^{page 51 note 2} Cf.Prior, E. S., ‘The Sculpture of Alabaster Tables’, in Illustrated Catalogue of the Exhibition of English Medieval Alabaster Work, London (Society of Antiquaries), 1913, p. 21Google Scholar.

^{page 51 note 3} Loc. cit., note.

^{page 51 note 4} Op. cit., p. 42.

^{page 51 note 5} Cf.‘La renouvellement de l'art par les “mysteres” à la fin du Moyen Âge’, in Gaz. des Beaux-Arts, xxxi (1904), 215 seqq., 283 seqq., 370 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 51 note 6} Op. cit., p. 390.

^{page 52 note 7} Mâle has treated the subject also in his L'Art religieux du XII^e siécle en France; cf. 3rd ed., Paris, 1928, chap, iv, ‘Enrichissement de l'iconographie: La liturgie et le drame liturgique’.

^{page 52 note 1} It was ‘by no means the case’ that the performers ‘would require much practice and training to insure a proficiency worthy of public exhibition’, ‘for the historical representations were taught to apprentices along with their respective trades, and formed a constituent part of the art and mystery of the craft’; cf.Oliver, G., History of the Holy Trinity Guild at Sleaford, Lincoln, 1837, p. 74, II. 93Google Scholar.

^{page 52 note 2} The ‘pageants’—cars which served at least some of theguilds as the stages for their plays—had to be small enough to be movable about the narrow streets of a medieval town, and in many cases appear to have needed no more than ten or a dozen men to move them.

^{page 53 note 1} As in the case of the‘Entombment of St. Etheldreda’, reproduced in Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd Ser., xxix (1917), p. 90Google Scholar. The same pattern served, with further small adaptations, for such ‘Martyrdom’ scenes as those of St. Lawrence and of St. Erasmus.

^{page 53 note 2} Compare the‘Naming of St. John Baptist’, in the Museum, Versailles (cf. Antiq. Journ. viii [1928], pl. xviGoogle Scholar; Archaeol. Journ. lxxvii [1920], p. 213 with pl. 1)Google Scholar, with the ‘Nativity of our Lord’ panel of the reredos at La Celle (cf.Biver, Count Paul, ‘Some Examples of English Alabasters in France’, in Archaeol. Journ. lxvii [1910], pl. VIII and pp. 71 seqq.Google Scholar; Cat. cit., fig. 16).

^{page 53 note 3} Compare the British Museum's‘Trial of St. Peter’ (cf. Nelson, P., in Archaeol. Journ. lxxiv [1917], pl. VII and p. 112)Google Scholar with the Cluny Museum's‘Christ before Caiaphas’ (cf. Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi [1919], pl. VII and P. 137)Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 4} Compare the tables of‘St. Michael weighing Souls in the presence of the B.V.M.’ (cf. Antiq. Journ. x [1930], pl. vi)Google Scholar with the Beauvais Museum's embattled‘Annunciation’ (cf. Prior, E. S. and Gardner, A., Medieval Figure-Sculpture in England, Cambridge, 1912, fig. 550Google Scholar; Nelson, , ‘English Alabasters of the Embattled Type’, in Archaeol. Journ. lxxv [1918], pl. 11)Google Scholar.

^{page 53 note 5} Possibly an exception from this general rule is (unless perhaps it be a fragment of a ‘Harrowing of Hell’ table) an ‘Adam and Eve’, in the Angers Museum (no. 2349), of which I know only through its mention byDestrée, J. in ‘Sculptures en albâtre de Nottingham’, in Annales de la Sociéte d'Archéologie de Bruxelles, xxiii (1909), p. 466Google Scholar. The ‘Tree of Jesse’, of which several English alabaster tables have been reported, is, although most of the persons in it belong to the Old Testament, essentially a Gospel subject.

^{page 54 note 1} For a list of surviving English plays, and of places in Great Britain where mystery-plays were performed, seeSmith's, Lucy ToulminYork Plays, Oxford, 1885, pp. lxiv–lxviiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 55 note 1} Cf. Cat. cit., p. 21.

^{page 55 note 2} Armour for the purpose was, in some cases, hired.

^{page 55 note 3} We must, however, beware of putting undue reliance, i n seeking the localities where certain groups of tables were carved, on details of particular plays; we must keep in mind that, quite apart from resemblances resulting from the use of the same basic material, likenesses in respect of their details between the plays of different districts might, in the absence of any form of restraint of imitating, well have been brought about through the copying, by the players of one district, of successful special features of plays performed in other districts.

^{page 55 note 4} Cf. York Plays.

^{page 55 note 5} Cf.Towneley Plays, London (Early English Text Society), 1897Google ScholarPubMed.

^{page 55 note 6} Cf.Ludus Coventriae or The Plate called Corpus Christi, London (E.E.T.S.), 1922Google ScholarPubMed.

^{page 55 note 7} Cf.Sharp, T., Dissertation on the Pageants or Dramatic Mysteries Anciently Performed at Coventry, Coventry, 1825Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 8} Cf.Hope, W. H. St. John, ‘On the Early Working of Alabaster in England’, in Cat. cit., pp. 14 seq.Google Scholar; Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., p. 477Google Scholar.

^{page 55 note 9} Cf.Hope, , op. cit., pp. 1, 9 seq.Google Scholar; Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., pp. 460 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 56 note 1} Cf.Halliwell's, J. O. ‘Introduction’ to the Shakespeare Society's edition of the ‘Ludus Coventriae’, London, 1841, p. xi, nGoogle Scholar. referring toWright's Historia Histronica, 8vo, Lond. 1699, p. 17Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 2} For examples, seeNelson's, ‘Earliest Type of English Alabaster Panel Carvings’, in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi (1919), pp. 84 seqqCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 56 note 3} Cf.Mâle, , L'Art religieux du XII^e siècle en France, 1928, p. 126Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 4} Cf.Migne, , Patrologiae, cxxxvii, col. 493Google Scholar.

^{page 56 note 5} Cf.Hemingway, S. B., English Nativity Plays, New York, 1909, p. xiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 56 note 6} Smith, Lucy Toulmin, in her York Plays, says (p. xlv)Google Scholar: ‘Although the date of composition of the York Plays is not known, it may, I believe, safely be set as far back as 1340 or 1350.’

^{page 57 note 1} Cf.Cat. cit., pp. 24, 26Google Scholar; Prior, and Gardner, , op.cit., pp. 470 seqq.Google Scholar; Nelson,‘Earliest Type …’.

^{page 57 note 2} Cf.Cat. cit., pp. 25, 29Google Scholar; Prior, and Gardner, , op. pp. 475 seqq.Google Scholar; Nelson, ‘… Embattled Type’.

^{page 57 note 3} Cf.Ludorff, A., Die Bau- und Kunstdenkmäler Kreises Paderborn, Münster i. W., 1899, pl. 44 and p. 88Google Scholar. For a discussion of its type, and the influence of that on the later English alabaster‘Adoration’ tables, Hildburgh, in Antiq. Journ. iii (1923), pp. 30 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 57 note 4} Reproduced from a postcard.

^{page 57 note 5} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 67Google Scholar; Craig, H., Two Coventry Corpus Christi Plays, London (E.E.T.S.) 1902, p. 99Google Scholar. The Frontispiece of Sharp's Dissertation is a fanciful reconstruction, by David Jee, based on the surviving written (but not on immediately relevant pictorial) material, of the presentation of a play at Coventry, in which the stage is depicted as a wheeled vehicle surmounted by battlementing.

^{page 57 note 6} Cf.Cat. cit., p. 30Google Scholar; Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., p. 477Google Scholar.

^{page 57 note 7} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 4.

^{page 57 note 8} Cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pls. IV-VI and pp. 88 seqq.Google Scholar; besides these there is, in the British Museum, a large fragment of a similar table.

^{page 58 note 1} Kehrer, H., in Die heiligen drei Könige in Literatur und Kunst, ii, Leipzig, 1909, p. 217Google Scholar, suggests tentatively that the combination may have been due to ‘Eastern’ influence, because the ‘Magiergeschichte ist Fest-Perikope des 25. Dezember und nicht des 6. Januar’.

^{page 58 note 2} Reproduced from a table in the Victoria and Albert Museum.

^{page 58 note 3} It seems unlikely, in view of the restricted space usually available, that these beasts appeared in living form in the English mystery-plays, though they might well have been there represented by a pair of dummy heads, made of wood or of pasteboard, paralleling the pair of heads (and no more than heads) depicted in our alabaster ‘Adoration’ tables. A short article on their appearances in pictorial and in dramatic art, inThe Times (London) of 23rd 12 1938Google ScholarPubMed, was supplemented by letters printed in the issues of 29th December, and of 8th, 11th, and 13th January 1939. As Mr. C. J. P. Cave referred (in the first of these letters) to a fifteenth-century roof-boss, at Nantwich, showing the Child lying in a cloth whose ends were held in the mouths of the two beasts, and stated that this example, an English one, was the only one of that peculiar rendering he had encountered, I think well to mention that, so far as I know, the form does not occur in English alabaster tables.

