1. Billington-Greig, T., “The Truth About White Slavery,” English Review 14 (1913), 428–429Google Scholar.

2. See, for example, Solomon, R. and Green, M., “The First Century: The History of Non-medical Opiate Use and Control of Policies in Canada, 1870-1970,” University of Western Ontario Law Review 20 (1982), 307Google Scholar; Gusfield, J., Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1963)Google Scholar; Barker, M., A Haunt of Fears: The Strange History of The British Horror Campaign (London: Pluto Press, 1984)Google Scholar; Walkowitz, J., Prostitution and Victorian Society. Women, Class and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosen, R., The Lost Sisterhood: Prostitution in America, 1900-1918 (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1982)Google Scholar; Backhouse, C., “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law: Reflection of a Discriminatory Society,” unpublished paper, April 1983Google Scholar; Parker, G., “The Legal Regulation of Sexual Activity and the Protection of Females,” Osgoode Hall Law Journal 21 (1983), 185Google Scholar.

3. See An Act for Regulating and Maintaining a House of Correction or Work House within the Town of Halifax (1759), 33 Geo. II, c. 1, s.2 (Nova Scotia); An Act for punishing Rogues, Vagabonds, and other Idle and Disorderly Persons (1774), 14 Geo. III, c.4 (Nova Scotia); An Act to authorize the Erection and provide for the Maintenance of Houses of Industry (1837), 7 Wm. IV, c.24 (Upper Canada); An Act for the more speedy and effectual Punishment of Persons keeping Disorderly Houses (1829), 9 & 10 Geo. IV, c.8 (New Brunswick) as amend. (1840), 3 Vict., c.44 and (1849), 12 Vict., c. 39; Of Offences against Public Morals R. S.N.S. 1851, c. 158, s. 3.

4. The Canadian law was based on an 1822 English statute, An Act for consolidating into One Act and amending the Laws relating to idle and disorderly Persons, 3 Geo. IV, c.40 s. 2 (England).

5. The English law was revised in 1824 and 1839 to include the noisome elements, An Act for the Punishment of idle and disorderly Persons and Rogues and Vagabonds, 5 Geo. IV, c. 83 (England), s. 3, and The Metropolitan Police Act, 2 & 3 Vict., c. 47, s. 54(11) (England).

6. Contrast An Act to amend and extend the Act of 1857, for diminishing the expenses and delay in the Administration ofCriminal Justice (1858), 22 Vict., c.27 (Province of Canada), with An Act for better preventing thefts and robberies, and for regulating places of public entertainment, and punishing persons keeping disorderly houses (1752), 25 Geo. II, c.36, s. 2 (England).

7. For Britain, see an Act for the Prevention of Contagious Diseases at certain Naval and Military Stations (1864), 27 & 28Google Scholar Vict., c.85 (England). For Canada, see (1865), 29 Vict., c.8 (Province of Canada). The latter act which was to continue in effect for only five years was allowed to lapse in 1870. Backhouse suggests that this step and the prior failure to enforce it may have stemmed from doubts about its efficacy and possibly by the controversy in Britain over the Act there. See Backhouse, “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law.”

8. Fingard, J., “The Social Evil in Halifax in the Mid-Nineteenth Century,” 1977, unpublished paper, 2-3Google Scholar.

9. Ibid., 17. See also the results of Backhouse's analysis of convictions in Ontario from 1845-1895, Backhouse, , “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law,” 14–26Google Scholar.

10. See Chesney, K., The Victorian Underworld (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972), 363–433Google Scholar. For conditions in Halifax see Fingard, , “The Social Evil in Halifax,” 5–9Google Scholar.

11. See, in particular, Backhouse, “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law.” The rough life of most prostitutes is also evident in studies from both Britain and the United States. See Walkowitz, , Prostitution and Victorian Society, 13–31Google Scholar; Goldman, M., Gold Diggers and Silver Miners: Prostitution and Social Life on the Comstock Lode (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1981), 124–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Butler, A., Daughters of Joy, Sisters of Mercy: Prostitutes in the American West 1865-90 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985), 50–73Google Scholar.

12. See Offences against the Person Act (1861), 24 and 25Google Scholar Vict., c. 100, ss. 50, 51 (England). See Parker, G., “The Legal Regulation of Sexual Activity,” 211–214Google Scholar, for details of earlier provisions in the Maritime colonies, Lower and Upper Canada all of which had increased the age to twelve. The wording of the English statute was translated to the Canadian Offences against the Person Act (1869), 32 & 33Google Scholar Vict., c. 20, ss. 51, 52.

