nonunion members; union members who belong to union locals not affiliated with the NDP; and union members who belong to NDP affiliated locals. An individual is considered to be a union member if he, personally, or a family member, belongs to a union. Similarly, an NDP-affiliated union member is one who personally belongs to an affiliated union local or is part of a family, one of whose members belongs to an affiliated local. In cases in which an individual belongs to a nonaffiliated union and a family member belongs to an affiliated union, the individual is considered to be part of an NDP-affiliated family unit. The 1979 National Election Study included information on individuals and family members’ union affiliation. In those cases for which the union was not specified (such as “other international union”), we referred to the original interview schedules to obtain the name of the specific union. Unfortunately, respondents were not questioned on the union local to which they belonged and, thus, most individuals did not supply that information. In those cases, determination of whether an individual belonged to an NDP-affiliated local was as follows. First, we determined whether any locals of the individual's union were affiliated to the NDP in the respondent's province. If not, he was deemed a member of a nonaffiliated union. If there were locals of the individual's union affiliated to the NDP within the province, we examined whether this was the case within the individual's constituency. Thus, for example, if (1) an individual belonged to the UAW, (2) lived in Windsor-Walkerville, and (3) it was determined that a UAW local in Windsor affiliated with the party in 1979, the individual was coded as a member of an affiliated union. The distribution of locals affiliated with the NDP—over two-thirds are located in Ontario, and throughout the country they tend to cluster in larger urban areas—make this procedure less tentative than might initially appear to be the case. The distribution of cases on the union status variable (57.6% nonunion, 37.4% members of nonaffiliated unions, and 5.0% members of affiliated unions) corresponds relatively closely to the distribution in the public: 30.5 percent of the civilian labour force were union members in 1980 (Labour Canada, Directory, 18) and 8 percent of union members belonged to NDP-affiliated unions (see Table I). Copies of the interview schedules were made available by Harold Clarke.

17 See, for instance. Jenson, Clarke, Pammett, LeDuc, Political Choice in Canada. 517–22Google Scholar.

18 For a discussion of the fear of labour domination once organizational links were established between the party and unions, see Horowitz, , Canadian Labour, 140–50Google Scholar.

19 This is consistent with the aggregate proportion of union local affiliation in Canada. In 1979, 404 of the 745 affiliated locals (54%) were either UAW or USWA locals, which together comprise 59 per cent of affiliated unionists (NDP files).

20 The number of members of NDP-affiliated unions in the sample by region is: Quebec and Atlantic region, 4; Ontario, 95; and the West, 30; summing to 129.

21 Data from NDP files, 1979.

22 Gary Teeple, “ ‘Liberals in a Hurry’: Socialism and the CCF-NDP.” in Teeple, Gary (ed.). Capitalism and the National Question in Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972), 245Google Scholar.