The presence of the Ox and the Ass in representations of the Nativity is believed to rest, as to the ‘two animals’, upon a Greek mistranslation of Habakkuk iii, 2, and their selection as the ‘two animals’ thus introduced upon Isaiah i, 3. In this connexion I would suggest tentatively that their introduction, at an early date in the history of Christianity, may perhaps have been brought about through a wish to express symbolically (even though by symbols derived from outworn religious conceptions) an association between the Christ Child and a time—the beginning of a new year, marked by the moon (symbolized by the Ox) and by the sun (symbolized by the Ass)—at which He was believed to have been born.

^{page 58 note 4} Cf.Kehrer, , op. cit. ii, figs. 178, 179, 180,181 (and pp. 160 seqq.), 63Google Scholar; andMâle, É., ‘Les rois mages et le drame liturgique’, in Gaz. des Beaux-Arts, 1910, pp. 262 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 58 note 5} Cf.Kehrer, , op. cit., figs. 54, 58, 60Google Scholar.

^{page 58 note 6} Ibid., figs. 186, 187, 188, 182, 183, 184.

^{page 58 note 7} In the Victoria and Albert Museum (no. 243-1867); cf.Longhurst, M. H., Catalogue of Carvings in Ivory, part ii, London (V. & A. Museum), 1929, pl. 88 and p. 5Google Scholar.

^{page 59 note 1} In the ‘Nativity’ of the reredos at La Celle the mid- wife Salome is shown touching the clothing of the Child, i n accordance with the instruction inscribed on a scroll held by an angel, in order that her stricken hand may be cured (cf. Biver, op. cit., p. 76).

^{page 59 note 2} In the Stonyhurst table (cf. Cat. cit., no. 4), at the foot of the bed, standing at the Kings' left; in the tables at Treslothan (cf. ‘Earliest Type …’, pl. v), Long Melford (ibid., pl. iv), Zuckau (cf.Kehrer, , op. cit., p. 218, fig. 258)Google Scholar, and Paderborn (see pi. xi, a), at the head of the bed. In the table at Bottenbroich (cf.Kehrer, , op. cit., p. 217, fig. 257)Google Scholar, a tiny figure at the foot of the bed, with one hand on the frame of the bed and the other (seemingly) on the bedclothing. The ‘realism’ of this curiously recurrent detail, already a feature of early representations of the Nativity (cf.Longhurst, M. H., English Ivories, London, 1926, fig. 4Google Scholar [‘Carolingian, iothnth century’], and no. XIII [‘English, 10th-uth century’] with discussion on p. 77), suggests the possibility of its having been inspired by something-conceivably associated with the paralysing of the unbelieving Salome's hand (cf.James, M. R., The Apocryphal New Testament, Oxford, 1924, p. 47Google Scholar; Ludus Coventriae, p. 143 seq.Google Scholar; The Chester Plays, i, London [E.E.T.S.], 1892, p. 125)Google Scholar and possibly with that of the unbelieving man whose hands stuck to the Virgin's deathbed (cf.James, , op. cit., p. 221)Google Scholar or bier (ibid., pp. 214 seq., 217, 223;Ludus Coventriae, p. 369)—in the liturgical dramaGoogle Scholar.

^{page 59 note 3} In the Stonyhurst table, standing at the Kings' right.

^{page 59 note 4} Although I know of no appearance of the midwives in the English ‘Magi’ plays, it would seem that they had parts in continental plays of the kind, because concerning themremarks, K. Young (cf. The Drama of the Medieval Church, Oxford, 1933, ii, 47)Google Scholar that ‘It seems clear [that their appearance] … arises from demands of stagecraft’, s He appears, but only in the British Museum's incomplete table, beside a King, at the foot of the bed.

^{page 59 note 6} At the head of the bed; but only in the Bottenbroich table.

^{page 59 note 7} Cf.Proc. Soc. Ant. 2nd Ser. xxix (1917), p. 85Google Scholar. It should be observed that the detachable traceried heading has inadvertently been set inverted.

^{page 59 note 8} A number of fourteenth-century examples are reproduced by Kehrer, , op. cit., pp. 179 seqq.: fig. 212Google Scholar, Milan, , ca. 1347Google Scholar; fig. 211,Thann, (Alsace), ca. 1355Google Scholar; fig. 210,Ulm, , ca. 1360Google Scholar; fig. 214,Hassfurt, , ca. 1370Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 1} L'Art religieux du XII^e siécle (1928 ed.), pp. 121 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 60 note 2} This view seems to be corroborated by the text ofThe Chester Plays (i, p. 181)Google Scholar, in which ‘Tertius Rex’ says, as the Kings are about to approach the Blessed Virgin, ‘A. fayre mayden, Sirres, yonder I see, an olde man sittinge at her knee.’

^{page 60 note 3} Op. cit., pp. 129 seqq.Google Scholar, ‘Der französische Schauspieltypus’.

^{page 60 note 4} Cf.Gaz. des Beaux-Arts, 1910, p. 264Google Scholar. In theTowneley Plays (p. 156)Google Scholar we find, instead, stage-directions, ‘here knele all thre kyngys downe’, and ‘here ryse thay all vp’.

^{page 60 note 5} Cf.Kehrer, , op. cit., fig. 13Google Scholar.

^{page 60 note 6} Ibid., figs. 19, 20; cf. also figs. 24, 26.

^{page 60 note 7} Ibid., fig. 33 and p. 50.

^{page 60 note 8} Ibid., fig. 50.

^{page 61 note 1} e.g. those illustrated byNelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxi (1914), pls. 1, 11Google Scholar; and byMaclagan, , in Burlington Magazine, xxxvi (1920), pl. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 61 note 2} Cf.Chester Plays, i, p. 124Google Scholar. In a French play of the ‘Coming of the Magi’ the Star ‘appears to have been drawn on a string in such a way as to be always above the heads of the Magi in their journeying’; cf.Young, , op. cit. ii, p. 74Google Scholar. In the elaborate ‘Adoration’ at Thann (cf. p. 59, n. 8 supra) the Star is on the roof of the shed-like stable.

^{page 61 note 3} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. xixGoogle Scholar.

^{page 61 note 4} In the ‘Nativity’ table of the reredos in St. Michel's Church, Bordeaux (cf. Cat. cit., fig. 14;Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 563Google Scholar; Biver, , op. cit., pl. XVIII)Google Scholar, the three angelic musicians are otherwise disposed. Concerning such musicians,Mrs. Jameson, A. B. says (Legends of the Madonna, 1907, p. 313)Google Scholar: ‘The angelic choristers in the sky, or upon the roof of the stable … in early pictures are always three in number.’

^{page 61 note 5} Cf.Cohen, Gustave, Le Livre de conduite du régisseur … pour le mystère de la Passion, Paris, 1925, p. cviiGoogle Scholar. This book is concerned with a manuscript describing the mise en scène of Passion-plays staged at Mons in 1501.

^{page 62 note 1} For other examples, in addition to the one in the reredos in St. Michel, Bordeaux, cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiv (1927), pls. V, VII, and lxxvi (1919), pls. IV, V (figs. 1 and 2), and pp. 135 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 62 note 2} As in all but the next to the last of the examples just cited.

^{page 62 note 3} As in the next to the last example just cited.

^{page 62 note 4} Cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pls. iv, vGoogle Scholar.

^{page 62 note 5} Cf. Nelson, , ‘The Virgin Triptych at Danzig’, in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi, pl. IIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 62 note 6} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi, pl. v, 1, and p. 136Google Scholar.

^{page 62 note 7} Ibid., pl. iv.

^{page 62 note 8} Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiv, pl. vGoogle Scholar.

^{page 62 note 9} Ibid., lxxxvi, pl. v and p. 136.

^{page 62 note 10} Ibid., lxxxiv, pl. VII.

^{page 63 note 1} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 107Google Scholar. On some associations, in English pictorial art, of the Trinity with the Annunciation, cf. my‘An Alabaster Table of the Annunciation with the Crucifix: a Study in English Iconography’, in Archaeologia, lxxiv (1924), pp. 207 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 2} Cf.Cohen, , op. cit., p. cviiiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 3} As in the reredos of St. Michel, Bordeaux (cf. p. 62, n. 1, supra), the Danzig reredos, and the table reproduced byNelson, in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiv (1927), pl. vGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 4} Cf. the Victoria andMuseum's, AlbertA Picture Book of English Alabaster Carvings, 1925, pl. 12Google Scholar; Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiii (1926), pl. VIIGoogle Scholar; ‘… the Annunciation with the Crucifix’, pl. XLVI.

