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The Cabinet Minister and Administration Winston S. Churchill at the Admiralty, 1911–151

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2014

R. MacGregor Dawson*
Affiliation:
The University of Toronto
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Extract

The history of the British Admiralty, like that of the War Office, furnishes an exceptionally good opportunity for reviewing the relationship which exists between a Cabinet Minister and his subordinates. This relationship, of course, presents in all departments essentially the same general features, namely, the control of a specialized group of officials by one who, though ignorant in a technical sense, nevertheless possesses unusual competence in his own field of administration and politics. But in the fighting services parts of this picture are etched with deeper and darker lines. In the first place, there is obviously a greater disparity of talent between Minister and official than occurs in most departments, and the experts seem as a rule less able, or willing, to appreciate the political implications of the demands they are constantly making. The relationship is thus apt to be more difficult and occasionally more exacerbating; but it creates by that very fact a greater need for providing the department with a sympathetic spokesman and advocate in the Cabinet, while insisting at the same time on the absolute supremacy of the political power. In the second place, the pervasive influences of bureaucracy and departmentalism, on which the Minister must wage relentless war, occur in the fighting services in an acute and aggravated form. Officials in other departments may hold narrow and circumscribed views, but their counterparts at the War Office and the Admiralty will frequently add to those a complacent and unimaginative professionalism of their own; the fondness of a civil servant for unnecessary formalism may have a military or naval parallel in ponderous methods and obsolete techniques; bureaucratic prejudice may become red-tabbed or gold-braided intolerance; an esprit de corps may be transmuted into an un-discriminating loyalty to the ship, to the battalion, or to the service.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1940

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Footnotes

1

Cf. R. MacGregor Dawson, “The Cabinet Minister and Administration: The British War Office, 1903-16” (Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, vol. V, Nov., 1939, pp. 451-78); also “The Cabinet Minister and Administration: Asquith, Lloyd George, Curzon” (to be published in Political Science Quarterly, Sept., 1940). This article on Mr. Churchill will be followed shortly by another dealing with the Admiralty under Balfour and Carson during the years immediately following, and will also contain a general discussion of the subject.

References

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4 The Haldane Committee of 1924 referred to “the belief of the public that the profession of officer in the Army was not one which called for as high qualities as that to be found in the analogous profession of the Navy or in many other professions. The somewhat paradoxical inference presented itself that in order to increase competition for entry to the profession of officer in the Army, it had become necessary to ask not less but more from the would-be entrant. … Any adequate improvement in the quality and quantity of candidates must depend upon a larger number of parents being induced to regard the Army as an attractive career for their sons” ( Report of the Committee on the Education and Training of Officers (Army), Parliamentary Papers, Great Britain, 1924, Cmd. 2031, pp. 35).Google Scholar

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6 Ibid., pp. 170-1.

7 Cf. evidence of Haldane, Lord before the Coal Industry Commission, vol. II, Pari. Papers, Great Britain, 1919, Cmd. 360, pp. 1082–90Google Scholar; Report of the Committee on the Education and Training of Officers (Army) (Parl. Papers, Great Britain, 1924, Cmd. 2031, pp. 129)Google Scholar; Hart, , Europe in Arms, pp. 168–81.Google Scholar

8 On April 22, 1940, a Vice-Chief of the Naval Staff was added to the Board because of war conditions.

9 Mr. Lloyd George's War Cabinet did not contain the First Lord of the Admiralty; but its composition was most exceptional, for only one of its members, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had a portfolio. The First Lord is also not a member of Mr. Churchill's War Cabinet, which is modelled on similar lines.

10 Churchill, W. S., The World Crisis (Toronto, 1923), vol. I, pp. 5363 Google Scholar; SirMaurice, F., Haldane (London, 1937), vol. I, pp. 279–84.Google Scholar

11 This was not an isolated instance, cf. ibid., vol. I, pp. 174-5,242-7; SirBacon, R. H., Life of Lord Fisher (London, 1929), vol. II, pp. 29–57, 81–2.Google Scholar The First Sea Lord had an impracticable scheme for landing troops on the Baltic shore of Prussia, ibid., vol. II, pp. 182-3; Haldane, R. B., An Autobiography (London, 1929), pp. 226–7.Google Scholar

12 Both Haldane and Churchill sought the post. Maurice, , Haldane, vol. I, pp. 283–7Google Scholar; Haldane, , An Autobiography, pp. 225–32Google Scholar; Spender, J. A. and Asquith, C., Life of Lord Oxford and Asquith (London, 1932), vol. I, pp. 345–7.Google Scholar

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17 “So Jacky is growing roses, is he?” said an officer regarding Fisher's retirement. “Well, all I've got to say is that those roses will damned well have to grow” ( Bacon, , Life of Lord Fisher, vol. II, p. 119).Google Scholar

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31 Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, p. 86; vol. II, pp. 387-8Google Scholar; infra, p. 357.

