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Byzantine coins from Hadrianoupolis in Paphlagonia

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 September 2016

Ergün Laflı
Affiliation:
Dokuz Eylül Üniversitesi, İzmir elafli@yahoo.ca
Chris Lightfoot
Affiliation:
The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York christopher.lightfoot@metmuseum.org
Max Ritter
Affiliation:
Johannes Gutenberg-Universität Mainz ritterm@uni-mainz.de

Abstract

This paper gives a brief report on the 21 Byzantine coins recovered during archaeological fieldwork at Hadrianoupolis in southwestern Paphlagonia between 2005 and 2008. One coin is silver and the rest are all bronze or copper alloy. Chronologically, the latter are divided between the Early and the Middle Byzantine periods. Although the assemblage is small, it provides useful information about the distribution of Byzantine coins from one of the more remote rural areas of northern Asia Minor.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham, 2016 

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References

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18 On the field season of 2006: Laflı, E. and Zäh, A., ‘Archäologische Forschungen im byzantinischen Hadrianupolis in Paphlagonien’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 101 (2008) 681714 Google Scholar and pls. XIII–XXVI; season of 2007: Lafli and Zah,‘Beiträge zur frühbyzantinischen Profanarchitektur aus Hadrianupolis-Blütezeit unter Kaiser Iustinian I.’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 102 (2009) 639–59 and pls. V-XIII; pottery evidence: E. Lafli and G. Kan Şahin, Hadrianopolis III: Ceramic Finds from southwestern Paphlagonia, British Archaeological Reports, International Series (Oxford, forthcoming); Middle Byzantine pottery: Lafli and Şahin, Kan, ‘Middle Byzantine ceramics from southwestern Paphlagonia’, Anatolia Antiqua 23 (2015) 63149 Google Scholar; Middle Byzantine glazed pottery: Kan Sahin, ‘Hadrianoupolis ve Çevresinden Geç Ortaçağ Sırlı Seramik Örnekleri’, in K. Pektaş et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIIIth Symposium of Medieval and Turkish Period Excavations and Art Historical Researches, 14–16 October 2009 (Istanbul 2010) 427–32; early Byzantine glass finds: Fünfschilling, S. and Laflı, E., Hadrianopolis II: Glasfunde des 6. und 7. Jhs. aus Hadrianupolis, Paphlagonien (Türkei), Internationale Archäologie 123 (Rahden/Westf. 2012)Google Scholar; early Byzantine red-slipped wares: Laflı, E. and Kan Şahin, G., ‘Terra Sigillata and Red-Slipped Ware from Hadrianopolis in Southwestern Paphlagonia’, Anatolica Antiqua 20 (2012) 45120;CrossRefGoogle Scholar early Byzantine lamps and unguentaria: Şahin, Kahn, ‘Pottery from southwestern Paphlagonia II: Unguentaria and Lamps’, in Ramminger, B., Stilborg, O. and Helfert, M. (eds.), Naturwissenschaftliche Analysen vor- und frühgeschichtlicher Keramik III. Methoden, Anwendungsbereiche, Auswertungsmöglichkeiten. Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie aus der Abteilung Vor- und Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie der Universität Hamburg 238 (Bonn 2013) 353–78Google Scholar; and early Byzantine coarse ware: Kan Şahin, G. and Laflı, E., ‚Roman and Late Roman-Early Byzantine coarse ware from southwestern Paphlagonia’, in Laflı, E. and Patacı, S. (eds.), Recent Studies on the Archaeology of Anatolia, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 2750 (Oxford 2015) 327437 Google Scholar.

19 For Early Byzantine frescoes see Laflı, E., ‘Frühbyzantinischen Fresken aus Hadrianoupolis in Paphlagonien’, in Zimmermann, N. (ed.), Antike Malerei zwischen Lokalstil und Zeitstil. Akten des XI. Internationalen Kolloquiums der AIPMA (Association internationale pour la peinture murale antique). 13.–17. September 2010 in Ephesos. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Archäologische Forschungen 23, Denkschriften 468 (Vienna 2014) 735–40Google Scholar.

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21 The classification follows that of Grierson, P., Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Collection and in the Whittemore Collection, vol. 3, 2 (Washington DC 1973);Google Scholar for a discussion of Class A2, see: Ivaniševic, V., ‘Interpretation and Dating of the Folles of Basil II and Constantine VIII – The Class A2/Tumačenje i datiranje fola Vasilija II i Konstantina VIII – vrste A2 ’, Zbornik radova Vizantološkog instituta 27–28 (1989) 1941 Google Scholar.