^{page 63 note 5} It would seem not unlikely that an image of the Dove was sometimes used in Annunciation-plays; but a likeness of the Dove was so common in medieval pictorial representations of the Annunciation that, presumably, the alabasters can add nothing definite to our other evidence in the matter.

^{page 63 note 6} Cf. n. 4 just above.

^{page 63 note 7} Ludus Coventriae, pp. 97 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 63 note 8} In an ‘Incarnation’ picture at Würzburg, the Child slides down a string; in another, at Tamsweg, there is a chain between God the Father and Mary (cf. Heimann, A., ‘Trinitas Creator Mundi’, in Journ. Warburg Institute, ii [1938], p. 51)Google Scholar.

^{page 63 note 9} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 8.

^{page 64 note 1} Matt, xxviii, 16; for fuller references in the Apocryphal Gospels, cf.James, , op. cit., pp. 107, 112, 519Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 2} Acts i, 9. For other tables following this convention, see Cat. cit., no. 3 and pl. iv,Biver, , op. cit., p. 86Google Scholar; Maclagan, , in Burl. Mag. xxxvi, pl. IGoogle Scholar, andAntiq. Journ. xii, pl. LXXXVGoogle Scholar; Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pi. xGoogle Scholar; etc. On the convention in other forms of art, cf.Dewald, E. T., ‘Iconography of the Ascension’, in Amer. Journ. Archaeology, 2nd Ser., xix (1915), pp. 315 seqGoogle Scholar. Mâle's suggestion that the convention of symbolizing the Ascension by a pair of feet below a cloud derives from the religious plays has been rejected by Meyer Schapiro, who ascribes it rather to Anglo-Saxon literary sources; cf.‘The Image of the Disappearing Christ: The Ascension in English Art around the Year 1OOO’, in Gaz. des Beaux-Arts, 6th Ser., xxiii (1943), pp. 135–58Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 3} Towneley Plays, p. 361Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 4} Ludus Coventriae, p. 350Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 5} Cf. ‘The Virgin Triptych at Danzig’, pl. iii.

^{page 64 note 6} Luke, xxiv, 50, 51.

^{page 64 note 7} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. XVIIIGoogle Scholar; Brutails, J. A., Album d'objets d'art existant dans les Êglises de la Gironde, Bordeaux, 1907, pl. 25Google Scholar.

^{page 64 note 8} Reproduced from fig. 1 in my ‘Notes’, inAntiq Journ. i, pp. 225 seqqGoogle Scholar. The table is now the property of the Victoria and Albert Museum.

^{page 64 note 9} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvii, pl. 1Google Scholar.

^{page 65 note 1} Cf.Maclagan, , in Antiq. Journ. xii, pl. LXXXVGoogle Scholar.

^{page 65 note 2} The table previously J. O. Fison's; cf. Cat. cit., no. 3.

^{page 65 note 3} Cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pl. xGoogle Scholar.

^{page 65 note 4} Cf.Didron, A. N., Christian Iconography, ii, London, 1907, p. 217Google Scholar. A ground for such representations possibly was ‘the prints of Christ's feet on a slab of basalt, a pavingstone of the Via Appia, … worshipped from time immemorial in the church of Domine quo vadis’ (ibid.,loc. cit., quoting King's Gnostics).

^{page 65 note 5} In the ‘Ascension’ table, which still retains its original colouring, of the Victoria and Albert Museum's reredos (cf.A Picture Book cit., pl. 4Google Scholar; Maclagan, , inBurl. Mag. xxxvi [1920], pl. 1)Google Scholar, the ‘mountain’ is red with scattered groups of dark lines perhaps representing tufts of grass, while the ground on which stand Mary and the Apostles is green bestrewn with little conventionalized flowers.

^{page 65 note 6} Cf.Young, , op. cit.i, pp. 484 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 65 note 7} As Matthias had not yet been chosen (Acts i), the fifteenth person presumably was the one who spoke the lines assigned to Christ.

^{page 65 note 8} Cf.Young, , op. cit. i, pl. xi and p. 488 (n. 3)Google Scholar, citingStückelberg, E. A., in Schzweizerisches Archiv für Volks-kunde, xiii (1909), pp. 150 seq.Google Scholar, where are given also ‘references to other similar imagines’. In this object our Lord is represented as clothed only in a loin-cloth, with His bannered cross-staff in His right hand and with His left resting on the loin-cloth. Since in the more common type of ‘Ascension’ tables Christ wears (as shown by the little of Him visible) a long garment, it is worth observing that in the Danzig ‘Ascension’ He seems to wear only the loin-cloth, and that in the Versailles ‘Ascension, as in the one of our pl. XII, d, He appears in only loin-cloth and shroud. I believe that Ascension practices in which effigies of the Saviour are used are still continued in a number of European countries.

^{page 66 note 1} Cf.Maclagan, , in Antiq. Journ. xii (1932), pl. LXXXVIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 2} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiv (1927), pl. ixGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 3} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 58.

^{page 66 note 4} Ibid., no. 53.

^{page 66 note 5} Reproduced fromSquilbeck's, J. ‘Quelques sculptures anglaises d'albâtre conservées en Belgique’, in Antiq. Journ. xviii (1938), pl. xxv, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 66 note 6} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvii (1920), pl. xGoogle Scholar.

^{page 66 note 7} Reproduced fromSquilbeck, , op. cit., pl. xxv, 3Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 1} On wings of this form, cf.Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., p. 452Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 2} Wings for the angels are mentioned among the properties for the Coventry Drapers' Pageant in 1534; cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 67Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 3} On French practices of this kind, cf. p. 61 supra.

^{page 67 note 4} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 372Google Scholar. In this play St. Michael speaks also the concluding words (ibid., p. 373). There is a French legend, according to which St. Michael took charge of Mary's departing soul (cf.Jameson, , op. cit., p. 432)Google Scholar; and in painting he may be shown announcing t o her approaching death (ibid., p. 436).

^{page 67 note 5} In medieval English art St. Michael was very often depicted as feathered; for a few typical examples, cf.Bond, F., Dedications of English Churches, Oxford, 1914, PP. 35 (painting at South Leigh), 37 (painting at Ranworth), 39 (relief at Westminster)Google Scholar, andHildburgh, , in Antiq. Journ. x (1930), pl. vi (alabaster)Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 6} Cf. p. 51, supra. On this he has said further (cf.Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., p. 516)Google Scholar, in connexion with examples (ibid., figs. 601-3, and 526) of the third quarter of the fifteenth century: ‘It may be that the angelic host was regarded as a sort of heavenly bird, but rather we think such a dress had been devised for the mystery plays of the fifteenth century.’

^{page 67 note 7} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 59;Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 564Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 8} Angels in the tables who do not support a nimbus (e.g. angels holding chalices in ‘Crucifixion’ tables, or the angel taking the soul of the ‘Good Thief’) do not appear to be depicted as if in ‘pulpits’.

^{page 67 note 9} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 67Google Scholar.

^{page 67 note 10} The O.E.D.'s references (under ‘Pulpit’), although giving us some reason to assume that the ‘pulpits’ were of the nature of church-pulpits, yet seem to leave the matter open.

^{page 67 note 11} Cf.Nelson, , ‘Saint Catherine Panels in English Alabaster at Vienna’, in Trans. Historic Soc. Lanes, and Ches., 1922, pl. inGoogle Scholar.

^{page 68 note 1} In most ‘Assumption’ tables in which the Deity appears singly (i.e. not as the Trinity; cf. infra), there is no symbol to specify His Person; occasionally, however—as in a table bought by the National Art Collections Fund for the Victoria and Albert Museum (cf. Cat.cit., no. 54)— He holds the Orb.

^{page 68 note 2} As in the Naworth Castle table, and in the table of the Chatelaudren reredos.

^{page 68 note 3} As in the table of pi. xn, b, in the Marquess of Ripon's table, and in many other tables which have been published. The Coventry Assumption-play has a stage-direction ‘hic discendet angelus ludentibus citharis et dicet marie’.

^{page 68 note 4} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 54.

^{page 68 note 5} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxx (1913), pl. vGoogle Scholar.

^{page 68 note 6} Cf.Antiq. Journ. iv, pl. LIIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 68 note 7} Cf.Medley, D. J., ‘The Setting of the Miracle Plays’, in Trans. Glasgow Archaeol.Soc, N.s.v(1908), part ii, p. 60Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 8} Cf.Young, , op. cit. ii, p. 247Google Scholar.