32 “When … I collected all the letters I had received from the Admiral in his own hand, they amounted when copied to upwards of 300 closely typewritten pages” (ibid., vol. I, p. 77).

33 Ibid., vol. I, p. 146.

34 Churchill's flair for originality had already made itself felt in the Home Office. Sir Edward Troup, the Permanent Secretary, wrote: “There is no period of my time in the Home Office of which I have pleasanter recollections than the eighteen months when Mr. Churchill was my chief and Mr. Masterman his parliamentary lieutenant. Once a week or perhaps oftener, Mr. Churchill came down to the office bringing with him some adventurous and impossible projects; but after half an hour's discussion something was evolved which was still adventurous, but no longer impossible” ( Masterman, , C. F. G. Masterman, p. 135).Google Scholar

35 Journals and Letters of Reginald, Viscount Esker, vol. III (London, 1938), p. 95.Google Scholar

36 Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, p. 126.Google Scholar

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38 Ibid.

39 Ibid., vol. I, p. 136.

40 George, D. Lloyd, War Memoirs (London, 1933), vol. I, p. 8.Google Scholar

41 Haldane, in discussing Churchill's rival claim to the Admiralty, later admitted that “no doubt his persuasiveness was of great value in the House of Commons” ( Haldane, , An Autobiography, p. 231).Google Scholar

42 Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, pp. 137, 180–8.Google Scholar The Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Lloyd George) was, however, far from enthusiastic ( Spender, and Asquith, , Life of Lord Oxford and Asquith, vol. II, pp. 75–7).Google Scholar

43 May 27, 1912. L. G. [Lloyd George]: Winston is happy. He told me that whatever life has in store for him—even if he becomes Prime Minister—he thinks he could never be happier” ( Riddell, Lord, More Pages from My Diary, London, 1934, p. 65).Google Scholar

44 Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, pp. 122–3.Google Scholar

45 The Cabinet had decided earlier in the day against mobilization, but when word came in the evening that Germany had declared war on Russia, Churchill decided to risk Cabinet disapproval and mobilize.

46 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 204-32; cf. supra, p. 332.

47 Spender, and Asquith, , Life of Lord Oxford and Asquith, vol. II, p. 101.Google Scholar

48 Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, pp. 355–90Google Scholar; Lord Oxford and Asquith, Memories and Reflections (Boston, 1928), vol. II, pp. 4851.Google Scholar

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50 Ibid., vol. II, pp. 54-5.

51 It must be remembered that the Admiralty exercised much more direct and effective control over the navy than did the War Office over the army, even as the naval Commander-in-Chief had a much greater and immediate command over his forces than had the General in the field. The Admiralty continually changed the strategic distribution of the fleets, ordered them into action when threatened, supplied them with information concerning the enemy's movements, and aside from actual operations decided “every important question arising out of the conduct of the naval war” ( Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, pp. 256–7).Google Scholar

52 The First Sea Lord was not also Chief of Staff as he is today.

53 Ibid., vol. I, pp. 440-1.

54 Mr. Churchill's description, ibid., vol. I, p. 437.

55 “This was your show and your luck,” wrote Churchill to Fisher. “Your flair was quite true. Let us have some more victories together-and confound all our foes abroad-and (don't forget) at home” (ibid., vol. I, pp. 492-3).

56 Dugdale, Blanche E. C., Arthur James Balfour (London, 1936), vol. II, p. 129.Google Scholar

57 The examples which might be offered are legion. Cf. Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, pp. 422–30, 494501.Google Scholar

58 Ibid., vol. II, pp. 64-5.

59 For further information about the Ordnance Department and Sir Stanley von Donop, its head, see the illuminating account given by Mr. Lloyd George ( George, Lloyd, War Memoirs, vol. I, pp. 135–9, 147–8, 170–1Google Scholar; vol. II (London, 1933), pp. 548-51. 58790, 616-39).

