Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-t5pn6 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-19T23:49:46.427Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Do Women Get Fewer Votes? No.

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 September 2018

Semra Sevi*
Affiliation:
Université de Montréal
Vincent Arel-Bundock
Affiliation:
Université de Montréal
André Blais
Affiliation:
Université de Montréal
*
*Corresponding author. E-mail: semra.sevi@umontreal.ca

Abstract

We study data on the gender of more than 21,000 unique candidates in all Canadian federal elections since 1921, when the first women ran for seats in Parliament. This large data set allows us to compute precise estimates of the difference in the electoral fortunes of men and women candidates. When accounting for party effects and time trends, we find that the difference between the vote shares of men and women is substantively negligible (±0.5 percentage point). This gender gap was larger in the 1920s (±2.5 percentage points), but it is now statistically indistinguishable from zero. Our results have important normative implications: political parties should recruit and promote more women candidates because they remain underrepresented in Canadian politics and because they do not suffer from a substantial electoral penalty.

Résumé

Nous analysons des données sur le genre de plus de 21 000 candidats à toutes les élections fédérales canadiennes depuis 1921, la première année où des femmes ont été candidates aux élections à la Chambre des Communes. Cette grande base de données nous permet d'estimer précisément la différence entre les résultats électoraux des candidates et des candidats. Si on tient compte des effets de partis et des tendances temporelles, on constate que la différence entre le vote pour les candidats masculins et féminins est substantivement négligeable (±0,5 point de pourcentage). Cet écart était plus important dans les années 1920 (± 2,5 points de pourcentage), mais il est aujourd'hui pratiquement nul. Nos résultats ont d’importantes implications sur le plan normatif : les partis politiques devraient recruter plus de candidates, puisque les femmes demeurent sous-représentées en politique canadienne et qu’elles ne souffrent pas d’une pénalité électorale.