13. See Parker, ibid., 211 -212 and Offences against the Person Act (1861), 24 & 25 Vict., s. 53 (England)Google Scholar and Offences against the Person Act (1869), 32 & 33 Vict., c. 20, ss. 54 (Canada)Google Scholar.

14. See An Act to protect Women from Fraudulent Practices for Procuring their Defilement (1849), 12 & 13Google Scholar Vict., c. 74 (England).

15. Offences Against the Person Act (1861), 24 & 25 Vict., c. 100, s. 49 (England)Google Scholar; Offences against the Person Act (1869), 32 & 33 Vict., c. 20, 50 (Canada)Google Scholar.

16. Bristow, E., Vice and Vigilantes: Purity Movements in Britain since 1700 (Dublin: Gill & MacMillan Ltd., 1977)Google Scholar.

17. Ibid., 52-53. The leading proponent of regulation of prostitutes for public health reasons was Dr. William Acton. For a sample of his views, see Murray, J., Strong Minded Women and Other Lost Voices from 19th Century England (New York: Pantheon Books, 1982), 394–397, 427–428Google Scholar. The prostitute as saviour of virtuous womanhood was a theme of the historian and essayist, William Leckey, ibid., 411-412.

18. See Chesney, K., The Victorian Underworld, 386–388Google Scholar; Pearsall, R., The Worm in the Bud: The World of Victorian Sexuality (Harmondsworth;, Penguin Books, 1971), 358–366Google Scholar. Although the desire of some customers in Canada for young girls has not been so clearly demonstrated as in England, the work of Backhouse, , “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law,” 15–16Google Scholar, demonstrates that girls from their early teenage years were active in the trade. See also infra for the concern of Canadian legislators and reformers in the 1880s and 1890s about child prostitution and its sponsors.

19. Harrison, F., The Dark Angel: Aspects of Victorian Sexuality (London: Sheldon Press, 1977), 250–251Google Scholar.

20. The more radical wing of the feminists in the movement tended to emphasize the role of the woman as independent of the male, and thus to reject or underplay the importance of the woman as wife and mother. However, these impulses were sometimes submerged in the interests of reform politics. See Walkowitz, J., “Male Vice and Female Virtue: Feminism and the Politics of Prostitution in Nineteenth Century Britain,” in Snitow, A., Stanswell, C. & Thompson, S. (eds.), Powers of Desire: The Politics of Sexuality (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1983), 411–422Google Scholar. For an account of the thinking of radical feminists in Canada, see Bacchi, C., Liberation Deferred: The Ideas of English Canadian Suffragists 1877-1915 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1983)Google Scholar; Roberts, W., “‘Rocking the Cradle for the World’: The New Woman and Maternal Feminism, Toronto 1877-1914,” in Kealey, L. (ed.), A Not Unreasonable Claim: Women and Reform in Canada, 1880s-1920s (Toronto: Women's Press, 1979), 15Google ScholarPubMed.

21. For discussion of the changes in Victorian thinking on sex and sexuality wrought by the reformers and its impact on the law, see G. Parker, “The Legal Regulation of Sexual Activity.” In the minds of most of the religious reformers in the Victorian period there existed a strong connection between sexual aberration and sin. It followed that individual salvation was necessary if the sin was to be purged. This view which was strongest among the churches in the evangelical Protestant tradition, began to wane towards the end of the century as mainstream Protestant impulses began to shift to the “social gospel” and the salvation of society. For an account of this transformation in the Canadian context, see Cook, R., The Regenerators: Social Criticism in Late Victorian English Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985), 173–232Google Scholar.

22. Walkowitz, , Prostitution and Victorian Society, 99–104Google Scholar.

23. Bacchi, , Liberation Deferred, 8–9Google Scholar.

24. Walkowitz, , Prostitution and Victorian Society, 114–118Google Scholar; Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 75–85Google Scholar.

25. Bristow, ibid., 85-90.

26. Ibid., 60.

27. Ibid., 86.

28. British Parliamentary Papers, Report of the Select Committee on the Protection of Young Girls, 1882, iiiGoogle Scholar.

