Almost overnight, regionalism in Canada has become the current fashion and a subject for much intellectual speculation as well as administrative experimentation. This symposium is but one of many testimonials to the growing interest in the subject. In 1964, the Committee on Statistics of the Canadian Political Science Association considered the problem. Early in 1965, Queen's University sponsored a conference on areas of economic stress that was the forerunner to a much larger conference on regionalism convened by the Province of Ontario. The Institute of Public Administration of Canada selected regionalism as the theme for its autumn conference. Recent reports of a royal commission in New Brunswick and of a legislative committee in Ontario are implicitly concerned with regionalism in so far as they propose basic remodelling of the local government services in their respective provinces. The Resources Ministers Council is grappling with the concept, as are also the federal departments of Industry and of Agriculture. On the international plane, the St. Lawrence Seaway and the Columbia River development have projected more grandiose conceptions of regionalism. In short, regionalism, with concomitant regional administrative structures, is being advanced as an answer to the new problems of interdependence that cut across traditional political boundary lines, whether they be municipal, provincial, or national.

The title chosen for this symposium suggests that regional interests are, indeed, a reality within the Canadian federal structure and that policy must accommodate itself not only to the familiar strains of dominion-provincial tensions but to the newer cross-currents of regionalism. The detailed implications of regionalism cannot be considered here, but resort to the analytical tools of the new school of systems analysts may help to develop certain general conclusions.

This paper attempts to fill a gap in Canadian economic statistics. Saving by households is the largest component of net domestic saving in Canada, but lack of data has prevented any detailed examination of the saving behaviour of this sector. The periodical surveys of liquid assets provide information on the income distribution of household savings and some of the forms in which they are held, but no such distribution has been derived for household saving. A first step is made here in the analysis of Canadian household saving behaviour with the construction of income distributions of saving based on data collected by the Urban Family Expenditure Survey for 1959. The survey is not an ideal instrument for this purpose; it was designed primarily to derive detailed information on consumer expenditures, and it is not always possible to separate out, without using approximate methods, data required for saving estimates. In addition, the total sample is relatively small with only a limited number of respondents in the upper income and entrepreneurial categories which contribute substantially to total saving. However, there is no other Canadian source available for this type of study. The results obtained are of interest in themselves and their derivation can point up changes in survey methods and tabulations which would make future survey data more useful for the estimation of household saving.

The 1959 survey was restricted to urban centres with a population of 15,000 or over, but there were no restrictions with respect to family size or income. A probability sample of slightly more than 3000 households was selected for the survey from the eighty-one urban areas which qualified. The sampling rate was 1/1500 in Montreal and Toronto, 1/800 in Vancouver, 1/300 in Newfoundland, and 1/600 in all other areas chosen. To obtain national averages the returns for each region were weighted to allow for differences in sampling and response rates. Response rates varied from 45 per cent in Toronto to 78 per cent in the Prairies, with an over-all average of approximately 62 per cent. No adjustment was made for differences in the response of the various family types. It was noted that “the proportion in the weighted sample of one-person units to families of two or more was below that indicated by available check data.” This lack of adjustment, if differences are significant, would bias the survey results and thus our saving estimates, if the responses varied with family type. Tables IV to VI, given below, indicate that substantial differences exist in the saving patterns of the three family sizes for which estimates were obtained.

Although much interest has been manifested lately in voting behaviour in Canadian elections no recent study attempts to segregate the religious and the ethnic variables. Moreover, when the religious-ethnic variable is considered as a single component, other differences such as socio-economic status, education, median age, and sex-ratio of the groups concerned are commonly slighted. This paper summarizes an attempt to examine the variables of religious affiliation and ethnicity separately, while at the same time controlling for other relevant variables.