22 There has been quite a debate about how to understand the numismatic evidence from this period. See Lightfoot, C. S., ‘Byzantine Anatolia: reassessing the numismatic evidence’, Revue numismatique 6.158 (2002) 238 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Morrisson, C., ‘Survivance de l’économie monétaire à Byzance (VIIe-IXe s.)’, in Kountoura-Galake, E. (ed.), Οι σκοτεινοί αιώνες του Βυζαντίου (7ος–9ος αι.), Διεθνή συμπόσια 9 (Athens 2001) 377–97Google Scholar.

23 Ahrweiler, H., ‘L'Asie Mineure et les invasions arabes (VIIe-IXe siècles)’, Revue historique 227.1 (1962) 9 Google Scholar and 28.

24 A different perspective is provided by the Byzantine coin finds from Amorium in Phrygia: Katsari, C., Lightfoot, C. and Özme, A., The Amorium Mint and the Coin Finds: Amorium Reports 4 (Berlin 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

25 Recent studies which highlight the phenomenon of Late Antique ruralisation in Paphlagonia and Asia Minor in general: Ritter, M., ‘The end of Late Antiquity in Paphlagonia: disurbanisation from a comparative perspective’, in Winther-Jacobsen, K. and Summerer, L. (eds.), Landscape Dynamics and Settlement Patterns in Northern Anatolia during the Roman and Byzantine Period, Geographica Historica 32 (Stuttgart 2015) 119–33Google Scholar; Baird, D., ‚Settlement expansion on the Konya Plain, Anatolia 5th-7th centuries AD’, in Bowden, W., Lavan, L. and Machado, C. (eds.), Recent Research on the Late Antique Countryside, Late Antique Archaeology 2 (Leiden 2004) 219–46Google Scholar; Foss, C., Ephesus after Antiquity: A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge, MA 1979)Google Scholar; Ivison, E. A., ‘Amorium in the Byzantine Dark Ages (seventh to ninth centuries)’, in Henning, J. (ed.), Post-Roman Towns, Trade and Settlement in Europe and Byzantium 2, Millennium-Studien 5.2 (Berlin and New York 2007) 2560;Google Scholar C. Kirilov, ‘The reduction of the fortified city area in Late Antiquity: some reflections on the end of the “Antique City” in the lands of the Eastern Roman Empire’, in Henning, Europe and Byzantium, 3–24; Müller-Wiener, W., ‘Von der Polis zum Kastron. Wandlungen der Stadt im ägäischen Raum von der Antike zum Mittelalter’, Gymnasium 93 (1986) 435–75;Google Scholar Niewöhner, P., ‘Welkende Städte in blühendem Land? Aizanoi und die Verländlichung Anatoliens. Untersuchung im Umland Aizanois’, Archäologischer Anzeiger 2003, 221–8;Google Scholar Niewöhner, ‘Archäologie und die “Dunklen Jahrhunderte” im byzantinischen Anatolien’, in Henning, Europe and Byzantium, 119–58; Ratté, C., ‘New research on the urban development of Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity’, in Parrish, D. (ed.), Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos, Journal of Roman Archaeology. Supplementary Series 45 (Portsmouth, RI 2001) 116–47;Google Scholar and Vanhaverbeke, H., Martens, F. and Waelkens, M., ‘Another view on Late Antiquity: Sagalassos (SW Anatolia), its suburbium and its countryside in Late Antiquity’, Proceedings of the British Academy 141 (2007) 611–48Google Scholar.

26 Cf. to a similar picture in Galatian Pessinus: Devreker, J., Thoen, H. and Vermeulen, F., Excavations in Pessinus: the so-called Acropolis. From Hellenistic and Roman Cemetery to Byzantine Fortress (Ghent 2003) 382–97.Google Scholar

27 Matthews’ assumption of a ‘steady rural collapse’ beginning in A.D. 700 and lasting until the Seljuk conquest is unsustainable. See Matthews et al., ‘Landscapes with Figures’, 192.

28 W. Anderson and A. Robinson,’Marginal or Mainstream? The Character of Settlement in Late Roman Paphlagonia’, in G. R. Tsetskhladze et al., Paphlagonia, Pontus and Phrygia, 24.