29. Ibid., Minutes of Evidence, 88 (Morgan); 83 (Dunlap).

30. Ibid., Minutes of Evidence, 92-93 (Dunlap); 88 (Morgan); 8 (Miss Ellice Hopkins); 33 (Rev. J. W. Horsley).

31. Ibid., Report, iv-v.

32. An Act respecting Vagrants (1869), 32 & 33Google Scholar Vict., c. 28 (Canada). Section 1 introduced the new offence of having no profession or calling to maintain oneself by, but for the most part supporting oneself by the avails of prostitution. The prescribed penalty was a maximum of two months imprisonment, fifty dollars or both. The maximum penalty was later increased to six months: (1874) 37 Vict., c. 43, s. 1 (Canada). By legislation in 1881 it was made clear that accused could be sentenced to six months with or without hard labour: (1881) 44 Vict., c. 31, s. 1 (Canada).

33. See Backhouse, , “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law,” 11Google Scholar. Examples given by Backhouse include An Act to repeal the several Acts for incorporating the City of Fredericton (1851), 14 Vict., c. 15 (New Brunswick)Google Scholar; An Act concerning the City of Halifax (1864), 27 Vict., c. 81, ss. 227-228 (Nova Scotia)Google Scholar; An act respecting Municipal Institutions, 1877, R.S.O. Vol. II, c. 174, s. 461(27) (Ontario)Google Scholar; Municipal Code ofthe Province of Quebec (1870), 34 Vict., c. 68, s. 598, 603 (Quebec)Google Scholar; An Act respecting Municipalities (1875), 38 Vict., c. 31, s. 17(26) (Manitoba)Google Scholar. As an example of a bylaw enacted under enabling legislation Backhouse cites the City of London Bylaw of 1879 which not only attached penalties to keeping or frequenting a house of ill fame or letting premises to be used in that way, but also made it an offence to open premises, whether private or public, to prostitutes, to carry them in cabs for hire or to let cabs or horses to them.

34. Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, 1882, 327. Charlton was a devout Presbyterian and a founding member of the Dominion Lord's Day Alliance.

35. See, e.g., speech of Sir John A. MacDonald in Committee. Parliamentary Debates, H.C., 1883, 222-223.

36. Parliamentary Debates, Senate, 1884. 365-368.

37. (1885), 48 & 49 Vict., c. 82 (Canada). In the Commons Charlton criticized the bill because it made no attempt to get at the person having illicit connection. Both an amendment by him to remedy that gap and a motion to refer the bill back to Committee were defeated. See Parliamentary Debates, H.C., 1885, 2767-2768.

38. Parliamentary Debates, H.C., 1884, 287.

39. Parliamentary Debates, H.C., 1884, 289.

40. Montreal Society for Protection of Girls and Young Women, Minutes Book, 1882-1891, PAC MG 281 129.

41. Ibid.

42. Backhouse, , “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law,” 52–53Google Scholar. Backhouse reveals that legislative status had been accorded to such establishments from earlier in the century (see, e.g., Montreal Institute for Female Penitents (1832), 3 Wm. IV, c. 35 (Lower Canada)Google Scholar; Toronto Magdalen Asylum (1858), 22 Vict., c. 73 (Province of Canada)Google Scholar. This process continued and intensified through the 1860s and 1870s.

43. Ibid., 53-56. Backhouse notes that the maximum penalty for vagrancy was increased to six months in 1874 An Act Respecting Vagrants. Complementary provincial and federal legislation authorized the custody of women convicted of provincial and federal offences respectively in provincial reformatories (see. e.g., An Act Respecting the Andrew Mercer Reformatory for Females (1879), 42 Vict., c. 38, s. 2 (Ontario)Google Scholar; An Act respecting the Andrew Mercer Reformatory for Females (1879), 42 Vict., c. 43 (Canada))Google Scholar. Moreover, special federal legislation was enacted requiring women convicted of vagrancy in Quebec to serve their sentences in the Quebec female reformatory prison. The minimum penalty which could be exacted was five years! See An Act to make provision for the detention of female convicts in Reformatory Prisons in the Province of Quebec (1871), 24 Vict., c. 30, s. 2 (Canada)Google Scholar.

44. Ibid., 56-57. See, e.g., An Act to establish an Industrial Refuge for Girls (1879), 42 Vict., c. 39 (Ontario)Google Scholar.

45. Schults, R., Crusader in Babylon: W.T. Stead and the Pall Mall Gazette (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972), 130–131Google Scholar.