^{page 68 note 9} There are many tables of the ‘Coronation’ as a separate subject, showing the Virgin being crowned either by Christ alone or by the Trinity. Some reredoses (e.g. the complete one in the Capilla de los Alas, at Avilés [cf.Antiq. Journ. xxiv (1944), pl. xiGoogle Scholar; Boletin de la Sociedad de Excursiones, 1907, pl. facing p. 10])Google Scholar contain both a table of the ‘Assumption’ and a table of the ‘Coronation’.

^{page 68 note 10} e.g. in the table of pi. xn, a, with the Holy Spirit in human form; or in that of pl. XII, c, with the Dove.

^{page 68 note 11} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 373Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 1} According to Joseph of Arimathaea;cf.James, , op. cit., p. 217Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 2} Cf.York Plays, p. 486Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 3} One each in the Madrid Archaeological Museum (cf.Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd Ser. xxix [1917], p. 77)Google Scholar, theMuseum, Nuremberg (cf. Antiq. Journ. v [1925]. pl. xi)Google Scholar, in Mondonedo Cathedral (cf. ibid. xxiv, pl. x;Meilàn, M. Amor, Geografia general del reino de Galicia: Provincia de Lugo, Barcelona, 1929, p. 448 and pl.)Google Scholar, at Kinwarton (cf.Chatwin, P. B., ‘Kinwarton Alabaster Table’, in Trans. Birmingham Archaeol. Soc. lvii [1933], pl. xxxiv)Google Scholar, and the reredos at La Celle (cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. xi)Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 4} Cf.Cowper's, B. HarrisThe Apocryphal Gospels, London, 1897, ‘Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew’, chap. viGoogle Scholar. The accepted number, fifteen, seems to rest on a passage of Josephus; cf.Jameson, , Legends of the Madonna, p. 251Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 5} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. xxiv [1944], pl. x (e)Google Scholar.

^{page 69 note 6} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, pp. 74 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 69 note 7} On the representation of edifices on the English medieval stage, cf. pp. 72, 73 infra.

^{page 70 note 1} Cf.Cowper, , loc. cit., chap. ivGoogle Scholar.

^{page 70 note 2} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 74Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 3} Ibid., pp. 80 seq.

^{page 70 note 4} Cf. my‘Some English Alabasters in Spain’, in Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd Ser. xxix, pp. 78 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 70 note 5} Cf. p. 72 infra.

^{page 70 note 6} As the wand is depicted in the form of a simple rod, it is perhaps worth observing that although the text of the Coventry Betrothal-play speaks of the flowering of the wand, there are no stage-directions as to that flowering.

^{page 70 note 7} Cf. p. 78 infra.

^{page 70 note 8} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 93Google Scholar.

^{page 70 note 9} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. v (1925), pl. xiGoogle Scholar; text on pp. 56 seqq.

^{page 70 note 10} Cf. Luke ii, pp. 36 seqq.

^{page 70 note 11} Ibid. pp. 25 seqq.

^{page 70 note 12} InThe Digby Plays (E.E.T.S., London, 1896)Google Scholar the text of ‘The Purification in the Temple (played on Candlemas Day, 1512)’ refers to ‘virgynes, as many as a man wyll’, although the list of players (on p. xxxii) names only ‘A virgyn’.

^{page 71 note 1} Cf.Rostand, A., ‘Les Albâtres anglais du XV^e siecle en Basse-Normandie’, in Bull, monumental, lxxxvii (1928), pp. 294 (with reproduction) seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note 2} ii, p. 22.

^{page 71 note 3} Antiq. Journ. v, pp. 56 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note 4} Ibid. p. 58.

^{page 71 note 5} Ludus Coventriae, p. 167Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 6} The Chester Plays, i, p. 210Google Scholar.

^{page 71 note 7} The Digby Plays, p. 19 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 71 note 8} Cf.Smith, J. Toulmin and Smith, Lucy Toulmin, English Gilds, London (E.E.T.S.), 1870, p. 149Google Scholar. The quotation above is a translation from the Latin original, written about 1390, preserved in the Public Record Office, in London. Young gives ( op. cit. ii, pp. 252 seq.)Google Scholar a transcription of the Latin original, together with a summary in English. The offering of the Child to Simeon is based on Luke ii, 28.

^{page 72 note 1} Leviticus xii.

^{page 72 note 2} CompareShorr, D. C., ‘The Iconographic Development of the Presentation in the Temple’, in Art Bulletin, xxviii (1946), pp. 17 32CrossRefGoogle Scholar; in this the Child is present in all the thirty relevant illustrations accompanying the text, and only in the last of these does a candle—one in Joseph's hand—appear.

^{page 72 note 3} Luke ii, 24.

^{page 72 note 4} Cf.Biver, , op. fit., pl. VIIIGoogle Scholar; Cat. tit., pl. VII,Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 537Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 5} Cf.Papini, R., ‘Polittici d'Alabastro’, in L'Arte, xiii (1910), p. 205Google Scholar.

^{page 72 note 6} Cf.Antiq. Journ. v, p. 58Google Scholar. Màle, says (L'Art religieux du XII^e siécle, 1928, p. 123)Google Scholar that as early as about the middle of the twelfth century we get, in French art, two women holding lighted candles behind Mary, who presents the Child to Simeon, and that presumably the incident has been taken from some liturgical play.

^{page 72 note 7} Concerning this matterJulleville, L. Petit de says (Les Mysteres, Paris, 1880, i, 396)Google Scholar that the silence of ‘les editeurs de mysteres’ ‘au sujet de la representation des autres [i.e. than Paradise, Hell, or Limbo] lieux, villes, bourgs, chateaux-forts, palais, murailles de villes, etc., nous porte a penser que cette representation devait etre assez sommaire, et se borner en général à une indication suffisamment claire, plutot qu'á une figuration compléte de l'objet’.

^{page 72 note 8} The same building appears in another table, probably representing one of the ‘Works of Mercy’ and presumably from the same hand as this ‘Purification’, in a collection at Cherbourg; cf.Rostand, , op. tit., p. 280 (with reproduction)Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 1} Cf. pp. 88 seqq. infra.

^{page 73 note 2} For a long list of such tables, cf.Nelson, , ‘Saint Catherine Panels in English Alabaster at Vienna’, in Trans. Historic Soc. Lanes, and Ches., 1922, pp. 130 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 73 note 3} Ibid., pl. in.

^{page 73 note 4} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 61.

^{page 73 note 5} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvii (1920), pp. 223 (with fig. 2) seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 73 note 6} On the decor of the mystery-plays Medley remarks (op. cit., p. 61) that ‘… when the scene shifted from Nazareth to Jerusalem, from … to … the actors who took part in the first scene only, must needs remain upon the platform … For these various scenes-castles, cottages, hills, and such like-would be represented by pieces of painted wood or cloth, just sufficient to indicate the locality intended. Herod's palace might well take the form of a structure which to the modern mind would suggest nothing more exalted than a sentry-box (the comparison is not my own).’

^{page 73 note 7} Cf.Antiq. Journ. iv (1924), pl. LII and pp. 378 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 73 note 8} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. xvii (1937), pl. XLIXGoogle Scholar.

^{page 73 note 9} Antiq. Journ. iv, p. 379Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 10} Cf.Hazlitt, W. C., Brand's Popular Antiquities, London, 1870, i, pp. 71 seqq.Google Scholar; British Calendar Customs: England, i (Movable Feasts, edited by Wright, A. R.), Folk-Lore Soc, London, 1936, pp. 56 seq.; particularly interesting for us are a reference to willow as used in Yorkshire, and a Derbyshire reference to it as ‘English Palm’Google Scholar.

^{page 73 note 11} In the‘Northern Passion’, an English poem composed early in the fourteenth century, on the basis of an earlier French original (cf.Foster's, F. A.The Northern Passion, London [E.E.T.S.], ii, 1916, p. 2)Google Scholar, which in many ways is connected with the English plays (cf. Ibid., chap, vi, ‘The Northern Passion and the Drama’), several versions speak of people bringing branches of palm for the Entry (cf. ibid., 1913, pp. 10 seq.). In some early sixteenth-century editions of Mirk's Festival it is distinctly stated (cf. edition of about 1510, fol. xxvi v, and Wynkyn de Worde's edition of 1528, fol. xxvii v) that the people strewed branches of palm, with other flowers, in the way. Erbe's edition (E.E.T.S., 1905) of a manuscript version of the first half of the fifteenth century, although not making the matter entirely clear, strongly suggests (cf. p. 115) that palm, with other branches, were strewn in the way.

^{page 74 note 1} For some brief notices of, and references to, such processions, cf.Chambers, E. K., The Medieval Stage, Oxford, 1913, ii, pp. 4 seq.Google Scholar; Withington, R., English Pageantry, Cambridge (Mass), 1918, i, pp. 15 seq.Google Scholar; Young, , op. cit. i, p. 91Google Scholar.