Type
Research Note/Notes de recherche
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association (l'Association canadienne de science politique) and/et la Société québécoise de science politique 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Berkman, Michael B. and O'Connor, Robert E.. 1993. “Do Women Legislators Matter? Female Legislators and State Abortion Policy.” American Politics Quarterly 21(1): 102–24.Google Scholar
Black, J. H. and Erickson, L.. 2003. “Women Candidates and Voter Bias: Do Women Politicians Need to be Better?Electoral Studies 22: 81100.Google Scholar
Caul, Miki. 2001. “Political Parties and the Adoption of Candidate Gender Quotas: A Cross-National Analysis.” Journal of Politics 63(4): 1214–29.Google Scholar
Cheng, Christine and Tavits, Margit. 2011. “Informal Influences in Selecting Female Political Candidates.” Political Research Quarterly 64(2): 460–71.Google Scholar
Dassonneville, Ruth and McAllister, Ian. 2018. “Gender, Political Knowledge and Descriptive Representation: The Impact of Long-Term Socialization.” American Journal of Political Science 62(2): 249–65.Google Scholar
Darcy, R. and Schramm, Sarah Slavin. 1977. “When Women Run Against Men.” Public Opinion Quarterly 41(1): 112.Google Scholar
Dolan, Kathleen A. 2004. Voting for Women: How the Public Evaluates Women Candidates. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.Google Scholar
Erickson, Lynda. 1997. “Might More Women Make a Difference? Gender, Party and Ideology among Canada's Parliamentary Candidates.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 30(4): 663–88.Google Scholar
Erlich, Aaron. 2017. Evaluating Women Candidates in a Corrupt Environment with Low Levels of Women's Representation. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, IL, April 6–9.Google Scholar
Erlich, Aaron. 2018. Evaluating Women Candidates in a Corrupt Environment with Low Levels of Women's Representation. Montreal: Mimeo.Google Scholar
Ford, Lynne E. and Dolan, Kathleen. 1995. “The Politics of Women State Legislators: A South/ Non-South Comparison.” Southeastern Political Review 23(2): 333–48.Google Scholar
Fulton, Sarah A. 2012. “Running Backwards and in High Heels: The Gendered Quality Gap and Incumbent Electoral Studies.” Political Research Quarterly 65(2): 303–14.Google Scholar
Fulton, Sarah A. 2014. “When Gender Matters: Macro-dynamics and Micro-mechanisms.” Political Behavior 36(3): 605–30.Google Scholar
Hunter, Alfred A. and Denton, Margaret A.. 1984. “Do Female Candidates ‘Lose Votes’?: The Experience of Female Candidates in the 1979 and 1980 Canadian General Election.” Canadian Review of Sociology 21(4): 395406.Google Scholar
King, David C. and Matland, Richard E.. 2002. “Sex and the Grand Old Party: An Experimental Investigation of the Effect of Candidate Sex on Support for a Republican Candidate.” American Politics Research 31(6): 595612.Google Scholar
Lawless, Jennifer L. and Pearson, Kathryn. 2008. “The Primary Reason for Women's Underrepresentation? Reevaluating the Conventional Wisdom.” Journal of Politics 70(1): 6782.Google Scholar
Lovenduski, Joni and Norris, Pippa. 2003. “Westminster Women: The Politics of Presence.” Political Studies 51: 84102.Google Scholar
McElroy, Gail and Marsh, Michael. 2010. “Candidate Gender and Voter Choice: Analysis from a Multimember Preferential Voting System.” Political Research Quarterly 63(4): 822–33.Google Scholar
Matland, R. E. and Studlar, D. T., 1998. “Gender and the Electoral Opportunity Structure in the Canadian Provinces.” Political Research Quarterly 51(1): 117–40.Google Scholar
Saint-Germain, Michelle A. 1989. “Does Their Difference Make a Difference? The Impact of Women on Public Policy in the Arizona Legislature.” Social Science Quarterly 70(4): 956–68.Google Scholar
Swers, Michele L. 1998. “Are Women More Likely to Vote for Women's Issue Bills than Their Male Colleagues?Legislative Studies Quarterly 23(3): 435–48.Google Scholar
Swers, Michele. 2001. “Understanding the Policy Impact of Electing Women: Evidence from Research on Congress and State Legislatures.” Political Science and Politics 34(2): 217–20.Google Scholar
Taylor-Robinson, Michelle M. and Heath, Roseanne Michelle. 2003. “Do Women Legislators Have Different Policy Priorities than Their Male Colleagues? A Critical Case Test.” Women & Politics 24(4): 77101.Google Scholar
Teele Dawn, Langan, Kalla, Joshua and Rosenbluth, Frances. 2018. “The Ties that Double Bind: Social Rules and Women's Underrepretation in Politics.” American Political Science Review 112(3): 525541.Google Scholar
Thomas, Melanee. 2018. “In Crisis or Decline? Selecting Women to Lead Provincial Parties in Government.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 51(2): 379403.Google Scholar
Thomas, Sue. 1991. “The Impact of Women on State Legislative Policies.” The Journal of Politics 53(4): 958–76.Google Scholar
Tolley, Erin. 2011. “Do Women ‘Do Better’ in Municipal Politics? Electoral Representation across Three Levels of Government.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 44(3): 573594.Google Scholar
Tremblay, Manon. 1998. “Do Female MPs Substantively Represent Women? A Study of Legislative Behaviour in Canada's 35th Parliament.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 31(3): 435–65.Google Scholar
Welch, Susan. 1985. “Are Women More Liberal than Men in the U.S. Congress?Legislative Studies Quarterly 10(1): 125–34.Google Scholar
Welch, Susan and Studlar, Donley T.. 1988. “The Effects of Candidate Gender on Voting for Local Office in England.” British Journal of Political Science 18(2): 273–81.Google Scholar
Zipp, John F. and Plutzer, Eric. 1985. “Gender Differences in Voting for Female Candidates: Evidence from the 1982 Election.” The Public Opinion Quarterly 49(2): 179–97.Google Scholar