46. Ibid., 128-168; Gorham, D., “The ‘Maiden Tribute of Modern Baylon’ Re-examined: Child Prostitution and the Idea of Childhood in Late-Victorian England,” Victorian Studies 21 (1978), 353Google Scholar.

47. Schults, , Crusader in Babylon, 169–192Google Scholar.

48. Criminal Law Amendment Act, (1885), 48 & 49 Vict., c. 69 (U.K.)Google Scholar.

49. Ibid., s. 2.

50. Ibid., s. 3.

51. Ibid., s. 4-7.

52. Ibid., s. 8.

53. Ibid., s. 10.

54. Ibid., s. 13.

55. Parliamentary Papers, H.C., 1886, 441-444.

56. An Act respecting Offences against the Public Morals and Convenience (1886), 49 Vict.,c. 157, ss. 2, 4, 5Google Scholar.

57. Parliamentary Papers, H.C., 570-571, 704-707.

58. Ibid., 705-706.

59. Ibid., 706.

60. Watt, D. A., Moral Legislation: A Statement Prepared for the Information of the Senate (Montreal: Gazette Printing Co., 1890), Appendix A, 37-41Google Scholar.

61. For the development of this program of lobbying, see Montreal Society for the Protection of Girls and Young Women, Minute Book, 1882-1891, PAC MG 281 129. See also Parker, , “The Legal Regulation of Sexual Activity,” 217–226Google Scholar.

62. Watt, , Moral Legislation, 27–30, 43–46Google Scholar.

63. Ibid., 25.

64. See An Act further to Amend the Criminal Law (1890), 53 Vict., c. 37, ss. 4-9 (Canada)Google Scholar.

65. Parker, , “The Legal Regulation of Sexual Activity,” 223–224Google Scholar.

66. Parker, G., “The Origins of the Canadian Criminal Code,” in Flaherty, D. (ed.), Essays in the History of Canadian Law, Vol. 1 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1981), 249, 268Google Scholar.

67. The Criminal Code of Canada, (1892), 55–56Google Scholar Vict., c. 29, ss. 269, 181-184.

68. Ibid., s. 185(a).

69. Ibid., s. 185(b. (c).

70. Ibid., s. 185(e), (f), (g), (h), (i).

71. Ibid., ss. 186, 187.

72. Ibid., s. 684.

73. Ibid., s. 198.

74. Ibid., s. 574.

75. See, e. g., Watt, , Moral Legislation and statement of the Members for Montreal East, Mr. Coursol, Parliamentary Debates, H.C., 1884, 287Google Scholar.

76. Gorham, , “The ‘Maiden Tribute’ Reexamined,” 356–357Google Scholar; Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 106–107Google Scholar.

77. Montreal Society for the Protection of Girls and Young Women, Minute Book, 1882-1891, PAC MG 281 129.

78. R. v. McNamara (1890), 20 O.R. 489 (H.C.).

79. Parker, , “The Legal Regulation of Sexual Activity,” 220Google Scholar.

80. Gorham, , “The ‘Maiden Tribute’ Reexamined,” 373–374Google Scholar.

81. Ibid., 364-365.

82. Report of Select Committee on the Protection of Young Girls.

83. This was true of a substantial minority of former servants according to Walkowitz, , Prostitution and Victorian Society, 18Google Scholar.

84. Backhouse, , “Nineteenth Century Canadian Prostitution Law,” 14–26Google Scholar.

85. Pearson, G., Hooligans: A History of Respectable Fears (London: MacMillan, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86. Watt, , Moral Legislation, 32–33Google Scholar.

87. Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 114–118Google Scholar.

88. Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons 1885, Vol. 300, 1419-1421. Smith who wished to add an offence of “habitual solicitation” was primarily concerned to protect women and girls from the insults to which they were subjected in public places from potential customers.

89. See Report of Select Committee on the Protection of Young Girls, 1882, iiiGoogle Scholar; and Gorham, “The ‘Maiden Tribute’ Reexamined.”

90. Parliamentary Debates, 1885, Vol. 300, 1421-1422. Speeches by Sir R. Assheton Cross and Sir William Harcourt.

91. Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 154–174Google Scholar.

92. Ibid., 154-159.

93. For details of its establishment see Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 112–121Google Scholar; Walkowtiz, , Prostitution and Victorian Society, 251–252Google Scholar.

94. Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 159–168Google Scholar.