^{page 74 note 2} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 241Google Scholar. In the York Entryplay, children are in the front of the procession into Jerusalem.

^{page 74 note 3} A possible exception to this appears in the ‘Entombment’ table of the Duke of Rutland's group (cf. pi. xix, b infra), where St. John holds a branch which seems to combine elements of both true palm and willow, but conceivably has been intended to represent one of the other plants which served as ‘palm’ in England.

^{page 74 note 4} Luke xix, 3, 4.

^{page 74 note 5} Cf. my note on this, inAntiq. Journ. iv, pp. 378 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 74 note 6} The group consists of the following nine tables (each about 20½x11¾ f in., excepting the ‘Crucifixion’, which is about 44x18 in.; the set, as originally constituted, is obviously incomplete), all from one reredos: ‘Agony in the Garden’, ‘Betrayal’, ‘Scourging’, ‘Carrying of the Cross’, ‘Crucifixion’, ‘Entombment’, ‘Harrowing of Hell’, ‘Resurrection’, and ‘Appearance to the Magdalene’. The group is noted briefly in Antiq. Journ. x, pp. 44 seqGoogle Scholar. As it is to be published in some detail in Journ. Brit. Archaeol. Association, xi (1946)Google Scholar, I shall in this present paper concern myself with its tables only in such respects as they seem to me possibly records of medieval English stagecraft.

^{page 74 note 7} I have to acknowledge the courtesy of M. F.-L. Pineau-Chaillou, Conservateur of the Musee, in giving me permission and facilities for photographing the group.

^{page 74 note 8} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. inGoogle Scholar; Set of 100 Plates of Objects in the‘Exposition d'Art Religieux Ancien’ at Rouen in 1931, Rouen (Imprimerie Lecerf), 1932, pl. XIVGoogle Scholar.

^{page 74 note 9} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. viii (1928), pl. xivGoogle Scholar.

^{page 74 note 10} Cf. Ibid., p. 55.

^{apge 74 note 11} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, pp. 262 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 74 note 12} Matthew xxvi; Mark xiv; Luke xxii.

^{page 75 note 1} It appears also in some continental late medieval pictorial art.

^{page 75 note 2} Ludus Coventriae, pp. 263 seqGoogle Scholar. In the York Agony play the angel comes, but without the chalice and the Host, to comfort Jesus; cf.Smith, , York Plays, pp. 244 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 3} Ludus Coventriae, p. 262Google Scholar.

^{page 75 note 4} Cf. p. 95 infra.

^{page 75 note 5} Cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pl. xxGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 6} Reproduced, by courtesy of the Royal Archaeological Institute, fromNelson, , ‘Earliest Type …’, pl. VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 75 note 7} Cf. p. 56 supra.

^{page 76 note 1} John xviii, 3.

^{page 76 note 2} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 264 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 76 note 3} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxii (1925), pl. IIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 76 note 4} In a table formerly in my collection, it occupies the usual place of the (there absent) lantern.

^{page 76 note 5} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. xvii, pl. XLIXGoogle Scholar.

^{page 76 note 6} Ibid., pp. 181 seq.

^{page 76 note 7} Reproduced, by courtesy of the Royal Archaeological Institute, from my paper inArchaeol. Journ. lxxxviii (1931). Pl. IIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 76 note 8} Ibid., pp. 231 seqq.

^{page 76 note 9} This has been cited by Prior as one of the stage-tricks copied by the alabaster-carvers; cf. p. 51 supra. It is perhaps worth recalling here, in view of the many effects of the Crusades on European thought, that ‘It is a general belief of the Muslims that the wicked will rise to judgment with their faces black’; cf.Lane's, E. W. trans, of The Thousand and One Nights, London, 1859, n. 24 to chap, viii (i. p. 549)Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 1} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., pp. 66 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 77 note 2} PI. xvi, b reproduced, by courtesy of the Royal Archaeological Institute, fromNelson's, paper in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiii (1926), pl. 1Google Scholar. For some other examples, cf. Cat. cit., no. 43; andNelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxii, pls. VII and ill (in the latter the dragon-head has been broken off at the neck)Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 3} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., pp. 26, 32Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 4} Cf.York Plays, p. 250Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 5} Cf.Towneley Plays, p. 223Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 6} Cf.York Plays, xxiii, 214Google Scholar.

^{page 77 note 7} It may, incidentally, be observed that Malchus's solicitous companion, of the Nantes table, appears, although in another posture, in the Duke's table. The ‘Betrayal’ table at Naworth Castle (cf.Antiq. Journ. xii, pl. LXXXVII)Google Scholar, very similar to the Duke's table in this and in other respects, has the lantern in its usual place in the background.

^{page 77 note 8} Cf.Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit.,, p. 493, fig. 567 a and bGoogle Scholar.

^{page 77 note 9} An excellent example of it is in a table of‘St. John Preaching’ (cf. Antiq. Journ. x, pl. x and pp. 41 seq.)Google Scholar, certainly from the same workshop and probably from the same hand as the tables of the Nantes group.

^{page 77 note 10} Reproduced, by courtesy of the Royal Archaeological Institute, fromNelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi (1919), pl. VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 1} In the York play of the trial, Pilate and the soldiers in speak of Caiaphas as a ‘Busshopp’; cf.York Plays, pp. 289, 261Google Scholar. In the Coventry play (cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 230)Google Scholar instructions concerning Annas's costume, in detail, say it should be like that of a ‘busshop’ of the ‘hoold’ law, p. including his mitre. Items of the expenditure at Coventry show that the stage-costumes of Caiaphas and Annas were a those of Christian bishops; cf.Sharp, , op. tit., p. 27Google Scholar.

^{page 78 note 2} Cf. Mark xiv, 53.

^{page 78 note 3} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. xvii, pl. XLIXGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 4} Cf.Biver, , op. tit., pl. XVIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 5} Cf.Archaeol. Journ. lxxxii (1925), pl. VII and p. 32Google Scholar. There is a fragment, showing only Christ and one soldier, in the Rouen Museum.

^{page 78 note 6} Mark xiv, 65; Luke xxii, 64.

^{page 78 note 7} Towneley Plays, p. 239Google Scholar; York Plays, pp. 267 seqGoogle Scholar. The Coventry play gives instructions (cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 276)Google Scholar that He shall be set upon a stool.

^{page 78 note 8} InLudus Coventriae (p. 276)Google Scholar the instructions say that cloth shall be cast over His face.

^{page 78 note 9} In the Rouen Museum's fragment a bandage blindfolds Him.

^{page 78 note 10} Towneley Plays, p. 240Google Scholar.

^{page 78 note 11} Ibid., p. 241.

^{page 78 note 12} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, pp. 275 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 78 note 13} In the incomplete ‘Buffeting’ which Nelson published there are, just below the break, two almost isolated hands which he spoke of as plucking at the Saviour's hair. One of these clearly corresponds to the free hand of the man with the cudgelinthe tableof pl. xvu. a; but the other, presumably the left hand of a man corresponding to the man with the long club, although in a position enabling him to do such plucking, perhaps is rather pressing something on Christ's head.

^{page 79 note 1} Reproduced, by courtesy of the Royal Archaeological Institute, fromNelson's, paper in Archaeol. Journ. lxxiv (1917), pl. XIIIGoogle Scholar; on the colours of the costumes in this table, cf. Ibid., pp. 119 seq.

^{page 79 note 2} Loc. cit., n. 2.

^{page 79 note 3} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 29 (mending his crestGoogle Scholar; seven plates for his ‘Crest of iron’; colours and gold-foil and silver-foil for his crest and ‘fawchon’; silver paper, gold paper, gold-foil, and green foil, for making the crest; ‘mendyng of Arroddes Crast’).

^{page 79 note 4} Ibid., p. 28.

^{page 79 note 5} Ibid., p. 26.

^{page 80 note 1} Hone's, W. remark (cf. Ancient Mysteries, London, 1823, p. 220 n.)Google Scholar, ‘there can be no doubt that Adam and Eve appeared on the [Coventry] stage naked’, seems to have been based on a misapprehension. In any case, we have direct, though late, evidence as to the costumes worn by the players of those parts, in the accounts of the Norwich Grocers, who in 1565 had for their play of ‘The Creation of Eve’ ‘2 cotes & a payre hosen for Eve, stayned’, and ‘A cote & hosen for Adam, Steyned’ (cf.Fitch, R., ‘Norwich Pageants‘, in Norfolk Archaeology [Norfolk and Norwich Archaeological Soc], v [1859], pp. 30, 9)Google Scholar. On the question of nudity on the medieval stage, cf., further,Julleville, Petit de, op. cit. i, pp. 382 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 80 note 2} Sharp, , op. cit., p. 26Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 3} Seemingly, gloves were by no means exclusively for God'; Sharp tells us ( op. cit., p. 35)Google Scholar that ‘Most of the players had gloves’.