The data used in this study were collected in the “North End” district of the city of Hamilton, Ontario, in May and June, 1962, immediately prior to the federal election. The district selected is a working class area inhabited by many English- and some French-speaking Canadians and by immigrants from many European countries. It is relatively homogeneous with regard to income and style of life. Geographically, the area's boundaries are those of census tract 14. It is bordered on the north and west by Lake Ontario and on the south and east by a railway. The area is thus somewhat segregated and distinct from the rest of the city. To make the sample as fully representative as possible the probability sample method was employed. In this method every unit in the sample has an equal opportunity of being selected to be interviewed. It was carried out as follows: (1) All households located in the area to be studied were numbered in the order they are listed in the 1961 Vernon City Directory, i.e., by streets in alphabetical order. There were 2208 households listed. (2) 400 random numbers, without duplications, were selected, all of which fall between 0001 and 2208. (3) Households bearing these numbers (in our numbering of the directory) represent the sample. (4) Case numbers from 1 to 400 were assigned arbitrarily. In households where both resided, male respondents were to be interviewed in households designated by even numbers, and female respondents in households designated by odd numbers. (5) The sample is of households, not of families or buildings or persons.

The conditions under which a man is entitled to inherit the estate of his father play an essential part in two of Locke's principal arguments in the Second Treatise of Civil Government. First, in criticizing those who contend that birth, not consent, makes man a member of an established civil society, Locke argues that inheritance, rather than birth, determines membership, and that consent is a condition of inheritance. Second, in rejecting the view that conquest in a just war confers political power upon the conqueror, Locke argues that this would be incompatible with the right of the descendants of the conquered to their inheritance.

These two arguments appear opposed. If consent to established government is a legitimate condition of inheritance, then is consent to the government of a conqueror not also a legitimate condition? Or, if the right to inherit cannot be limited by requiring obedience to a just conqueror, then can this right be limited by requiring obedience to any existing authority? A close discussion of Locke's arguments should reveal the extent of this opposition, and so determine the consistency of his account of inheritance.

Locke first introduces inheritance in distinguishing paternal from political power. His treatment here anticipates his later account of the relation between inheritance and consent, and so is worth brief attention.

During the nineteenth century and the early part of the twentieth, the value-of-service basis for railway rates ruled unchallenged. Over the last forty years, and especially the last twenty, that system has been undermined from so many directions that it is rapidly becoming untenable. Willy-nilly, railways are being forced over to a cost-of-service basis by the competition of other carriers and by the relocation of industry. So long as they are expected to be self-supporting (and the logical problems of operating nation-wide utilities on any other basis are daunting), any traffic or service that does not pay its full costs must inevitably come under review. The cross-subsidization between different types of traffic which once took place as a matter of course is no longer possible, and railways are compelled to know their own costs and to sell their services in competition at rates based, to an ever-increasing extent, on cost. In the last fifteen years, for example, competition has converted the old class rate structure, which was the heart of value-of-service rates, into a mere shrunken survival, historically interesting, but no longer worthy of serious consideration.

There are other surviving specimens of value-of-service rates, but the Crow's Nest schedule for grain rates is the only one covering a major traffic. For historic reasons, the rates, in terms of current money, are now at or below those first established at September 1899, despite the change in prices and wages in the intervening period. There are, therefore, compelling reasons to examine them now.

Traditional Keynesian trade multipliers ignore intermediate goods. Professors Harrod and Johnson have considered them in a limited sense; both used a one-sector model. The objects of this paper are: to consider the effect of intermediate goods on the trade multiplier by use of a matrix trade multiplier; to consider their effect on the rate of growth of both exports and outputs of commodities; and to discuss the stability conditions of a balanced growth rate in a simple dynamic Leontief model.

Harrod took intermediate goods into account only as a deduction from exports or investments when he considered the multiplier process. Johnson considered them more explicitly. In his model, an economy uses a primary factor of production, say labour, and foreign-made intermediate goods to produce consumption goods. However, the economy does not use home-produced intermediate goods, and all home-produced goods are consumption goods (so that the economy exports only consumption goods). In a more realistic model, the autonomous increment of demand for investments or exports would create two kinds of multiplier processes: one through the increment of demand for home-produced consumption goods, the other through the demand for home-produced intermediate goods. Each industry uses a primary factor of production and both home-made and foreign-made intermediate goods. Consumers demand both domestic and foreign consumption goods.