95. Ibid., 162.

96. Ibid., 164-165.

97. Ibid., 169-170; Walkowtiz, , Prostitution and Victorian Society, 211–212Google Scholar.

98. Vagrancy Law Amendment Act (1898), 61Google Scholar, c. 62, Vict., c. 39.

99. Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 170–171Google Scholar.

100. Bacchi, , Liberation Deferred, 112–114Google Scholar.

101. The Criminal Statistics of the period have their limitations. Several offences are often subsumed under a generic heading so that one has no idea of the breakdown of convictions between the several offences. Although the total number of people convicted of particular groups of indictable offences is reported annually, the figures are not broken down further into convictions of male and females. This was done, however, for figures accumulated between 1887-1897. By contrast there was no breakdown between male and female offenders convicted of the bawdy house vagrancy offences. This was remedied in 1895. Thereafter conviction figures for both men and women appear in the annual statistics.

102. Sessional Papers, 1898. No. 8D, xxxii-xxxiii. This probably reflects the fact that seduction was only introduced as an extended offence in 1886.

103. Ibid., lii-liii. It is interesting to note that while the average annual conviction rate for the bawdy house offences from 1893-1897 was similar to that for the period 1888-1892 (664.6/668.2), those figures were appreciably lower than the annual rate for 1883-1887 which was 817.2.

104. In fact separate figures for procuring do not appear in the Annual Criminal Statistics until 1911.

105. For a revealing example of negative attitudes to prostitutes see correspondence from J. Crerar, Crown Attorney for Wentworth, to the Deputy Attorney-General of Ontario in which the former expressed his frustration at having to prosecute a New York woman charged with procuring two Hamilton women to go to her brothel in the United States. He gives it as his opinion that it would be better for such “pests” to be lured away from Canada. See Queen v. Gibson, Ont. Prov. Archives. R.G. 4.C-3, 1898, File no. 1228.

106. Gray, J., Redlights on the Prairies (Toronto: MacMillan, 1971)Google Scholar.

107. Toronto City Archives, R.G. 9, B-E, Register of Criminals, Nov. 23, 1892- May 4, 1895.

108. Clark, C.S., Of Toronto the Good: The Queen City of Canada as It Is (Montreal: The Toronto Publishing Co., 1898), 147Google Scholar.

109. Gray, Redlights on the Prairies.

110. Generally on the crusade against the international white slave trade, see Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 175–194Google Scholar.

111. Ibid., 177-181. See also Bristow, E., Prostitution and Prejudice: The Jewish Fight Against White Slavery, 1870–1939 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982)Google Scholar.

112. Roy, P.. “The Oriental Menace in British Columbia,” in Horn, M. & Sabourin, R. (eds.). Studies in Canadian Social History (Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1974), 289Google Scholar.

113. Aliens Act (1905), 5 Edw. 7. c. 13 (U.K.)Google Scholar.

114. Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 176–177Google Scholar; Flexner, A., Prostitution in Europe (Montclair, N.J.: Patterson Smith, 1969). 286–342Google Scholar.

115. Bacchi, , Liberation Deferred, 52Google Scholar.

116. Ibid., 53-55.

117. Connelly, M.. The Response to Prostitution in the Progressive Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1980), 64–66Google Scholar.

118. Bliss, M., “‘Pure Books on Avoided Subjects’: Pre-Freudian Sexual Ideas in Canada.” [1975] Can. Hist. Assoc. Papers 89Google Scholar.

119. Connelly, , The Response to Prostitution, 67–90Google Scholar. For an example of the treatment of venereal disease in contemporary anti-white slavery literature see Bell, E., War on the White Slave Trade (Toronto: Coles Publishing Co., 1980). 281–304Google Scholar (originally published, Chicago: C. Thompson Publishing Co., 1909).

120. Connelly, . The Response to Prostitution, 70Google Scholar.

121. See Bell, E., War on the White Slave Trade, 281–304Google Scholar.

122. The efforts of these pioneers are examined in Pivar, D., Purity Crusade, Sexual Morality and Social Control 1868-1900 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1973)Google Scholar.

123. Rosen, R., The Lost Sisterhood, 78–82Google Scholar.

124. Connelly, , The Response to Prostitution, 281–304Google Scholar.

125. Ibid., 91-113; see also The Vice Commission of Chicago, The Social Evil in Chicago (New York: Arno Press, 1970)Google Scholar.