^{page 80 note 4} Ibid., p. 69.

^{page 80 note 5} Ibid., pp. 66 seqq.

^{page 80 note 6} Cf. p. 77 supra.

^{page 80 note 7} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi, p. 137 and pl. VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 80 note 8} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. XVIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 80 note 9} A table, lacking its lower part, in the Victoria and Albert Museum, shows Pilate washing his hands in a basin in a holder (cf.Antiq. Journ. i, pl. VIII)Google Scholar; and tables respectively in theMuseum's, Naples reredos (cf. Cat. cit., pl. 1)Google Scholar and in the Vire Museum (cf.Rostand, , op. cit., p. 308)Google Scholar show him with his hands upraised. There is a table, also, in the Toulouse Museum (cf.Bouillet, A., in Bull, monumental, lxv [1901], 62)Google Scholar.

^{page 80 note 10} Cf.Hildburgh, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxviii (1931), pl. 1Google Scholar. Didron records ( op.cit. ii, p. 316)Google Scholar that the traditionary ‘Byzantine Guide to Painting’ specifies two scourgers.

^{page 80 note 11} Cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pl. xvGoogle Scholar.

^{page 81 note 1} Ibid., pl. XIII;Cat.cit., pl. vGoogle Scholar.

^{page 81 note 2} Cf.York Plays, p. 332Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 3} Cf. Matthew xxvii, 26.

^{page 81 note 4} Cf. p. 80, n. 9, supra.

^{page 81 note 5} Cf.Towneley Plays, pp. 247 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 81 note 6} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., pl. ixGoogle Scholar. The ‘mace’ consisted of a wooden staff to which was attached a head made of leather stuffed with wool and with some smaller similar pieces, representing spikes, fastened to it. Mr. Gillie Potter has suggested to me that its construction would have permitted Pilate to use it in his buffoonery. I presume that a number of leather-covered balls for Pilate, found with the ‘mace’, were analogously associated with his waggery.

^{page 81 note 7} Cf. p. 77 supra.

^{page 81 note 8} e.g. one in the Afferden altarpiece; cf.Antiq. Journ. xvii, pl. XLVIIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 81 note 9} In ‘Adoration’ tables the Kings sometimes wear similar grelots; cf.Antiq. Journ. iii, pp. 20, seq. and pi. VIIGoogle Scholar; Biver, , op. cit., pl. 1Google Scholar; Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd Ser., xxxii (1920), p. 129Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 10} Towneley Plays, p. 245Google Scholar.

^{page 81 note 11} Reproduced by courtesy of the Johnson Collection, Philadelphia.

^{page 82 note 1} Cf. Ludus Coventriae, p. 294Google Scholar. The instructions follow, in their general terms, the Gospel accounts of the event.

^{page 82 note 2} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxii (1925), pl. III and pp. 27 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 82 note 3} There is a fine example in the altarpiece at Saint-Avitles-Guespieres (cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. vGoogle Scholar; Nelson, , ‘The Woodwork of English Alabaster Retables’, in Trans. Hist. Soc. Lanes, and Ches., 1920, pl. facing p. 55)Google Scholar. There is a table (not yet published) showing Christ similarly clad in the Victoria and Albert Museum; and a large fragment of a table of the same kind is at Blunham, Beds. (cf. Cat. cit., no. 14).

^{page 82 note 4} On this matter, cf.Mrs Jameson, A. B. (and Lady Eastlake), History of our Lord, 1865, ii, pp. 100 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 82 note 5} Matthew xxvii, 31; Mark xv, 20.

^{page 82 note 6} Cf.York Plays, p. 347Google Scholar. The Towneley play speaks (p. 258) also of four soldiers, but does not refer to the stripping on the way. The York play says that three soldiers-the number in the ‘Road to Calvary’—stripped Christ.

^{page 82 note 7} Cf. p. 74, n. 6 supra.

^{page 82 note 8} Another fine example is in the ‘Passion’ group belonging to the Duke of Rutland (cf.Antiq. Journ. xvii, pl. L)Google Scholar; another, similarly showing the loincloth, is in the Compiegne reredos (cf.Biver, , op. cit.Google Scholar; Cat. cit., pi. VIII;Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 538)Google Scholar; another, of simpler pattern, is reproduced inAntiq. Journ. i, pl. VIIIGoogle Scholar; and other examples could be cited.

^{page 82 note 9} John xix, 23.

^{page 83 note 1} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 294Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 2} Cf.York Plays, p. 336Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 3} Cf.Towneley Plays, p. 254Google Scholar.

^{page 83 note 4} Cf.Antiq. Journ. xvii, pl. XLVIII and p. 181Google Scholar; ibid., xii, pp. 304 seq.

^{page 83 note 5} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi (1919), pl. I and p. 133CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

^{page 83 note 6} Enlarged from a print, by courtesy of the Dutch State Office for the Care of Monuments, owner of the negative.

^{page 83 note 7} There are paintings which show Christ bound to the Cross before being nailed to it; cf.Jameson, , History of our Lord, ii, p. 133Google Scholar. Didron quotes(op. cit. ii, p. 317)Google Scholar the ‘Byzantine Guide to Painting’ as specifying ‘Three soldiers hold it [the body of Christ] by ropes at the arms and foot. Other soldiers bring nails and drive them with a hammer through His feet and hands.’

^{page 84 note 1} Cf.York Plays, pp. 351 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 84 note 2} Cf.Towneley Plays, pp. 261 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 84 note 3} Cf.Chester Plays (E.E.T.S.), ii, p. 304Google Scholar.

^{page 84 note 4} Loc. cit.

^{page 84 note 5} Cf.Foster, , op. cit. i, pp. 188 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 84 note 6} History of our Lord, ii, pp. 132 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 84 note 7} Concerning the date of the original,Smith, Lucy Toulmin says, in York Plays, p. xlvGoogle Scholar: ‘Although the date of composition of the York Plays is not known, it may, I believe, safely be set as far back as 1340 or 1350….’

^{page 84 note 8} Cf. p. 74, n. 6 supra.

^{page 84 note 9} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. viii, pl. VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 84 note 10} For an example of the earlier pattern, on which the pattern of this table was based, cf.Nelson's, ‘… Earliest Type’, pl. VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 84 note 11} About 44 in. high and 18 in. wide.

^{page 85 note 1} ‘I am inclined to think that this should have read ij, instead of iij, so agreeing with the ’Northern Passion’ (cf.Foster, , op. cit. i, pp. 203 seq.)Google Scholar, as well as with the alabaster ‘Crucifixion’ tables. In the accompanying conversation, in the Coventry play, only the Virgin and the Magdalen, of the Marys, take part.

^{page 85 note 2} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 298Google Scholar.

^{page 85 note 3} Cf.Chester Plays, ii, p. 300Google Scholar.

^{page 85 note 4} Cf.Jameson, , History of our Lord, ii, p. 161Google Scholar.

^{page 85 note 5} In a fragment of a French Resurrection-play, ascribed t o the end of the twelfth century, ‘Longin l'aveugle’ pierces the side of Christ (cf.Julleville, Petit de, op. cit. ii, p. 221)Google Scholar; the necessity, on the stage, for guiding the hand of a blind man is so obvious that I think we may presume such guidance even in that comparatively early period.

^{page 85 note 6} In the ‘Northern Passion’ (cf.Foster, , op. cit. i, pp. 222 seq.)Google Scholar Longinus is blind and lame, and the Jews set him before the Cross, give him a sharp spear in his hand, place the point against Christ's side, and ‘Put uppe thai sayd what so betyde’. I believe that the incident does not appear in the French original of the English poem (cf. ibid. ii, p. 7). On the appearance of Longinus in the drama, English, French, or German, seePeebles, R. J., The Legend of Longinus … and its connection with the Grail, Baltimore (Bryn Mawr College Monographs), 1911, ‘§ 18: The Drama’;Google Scholar.

^{page 85 note 7} Cf.Chester Plays, pp. 312 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 85 note 8} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 310Google Scholar.

^{page 86 note 1} York Plays, p. 368Google Scholar.

^{page 86 note 2} Cf.Cat. cit., no. 21Google Scholar.

^{page 86 note 3} The names as given in the Coventry play quoted above.