60 Swinton, , Eyewitness, p. 111.Google Scholar

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63 The army's lack of appreciation of the possibilities of the tank is well illustrated by Kitchener's expressed opinion after witnessing a demonstration. He “was entirely sceptical” and dubbed the machine “a pretty mechanical toy” which could not stand up to hostile artillery (ibid., p. 170; George, Lloyd, War Memoirs, vol. II, pp. 642–4).Google Scholar The generals in the field were equally stupid, and insisted on trying out only a few tanks at first instead of making a massed surprise attack which, beyond any reasonable doubt, would have penetrated far into the enemy's line. Two civilians, Mr. Churchill and Mr. Lloyd George, had sufficient vision to appreciate the value of using them from the outset on a large scale, and they protested at the time against the sacrifice of such a unique opportunity. But the remonstrance was not heeded, and the enormous advantage of surprise was largely thrown away ( Swinton, , Eyewitness, pp. 248–52Google Scholar; Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. II, pp. 81–3Google Scholar; vol. Ill (London, 1927), pp. 185-6; George, Lloyd, War Memoirs, vol. II, pp. 645–8).Google Scholar

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67 Dardanelles Commssion, First Report (Parl. Papers, Great Britain, 1917, Cd. 8490, p. 26).Google Scholar

68 It later became the Dardanelles Committee, and then the War Committee, with the same functions and a somewhat different personnel.

69 Ibid., pp. 5-6.

70 Dawson, R. MacGregor, “The Cabinet Minister and Administration: The British War Office, 1903-16” (Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, vol. V, Nov., 1939, pp. 462–75).Google Scholar

71 Dardanelles Commission, First Report (Pari. Papers, Great Britain, 1917, Cd. 8490, pp. 3–4, 6)Google Scholar; Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. II, pp. 171–5.Google Scholar

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74 Mr. Churchill, Mr. Balfour, Viscount Haldane, Lord Crewe, Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Asquith.

75 Ibid., p. 9.

76 Ibid.

77 Oxford and Asquith, Memories and Reflections, vol. II, pp. 104–5Google Scholar; cf. Spender, and Asquith, , Life of Lord Oxford and Asquith, vol. II, pp. 127, 160 Google Scholar; British House of Commons Debates, March 20, 1917, pp. 1743–4.Google Scholar

78 “At this time the whole of our expert naval opinion was in favour of a naval operation. It is true that Lord Fisher disliked it. But his opinion, as he told me the same morning, was not. based upon the technical or strategic demerits of a Dardanelles operation, but upon the fact that he preferred another and totally different objective in the Baltic” ( Oxford and Asquith, Memories and Reflections, vol. II, pp. 106–7).Google Scholar “The objections taken by Lord Fisher … were not technical, but really were, objections which were quite as much political as they were naval” ( Asquith, H. H., British House of Commons Debates, 03 20, 1917, p. 1750)Google Scholar; cf. W. S. Churchill (ibid., pp. 1783-4).

79 Mr. Churchill's narrative seems both fair and thorough. Even Admiral Bacon admits that “the tale, especially towards the end, is told with fairness; and the view he takes of the causes that led to the climax is candid, and is by no means over-biased in his own.favour” ( Bacon, , Life of Lord Fisher, vol. II, p. 162).Google Scholar

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89 “When at the Council we came to discuss the latter [the Dardanelles], which is warmly supported by Kitchener and Grey and enthusiastically by A. J. B[alfour] old Jackie maintained an obstinate and ominous silence” ( Oxford and Asquith, Memories and Reflections, vol. II, p. 70 Google Scholar; cf. Hurd, A., “The Dardanelles Report,” Fortnightly Review, 04 2, 1917, pp. 592–3).Google Scholar

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91 The Dardanelles and the Mesopotamia campaigns were the chief illustrations used by Graham Wallas in his chapter on “Group Co-operation”; cf. Our Social Heritage (London, 1921), pp. 5576.Google Scholar

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95 Ibid., vol. II, p. 239.

96 Ibid., vol. II, pp. 239, 283.

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100 Ibid., vol. II, p. 316.

101 Ibid., vol. II, p. 377.

102 Aikin, Charles, “The British Bureaucracy and the Origins of Parliamentary Policy” (American Political Science Review, Feb., 1939, p. 38).Google Scholar

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105 “His age and the strain of the last six months at the Admiralty had begun to warp his calm and clear judgment, and had made him more intolerant of opposition” ( Bacon, , Life of Lord Fisher, vol. II, p. 272).Google Scholar

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107 Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. II, pp. 313–19.Google Scholar

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109 Churchill, , The World Crisis, vol. I, p. 86.Google Scholar

110 George, Lloyd, War Memoirs, vol. I, pp. 233–4.Google Scholar