126. White Slave Traffick Act, U.S., Statutes at Large, vol. 36 (1910), 825–827Google Scholar.

127. See Hoke v. U.S., 227 U.S. 308 (1913); Athanasaw v. U.S., 227 U.S. 308 (1913); U.S. v. Holte, 236 U.S. 140 (1915); Caminetti v. U.S., 242 U.S. 470 (1917).

128. Rosen, , The Lost Sisterhood, 14–37Google Scholar.

129. Ibid., 28-33.

130. Ibid., 33-37.

131. Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 189Google Scholar.

132. Ibid., 191.

133. Criminal Law Amendment Act, (1912), 2 and 3 Geo. 5, c. 20, ss. 4-5 (England)Google Scholar.

134. Ibid., s. 3.

135. With the exception of attempts by the redoubtable Mr. Charlton to extend the application of the seduction provisions in the Criminal Code during the late 1890s, the debates in Parliament on morals law reveal that from 1892 to 1906 the primary focus of attention was immoral theatre performances and literature.

136. Although the average annual conviction rate for bawdy house offences more than doubled for the years 1898-1902 over the period 1893-1897 and climbed rapidly thereafter, the convictions for abduction and seduction increased only marginally, and convictions for procuring were still not numerous enough to warrant separate reporting.

137. Bedford, J., “Prostitution in Calgary 1905-1914,” Alberta History 29 (1981), 1, 1–2Google ScholarPubMed.

138. Ibid., 4; Thorner, & Watson, N., “Patterns of Prairie Crime, 1875-1939,” in Knafla, L. (ed.), Crime and Criminal Justice in Europe and Canada (Waterloo: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 1981), 219, 225–226, 254Google Scholar.

139. Gray, J., Redlights on the Prairies, 18–19Google Scholar.

140. Allen, R., The Social Passion: Religion and Social Reform in Canada 1914-28 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1971), 3–17Google Scholar. The “social gospel” movement had a particular catalyst in the establishment in 1907 of the Moral and Social Reform Council jointly headed by Rev. J.G. Shearer and Rev. T.A. Moore, Social Service Secretaries of the Presbyterian and Methodist Churches respectively. This proved to be a very effective lobbying group. For an example of the message of the Church on prostitution, see “The Social Evil” in United Church Archives, Papers of S.D. Chown, General Superintendent Methodist Church of Canada, Newfoundland and Bermuda, Box 11, File no. 369.

141. Cooper, J., “Red Lights of Winnipeg,” Historical and Scientific Soc. of Manitoba Series III 29 (1972–1973), 61, 68–69Google Scholar.

142. Bedford, , “Prostitution in Calgary,” 4Google Scholar.

143. Thorner, & Watson, , “Patterns of Prairie Crime,” 251, 253Google Scholar.

144. Nilson, D., “The ‘Social Evil’: Prostitution in Vancouver 1900-1920,” in Latham, B. & Less, C. (eds.), In Her Own Right (Victoria, B.C.: Camosun College, 1980), 208Google Scholar.

145. Ibid., 215.

146. Rotenberg, L., “The Wayward Worker: Toronto's Prostitute at the Turn of the Century,” in Acton, J., Goldsmith, P. & Shepard, B. (eds.), Women at Work (Toronto: Canadian Women's Educational Press, 1974), 57Google Scholar.

147. Report of the Social Survey Commission (Toronto: Carswell Co., Ltd., 1915), 26–32Google Scholar.

148. Ibid., 7.

149. See, e.g., Ontario Provincial Archives, R.G. 4, C-3, 1909, File no. 1639 (complaint from Rev. S.D. Chown, General Superintendent of the Methodist Church concerning conditions in Arnprior).

150. See, e.g., Ontario Provincial Archives, R.G. 4, C-3, 1909, File no. 682 (request from Rev. Chown that houses of ill fame in Fort William be closed).

151. Bacchi, , Liberation Deferred, 113Google Scholar; See the Yearbook of the N.C.W., 1905-1920, and the Canadian W.C.T.U., 1911-1920. The N.C.W. records reveal that W. A. Code visited Canada in 1912.

152. J. Shearer, “The Canadian Crusade,” printed in Bell, E., War on the White Slave Trade, 333–352Google Scholar. See also Minutes, Board of Moral and Social Reform, Presbyterian Church of Canada, 1907-1912, U.C.A., and Report on Temperance and Morals Reform of the Alberta Conference of the Methodist Church, 1912.