^{page 86 note 4} For an example of this, see Cat. cit., no. 21 (this table is now the property of the Victoria and Albert Museum), Another (brought to my notice, with a photograph, by Miss Cicely Baker, Curator of the Buckinghamshire Archaeological Society's Museum), in the Church of the Holy Trinity at Drayton Parslow, Bucks., is further unusual in that it shows Longinus, also, horsed. To some extent paralleling this is a table (published byNelson, in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiii [1926], pp. 43 seq. and pl. VIIIGoogle Scholar; it was sold at Sotheby's, 20th May 1932, and bought by the Nottingham Museum) showing at Christ's right a mounted soldier (possibly again Longinus, although perhaps more probably Longinus is the bearded man beside him holding in his right hand part of the shaft of the spear); a mounted civilian is to Christ's left; the Centurion stands at the foot of the Cross.

^{page 86 note 5} Cf.Towneley Plays, p. 307Google Scholar.

^{page 86 note 6} Cf.Jameson, , History of our Lord, ii, p. 210Google Scholar.

^{page 86 note 7} Compare also the one reproduced inArchaeol. Journ. lxxxii, pl. facing p. 31Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 1} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 14Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 2} Cf., for example, the stage-instructions inLudus Coventriae, p. 311Google Scholar. For much information on the early iconography in general of the subject, seeFord, J. B. and Vickers, G. S., ‘The Relation of Nuno Goncalves to the Pieta from Avignon, with a Consideration of the Iconography of the Pieta in France’, in Art Bulletin, xxi (1939), pp. 5–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and for lists of French and of Spanish representations of it, Ibid. pp. 41 seqq.

^{page 87 note 3} Cf.Antiq. Journ. iv (1924), pl. LIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 87 note 4} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 311Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 5} Digby Plays, p. 192Google Scholar; cf. similar expression on p. 196.

^{page 87 note 6} Cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pl. xvi, 2 and p. 326 seq.; or Cat. cit., no. 16Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 7} Cf.Nelson, , op. cit., pl. xvi, 1 and p. 326Google Scholar.

^{page 87 note 8} Most often (as in all the examples here reproduced) the arrangement is from left to right; occasionally, as in an example in the Victoria and Albert Museum (no. 2416-1856; cf. theMuseum's, A Picture Book of English Alabaster Carvings, pl. 14Google Scholar; Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxii [1925], pl. VIII)Google Scholar, the arrangement, including the corresponding placing of the figures, is from right to left.

^{page 87 note 9} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. xviii (1938), pl. XXIIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 88 note 1} Mâle, says (cf. L'Art religieux du XIIs siecle en France, 1928, pp. 127 seqq.)Google Scholar that it was in the course of the twelfth century that, in French scenes of the ‘Resurrection’, the sarcophagus took the place of the tomb with a door; and he ascribes that replacement rather to the liturgical drama of the ‘Resurrection’ than (as suggested byMillet, G., in Recherches sur I'iconographie de I'Evangile, 1916, pp. 517 seq.)Google Scholar to a Western artist's misunderstanding of a picture of the Grotto of the Holy Sepulchre.

^{page 88 note 2} Cf.York Plays, pp. 363 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 88 note 3} Reproduced fromAntiq. Journ. xvii, pl. LiGoogle Scholar. For a list of some further examples, cf.Folk-Lore, xliv (1933), p. 42, n. 23Google Scholar.

^{page 88 note 4} Reproduced from Nelson's ‘… Embattled Type’, pi. xvn. The table, formerly in Dr. Nelson's collection, is now in the Victoria and Albert Museum.

^{page 88 note 5} Luke vii, 38; John xii, 3.

^{page 88 note 6} John xii, 7.

^{page 88 note 7} Cf.James, , op. cit., pp. 123 seqq., 94seq.Google Scholar; The Middle-English Harrowing of Hell and Gospel of Nicodemus, London (E.E.T.S.), 1907Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 1} Jonah ii, 2.

^{page 89 note 2} Job xli, 14-21.

^{page 89 note 3} An example, of about 1160, is on the west front of Lincoln Cathedral; cf.Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 77Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 4} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 57Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 5} Ibid., p. 61.

^{page 89 note 6} Cf.Julleville, Petit de, op. cit. ii, p. 37Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 7} Reproduced byMâle, ,‘Renouvellementdel'art’.p. 393Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 8} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. vGoogle Scholar; Nelson, , ‘The Woodwork of English Alabaster Retables’, pl. facing p. 55Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 9} Cf.Towneley Plays, p. 297Google Scholar.

^{page 89 note 10} Prior dates this about 1375; cf.Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., p. 474Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 1} Cf.Chester Plays, ii, p. 325Google Scholar. The detail originates in the ‘Gospel of Nicodemus’; cf.James, , op. cit., p. 139Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 2} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 60Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 3} Cf.Towneley Plays, p. 375Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 4} Cf.York Plays, p. 374Google Scholar.

^{page 90 note 5} It is interesting, in this connexion, to observe that the elaborate setting of the Rouen play of 1474, with its ‘Enfer faict en maniere d'une grande gueuelle’, included ‘Le Limbe des Peres fait en maniere de chartre [=“prison, jail”]’; cf.Julleville, Petit de, op. cit. ii, p. 38Google Scholar. In a seemingly even more elaborate Resurrection, of 1491, Limbo was ‘au c6te du parloir qui est sur le portail d'enfer, et plus haut que ledit parloir, en une habitation qui doit etre en la facon d'une grosse tour carree …’, and was ‘distinct du purgatoire’; ibid. i, p. 394.

^{page 90 note 6} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 73Google Scholar. In the ‘purgatoire’ of the o French play of 1491 there ‘doit apparoir semblance d'aucuns tourments de feu artificiellement faits par eau de vie’ (cf.Julleville, Petit de, loc. cit.)Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 1} Chester Plays, ii, p. 333Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 2} So, in the Chester play there are three, and in the York play, four.

^{page 91 note 3} For an excellent reproduction of this, see theMuseum's, A Picture Book ofEnglish Alabaster Carvings, pl. 2Google Scholar; a and less distinct reproduction appears in Cat. cit., no. 2, inNelson's, ‘Earliest Type …’, pl. inGoogle Scholar, and inPrior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 543Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 4} Cf.Cat. cit., pl. IIIGoogle Scholar; Nelson, , loc. cit.Google Scholar;Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 545Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 5} For three soldiers, cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pls. V, VIIIGoogle Scholar; for four, cf. Ibid., pl. VII. Many further examples of both varieties could be cited.

^{page 91 note 6} e.g. one in the Lille Museum; cf.Antiq. Journ. x (1930) P. 44Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 7} Printed inAntiq. Journ. iii, pp. 24 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 91 note 8} Reproduced from id., pl. VII.

^{page 91 note 9} Cf.Chester Plays, ii, p. 337Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 10} Ibid., p. 341.

^{page 91 note 11} InFolk-Lore, xliv (1933); cf. pp. 37–41Google Scholar.

^{page 91 note 12} Vol. i of hisIkonographie der christlichen Kunst Berlin and Leipzig, 1932Google Scholar. This, unfortunately, appeare too late for discussion in my paper above cited.

^{page 92 note 1} Cf. my‘Note on Medieval English Representations of “The Resurrection of our Lord’, in Folk-Lore, xlviii, p. 97Google Scholar.

^{page 92 note 2} Cf.Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 1904, p. 296Google Scholar.

^{page 92 note 3} Cf.Chester Plays, ii, p. 339Google Scholar.

^{page 92 note 4} Cf.Antiq.Journ. xvii, pl. LiGoogle Scholar.

^{page 92 note 5} Cf.Chester Plays, ii, p. 339Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 1} Cf.Nelson, , ‘The Virgin Triptych at Danzig’, pl. 111Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 2} Matthew xxviii, 2, 5; Mark xvi, 5; Luke xxiv, 4; John xx, 12.

^{page 93 note 3} Cf.Chester Plays, ii, p. 337Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 4} Ibid., pp. 338, 344. In the Towneley play, also, there are two angels; cf.Towneley Plays, pp. 317 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 93 note 5} Cf. p. 74, n. 8, supra.

^{page 93 note 6} Unpublished.

^{page 93 note 7} Cf.York Plays, p. 406nGoogle Scholar. (the instruction is a marginal note in a later hand); cf. also Ibid., pp. 408 seq.

^{page 93 note 8} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 329Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 9} Cf. Ibid., pp. 329, 332;Chester Plays, p. 346Google Scholar; York Plays, p. 409Google Scholar.

^{page 93 note 10} Cf.Antiq. Journ. viii, pp. 56 seqqGoogle Scholar. and pl. xv, 3.

^{page 94 note 1} Cf.Jameson, , Legends of the Madonna, pp. 421 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 94 note 2} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 320Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 3} Cf. p. 74, n. 8, supra. A detached half-width table of the scene is reproduced inAntiq. Journ. viii, pl. xv, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 4} In the Chester play concerned with the ‘Appearance’ an instruction says ‘Then cometh lesus with a robe about hym, and a crosse staffe in his hande, and …’; cf.Chester Plays, p. 347nGoogle Scholar.

