1 Horowitz, Gad, “Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966), 143–171CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Horowitz was taking issue with McRae's, Kenneth essay “The Structure of Canadian History,” in Hartz, Louis, ed., The Founding of New Societies: Studies in the History of the United States, Latin America, South Africa, Canada, and Australia (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1964), 219–274Google Scholar. An abridged version of Horowitz's article appears in Ajzenstat, Janet and Smith, Peter J., eds., Canada's Origins: Liberal, Tory, or Republican? (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1985), 21–44Google Scholar, a compilation of previously published essays that have challenged Horowitz, with an introduction and conclusion by Ajzenstat and Smith. See also Forbes, H. D., “Hartz-Horowitz at Twenty: Nationalism, Toryism, and Socialism in Canada and the United States,” this Journal 20 (1987), 287–315Google Scholar. In the United States, Lipset, Seymour Martin has adopted Horowitz's analysis in Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada (New York: Routledge, 1990)Google Scholar.

2 Smith, Peter J., “The Ideological Origins of Canadian Confederation,” this Journal 20 (1987), 3–29Google Scholar; Smith, Peter J., “Civic Humanism vs. Liberalism: Fitting the Loyalists In,” Journal of Canadian Studies 26 (1991), 25–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stewart, Gordon T., The Origins of Canadian Politics: A Comparative Approach (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1986)Google Scholar; Rayner, Jeremy, “The Very Idea of Canadian Political Thought: In Defence of Historicism,” Journal of Canadian Studies 26 (1991), 7–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Desserud, Donald, “Nova Scotia and the American Revolution: A Study of Neutrality and Moderation in the Eighteenth Century,” in Conrad, Margaret, ed., Making Adjustments: Change and Continuity in Planter Nova Scotia, 1759–1800 (Fredericton: Acadiensis Press, 1991)Google Scholar; Stewart, Ian, “New Myths for Old: The Loyalists and Maritime Political Culture,” Journal of Canadian Studies 25 (1990), 20–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Smith, Peter J. and Ajzenstat, Janet, “Canada's Origins: The New Debate,” National History: A Canadian Journal of Enquiry and Opinion 1 (1997), 113–126.Google Scholar

3 Horowitz, “Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism,” 153.

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6 Stewart, The Origins of Canadian Politics, 5.

7 Smith, David E., “Empire, Crown and Canadian Federalism,” this Journal 24 (1991), 451–473Google Scholar, argues for a greater integration of the imperial, and, hence, pre- 1783 legacy into Canadian state development, though he does not develop the point.

8 See, in particular, the works of Peter J. Smith and Gordon T. Stewart cited above.

9 Since the publication of Brebner, John Bartlett, New England's Outpost: Acadia before the Conquest of Canada (New York: Columbia University Press, 1927)Google Scholar and Brebner, John Bartlett, The Neutral Yankees of Nova Scotia: A Marginal Colony during the Revolutionary Years (New York: Columbia University Press, 1937)Google Scholar, a New England paradigm has overdetermined interpretations of the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century northeast, from Long Island to Newfoundland, even though New Englanders were only one of the influences in the region, and not necessarily the most significant. For moves towards a redefinition, see Clarke, Ernest, An Episode in the American Revolution: The Siege of Fort Cumberland, 1776 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; and Mancke, Elizabeth, “Two Patterns of New England Transformation: Machias, Maine and Liverpool, Nova Scotia, 1760–1820” (unpublished doctoral dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1989)Google Scholar.

10 There have been some calls for greater attention to institutional factors in Canadian state development and political culture. See Finbow, Robert, “Ideology and Institutions in North America,” this Journal 26 (1993), 671–697Google Scholar; Smith, , “Empire, Crown and Canadian Federalism”; and many of the essays in Greer, Allan and Radforth, Ian, eds., Colonial Leviathan: State Formation in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992)Google Scholar. Most of these studies, however, say little about early modern developments, the focus of this article.

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12 Rayner, “The Very Idea of Canadian Political Thought,” 22.

13 Despite my reservations with the way Horowitz shaped the discussion of Canadian political culture, his formulation did have the salutary utility of invigorating scholarship.

14 Mancke, Elizabeth, “Another British America: A Canadian Model for the Early Modern British Empire,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 25 (1997), 1–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Most scholarship on the British Empire dates the increased involvement of the state overseas to the period from 1763 to 1783. For a prominent recent argument, see Bayly, C. A., Imperial Meridian: The British Empire and the World, 1780–1830 (London: Longman, 1989)Google Scholar.

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17 These terms are consistent with constitutional and legal definitions of colonial development. See Greene, Peripheries and Center, 9–24.

18 From 1713 to 1749, the government of Nova Scotia was chronically underfunded. English/British practice had been for colonies to be self-financing through their assemblies. But Nova Scotia had no assembly and Parliament voted virtually no monies for the colony until 1749 and the decision to build Halifax.

19 I am arguing for an increasingly state-controlled empire, but not, in the early modern era, a more militarized one. For work arguing the latter, see Webb, Stephen Saunders, The Governors-General: The English Army and the Definition of the Empire, 1569–1681 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979).Google Scholar

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24 Brewer, The Sinews of Power; and Stone, Lawrence, ed., The Imperial State at War: Britain from 1689 to 1815 (London: Routledge, 1994)Google Scholar. Essays in the latter volume, while ostensibly about the “imperial state,” do not deal with the impact of the state on overseas possessions so much as on the impact of empire on metropolitan developments. Indeed, few studies look at the relationship between state formation and empire-building. See John Brewer, “The Eighteenth-Century British State: Contexts and Issues,” in ibid., 52–71.

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34 Part of the difficulty in understanding the growing role of the English/British state in overseas dependencies is that there was no clear agenda, such as those formulated by Richelieu or Colbert in France, but rather an accretion of “decisions” that in their complementarity became “policy.” See Braddick, “The English Government, War, Trade, and Settlement,” 307; Mancke, “Another British America,” 28; and Baugh, “Maritime Strength and Atlantic Commerce,” 185–88.

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41 Scholars have generated enormous debates over whether early Americans embraced republicanism or liberalism. For overviews, see Rodgers, Daniel T., “Republicanism: The Career of a Concept,” Journal of American History 79 (1992), 12–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Appleby, Joyce, Liberalism and Republicanism in the Historical Imagination (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992), 1–33Google Scholar. For an argument that posits that early Americans were Protestant communitarians, see Shain, Barry Alan, The Myth of American Individualism: The Protestant Origins of American Political Thought (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar.

42 Peter J. Smith and Janet Ajzenstat, “Canada's Political Culture Today: Liberal, Republican, or Third Wave?” in Smith and Ajzenstat, Canada's Origins, 265–81.