29 J. Dalaison and F. Delrieux,’Les monnaies trouvées à Pompeiopolis durant les campagnes de fouilles 2006–2009’, in L. Summerer (ed.), Pompeiopolis I. Eine Zwischenbilanz nach fünf Kampagnen (2006–2010), Schriften des Zentrums für Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte des Schwarzmeerraumes 21 (Langeweißbach 2011) 141–48.

30 Casey, J., Sinope: A Catalogue of the Greek, Roman and Byzantine Coins in Sinop Museum (Turkey) and Related Historical and Numismatic Studies, Royal Numismatic Society Special Publications 44 (London 2010)Google Scholar 3f.

31 D. S. Lenger and S. Atasoy, ‘Tios kazιlarιnda bulunan sikkeler’, in: Ş. Yιldιrιm and S. Atasoy (eds.), Zonguldak’ta bir antik kent: Tios (Ankara 2015) 391–95.

32 Ireland, S., ‘The ancient coins in Amasra Museum’, in Ashton, R. (ed.), Studies in Ancient Coinage from Turkey, British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Monograph 17 (London 1996) 115–37Google Scholar.

33 Ireland, S., Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Coins in the Museum at Amasya (Ancient Amaseia), Turkey, British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara 27 (London 2000).Google Scholar

34 Casey, Sinope.

35 Both of these homogeneous local collections, established first in 1950s (Amasra inaugurated in 1955 and opened to the public in 1982; Amasya inaugurated in 1958 and opened to the public in 1980), consist of acquisitions made mostly by local antique sellers or inhabitants who happened to find Byzantine coins in their farms. Almost no excavated coins or hoards exist among them, as systematically excavated Byzantine sites are not many in these landscapes. These two publications are not clear enough with regard to the provenance of the Byzantine coins presented. In addition to the published collections at Amasra and Amasya there are further Byzantine coin collections in the local museums at Ereğli, Bolu, Kastamonu and Çankırı. Collections in Sinop and Ereğli especially are of great importance since they contain unpublished coin finds from the ongoing excavations at Tium, and Balat Church in Sinop. A private museum with some Byzantine coins is located at Çanakçı near Gökçebey (Tefen), on the way to Tium. None of these Turkish collections, however, has been published so far.

36 After the conquest of Theodosioupolis/Erzurum in A.D. 607/608, Asia Minor became a theatre of war, and until 613 the fight was taking place in Cilicia, Cappadocia and Pontus. In 615/616 the Persians reached Chalcedon, but most strongholds like Ancyra were still in Byzantine hands. The winter of 621/622 was the first one the Persians stayed in Asia Minor – in the Pontus region. Only in March 624 did Heraclius go to the offensive, first to Cappadocian Caesarea, campaigning in the Caucasus thereafter. Meanwhile, the Persians amassed forces and besieged Constantinople in 626. Heraclius was able to intercept one of their armies in Armenia, after Sharvaraz’ failed siege. The Persians left Asia Minor at the end of 626. See Howard-Johnston, J. D., ‘Heraclius’ Persian campaigns and the revival of the East Roman empire, 622–630’, War in History 6 (1999) 144;Google Scholar and Belke, Paphlagonien, 68–9.

37 Ireland, Amasya, 108–10.

38 Callot, O., Les monnaies. Fouilles de la ville 1964–1974, Salamine de Chypre 16 (Paris 2004) 5475 Google Scholar.

39 Cf. to a thorough analysis of this situation in other parts of Asia Minor, which is in line with our own interpretation: Drauschke, J., ‘Bemerkungen zu den Auswirkungen der Perser- und Arabereinfälle des 7. Jahrhunderts in Kleinasien’, in Heinrich-Tamaska, O. (ed.), Rauben – Plündern – Morden. Nachweis von Zerstörung und kriegerischer Gewalt im archäologischen Befund (Hamburg 2013) 126–37Google Scholar.

40 Casey, Sinope, 112–113; strangely, all the decisive coins of this hoard were misidentified or confused: the Heraclian coins have to be corrected as no. 7 is MIB 5 fifth officina, no. 8 is MIB 1a tenth officina, no. 9 is MIB 48/49 third officina and the latest coin of the hoard minted in 638/39, no. 10 is MIB 39, second officina.

41 E.g. Sanders, G. D. R., ‘Recent developments in the chronology of Byzantine Corinth’, in Williams, C. K. and Bookidis, N. (eds.), Corinth, the Centenary: 1896–1996 (Princeton, NJ 2003) 387–88Google Scholar.

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