153. Parliamentary Debates, Senate 1909, 677. The eminent jurist Sir Henri Taschereau had conducted a commission of Inquiry into the attitude of the Montreal Police to prosecution of Prostitution in 1908. His report was highly critical of police tolerance of prostitution. Part of the document was reprinted by the Presbyterian Church that same year in pamphlet form. In 1907 after a number of prostitutes were acquitted of keeping bawdy houses where they practiced prostitution out of premises occupied by them on an individual basis, the Code was amended to close this loophole — (1907), 6 & 7 Edw. VII, c. 8, s. 2.

154. It is interesting to note that the Rev. S.D. Chown, the General Superintendent of the Methodist Church, corresponded with Mackenzie King in 1908 encouraging him in his endeavours to deal with the opium trade — United Church Archives, Chown Papers, Box 1, File no. 10. The Minutes of the Board of Moral and Social Reform of the Presbyterian Church, September 7, 1909, reveal that King, by then Minister of Labour, was a member of the Board and met with his colleagues on that occasion to discuss issues of mutual concern.

155. Criminal Code Amendment Act (1913), 3 & 4 Geo. V, c. 13Google Scholar.

156. Ibid., s. 9.

157. Ibid.

158. Ibid., 23.

159. Ibid., s. 9.

160. Ibid., ss. 1. 11.

161. Parliamentary Debates, H.C., 1913, 10077. The Minutes of the Board of Social and Moral Reform, Executive, January 30, 1912, reveals that representatives of the Moral and Social Reform Council met with Doherty on January 26 about proposed amendments to the Code.

162. By The Criminal Code Amendment Act (1915), 5Google Scholar Geo. V, c. 12, s. 5, being an inmate of a bawdy house was made an indictable offence. By s. 7 of the same Act the vagrancy offences of keeping and being an inmate or frequenter of a bawdy house were repealed. Amendments in 1917 extended the definition of bawdy house to embrace establishments kept for the practice of acts of indecency — (1917), 7 & 8 Geo. V, s. 3.

163. Session Papers, 1900-1910; no. 7 (1900), no. 17 (1901-1910).

164. Session Papers, 1911-1917; no. 17.

165. Session Papers, 1900-1917; no. 7 (1900), no. 17 (1901-1917).

166. Session Papers, 1911-1917; no. 17.

167. Session Papers, 1900-1910; no. 7(1900), no. 17(1901-1910).

168. Session Papers, 1911-1917; no. 17.

169. Nilson, , “The Social Evil,” 215Google Scholar.

170. Bedford, , “Prostitution in Calgary,” 7Google Scholar. See also Langdon, M., “Female Crime in Calgary 1914-1941,” in Knafla, L. (ed.), Law and Justice in a New Land: Essays in Western Canadian Legal History (Calgary: Carswell Co., 1986)Google Scholar.

171. City Council Minutes, Toronto (Toronto City Archives) 1912–1916, Appendix CGoogle Scholar.

172. City Council Minutes, Toronto (Toronto City Archives) 1918, Appendix C, 18Google Scholar.

173. Nilson, , “The Social Evil,” 215Google Scholar.

174. Bedford, , “Prostitution in Calgary,” 7Google Scholar; Rotenberg, , “The Wayward Worker,” 57Google Scholar.

175. Session Papers, 1900-1910; no. 7(1900), no. 17(1901-1910).

176. Session Papers, 1911-1916; no. 17.

177. City Council Minutes, Toronto (Toronto City Archives) 1907-1909, 1911–1917, Appendix CGoogle Scholar.

178. Vancouver City Archives, Board of Police Commissioners, Police Dept., Prisoner Record Books, Vol. 4 76(c) 1.

179. Ibid.; Ontario Provincial Archives, Ontario Central Prison Register, 1912-1921, R.G. 20, Series E-18, Vol. 3.

180. At this time in the case of both summary conviction offences and certain species of indictable offences, including being a keeper or inmate of a bawdy house, convictions were only appealable in very limited circumstances, i.e., where made by two justices of the peace. In the absence of a right of appeal, the convicted person had to proceed by way of application for writ of habeas corpus with certiorari, an expensive procedure. Only if that application to quash were rejected could there be an appeal. See Langdon, , “Female Crime in Calgary,” in Knafla, (ed.), Law and Justice in a New Land, 299Google Scholar.

181. Report of the Social Survey Commission.

182. See, e.g., Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society.

183. See Bristow, , Vice and Vigilantes, 118, 125Google Scholar.

184. Billington-Greig, “The Truth About White Slavery.”

185. Ibid., 446.