^{page 94 note 5} Reproduced fromAntiq, Journ. xvii, pl. LI, 2Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 6} Reproduced from id. viii, pl. xv, 1.

^{page 94 note 7} Cf.Segange, L. Du Broc de, Les Saints patrons des corporations …, Paris, 1887, ii, p. 61Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 8} Cf.York Plays, p. 422Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 9} Cf.Digby Plays, p. 219Google Scholar.

^{page 94 note 10} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., pp. 47, 53Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 1} Cf.Chester Plays, p. 347Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 2} The green carpet with little conventional flowers, in the half-width table cited on p. 94, n. 3 supra, is a convention symbolizing any piece of ground.

^{page 95 note 3} Concerning the representing of trees in the tables, see also p. 75 supra.

^{page 95 note 4} And also in the small representation (which lacks trees), accompanying the ‘Resurrection’ and the ‘Appearance to His Mother’, in the three-scene table above cited. It does not appear in either of the two half-width tables.

^{page 95 note 5} Cf.Sharp, , op. cit., p. 47Google Scholar.

^{page 95 note 6} Ibid., p. 46.

^{page 96 note 1} ‘from Jerusalem about threescore furlongs’, and therefore far from the Garden of the Sepulchre. CompareTowneley Plays, p. 330Google Scholar, where Cleophas says: ‘… Apon a crosse, noght hens a myle…’.

^{page 96 note 2} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 337Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 3} Cf.York Plays, p. 431Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 4} Cf.Chester Plays, ii, pp. 355 seqGoogle Scholar. CompareTowneley Plays, p. 334Google Scholar: ‘Lucas. Now ar we here at this towne.’

^{page 96 note 5} Antiq. Journ. viii, p. 55Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 6} Reproduced inArchaeol. Journ. lxxxviii (1931), pl. facing p. 231Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 7} Cf. pp. 71, 72, n. 8 supra.

^{page 96 note 8} Cf.Bouillet, , loc. cit.Google Scholar.

^{page 96 note 9} Vol. lxxvii, pi. ix facing p. 219; text on p. 219. The reproduction suggests that some changes have been made in this table.

^{page 97 note 1} Cf.Nelson, , ‘A Doom Reredos’, in Trans. Hist. Soc. Lanes, and Ches., 1918, pp. 67–71Google Scholar, where are assembled references to tables from an altar-piece of this subject.

^{page note 2} Cf.Chester Plays, pp. 397 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 97 note 3} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 374Google Scholar.

^{page 97 note 4} Cf.Chester Plays, p. 428Google Scholar.

^{page 97 note 5} Cf.York Plays, p. 500Google Scholar.

^{page 97 note 6} Cf.Antiq. Journ. x, pl. vi, 3 and p. 35Google Scholar. They are similarly shown in a painting on a shutter of the alabaster reredos at La Celle; cf.Biver, , op. cit., pi. XII and p. 78Google Scholar.

^{page 97 note 7} Cf.Hildburgh, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxviii (1931), pl. VII and p. 238Google Scholar.

^{page 97 note 8} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. VIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 97 note 9} Cf.Chester Plays, pp. 428 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 97 note 10} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 373Google Scholar.

^{page 97 note 11} Ibid., p. 375.

^{page 97 note 12} For a discussion of this subject, which appears in English wall-paintings and in English glass, as well as in alabaster, cf. my‘Iconographical Peculiarities in English Medieval Alabaster Carvings’, pp. 48 seqq.Google Scholar, and article inAntiq. Journ. x, pp. 34 seqqGoogle Scholar. (both including reproductions of several tables), and my‘An English Alabaster Carving of St. Michael weighing a Soul’, in Burlington Mag., 05 1947Google Scholar. A further, painted, example is reproduced byReader, F. W., in Archaeol. Journ. xcv (1938), pl. VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 97 note 13} Cf. p. 67 supra.

^{page 97 note 14} There might well have been place for a representation of that kind, not alone in a ‘Judgement’ play, but also in a play of the miracles of our Lady; the ‘Golden Legend’ tells us of how, by laying her hand on the balance, she saved a soul in judgement; cf.Dent's, edition of Caxton's Englishing of The Golden Legend, London, 1900, iv, p. 252Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 1} Reproduced, by courtesy of the Royal Archaeological Institute, fromArchaeol. Journ. lxxxviii, pl. facing p. 236Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 2} Reproduced from id. lxxxii, pi. facing p. 35.

^{page 98 note 3} Cf. Ibid. The portion above the battlementing, and some small details, are missing, and the surface has been injured.

^{page 98 note 4} Cf.Ludus Coventriae, p. 373Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 5} Ibid., p. 375.

^{page 98 note 6} Cf.Chester Plays, p. 432Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 7} Cf.Prior, and Gardner, , op. cit., fig. 78Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 8} Cf.Chester Plays, p. 447Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 9} All the above are listed, together with references to publications in which they appear, byMaclagan, , in Burl. Mag. xxxvi (1920), pp. 56, 61Google Scholar.

^{page 98 note 10} Cf.Antiq. Journ. vi (1926), pp. 304 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 98 note 11} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxii (1925), pl. XIIGoogle Scholar; id. lxxxiii, pls. 1, 11.

^{page 99 note 1} Cf. Nelson's list in ‘Saint Catherine Panels in English Alabaster at Vienna’.

^{page 99 note 2} Cf.Archaeol. Journ. lxxxviii (1931), pp. 239 seq. with pi. VIIIGoogle Scholar; Borenius, , in Archaeologia, Ixxix, p. 43 noteGoogle Scholar.

^{page 99 note 3} Cf.Nelson, , ‘An English Fifteenth Century Alabaster Reredos of St. Edmund’;, in Trans. Hist. Soc. Lanes, and Ches., 1924Google Scholar.

^{page 99 note 4} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol.Journ. lxxiv (1917), pp. 112 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 99 note 5} Cf.Antiq. Journ. x, pl. VIIIGoogle Scholar; Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiii (1926), pl. VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 99 note 6} Cf. Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiv, pl. viGoogle Scholar; and in ibid, lxxiv, pl. ill.

^{page 99 note 7} Cf. ibid, lxxxiv, pl. in; Cat. cit., no. 71 (16).

^{page 99 note 8} Cf.Proc. Soc. Ant., 2nd Ser. xxix, p. 90Google Scholar; a fragment of another scene from her history is in the Boston (Mass.) Museum of Fine Arts.

^{page 99 note 9} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 66.

^{page 99 note 10} Cf. Ibid., nos. 18, 23, 52;Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiv, pl. ivGoogle Scholar.

^{page 99 note 11} Cf. Cat. cit., no. 7.

^{page 99 note 12} A table, unpublished, of the overthrowing of the demon-infested Oak ‘of Thunder’, in the Victoria and Albert Museum.

^{page 99 note 13} Cf.Chambers, , op. cit. ii, p. 448Google Scholar.

^{page 99 note 14} Ibid. ii, pp. 338, 383, 386.

^{page 99 note 15} Ibid. ii, p. 366.

^{page 99 note 16} Ibid. ii, pp. 378, 133.

^{page 99 note 17} Ibid. ii, p. 378.

^{page 99 note 18} Cf.Julleville, Petit de, op. cit. ii, p. 630Google Scholar.

^{page 99 note 19} Ibid. ii, p. 629.

^{page 99 note 20} Ibid. ii, pp. 326, 524.

^{page 99 note 21} Ibid. ii, pp.. 535, 539.

^{page 99 note 22} Ibid. ii, pp. 546, 548.

^{page 99 note 23} Cf.Antiq. Journ. x, pl. xGoogle Scholar; Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxii, pl. XIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 99 note 24} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pl. inGoogle Scholar; Cat. cit., fig. 17.

^{page 100 note 1} Reproduced, by courtesy of the Royal Archaeological Institute, fromHildburgh, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxxviii, pl. ixGoogle Scholar.

^{page 100 note 2} In a table of the Danzig reredos (cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pl. xix)Google Scholar; and in one in the British Museum (ibid., pl. xxin), by the forelock, instead of by the long hair at the back. It should be observed that ‘Decollation’ tables of other Saints (e.g. Catherine or Paul) do not exhibit this feature, and the head—if already severed-lies upon the ground.

^{page 100 note 3} The jailer of the British Museum's table is similarly equipped, as are, also, the jailers in two tables of the ‘Decollation of St. Catherine’, one in the chapel at Lydiate (cf.Nelson, , ‘Ancient Alabasters at Lydiate’, in Trans, Hist. Soc. Lanes, and Ches., 1915, fig. 6)Google Scholar, and Cat. cit., no. 63; the other shown in the Alabaster Exhibition (ibid., no. 43). The detail appears also in glass concerned with St. Helen ( Nelson, , op. cit., p. 24, n.)Google Scholar.

^{page 100 note 4} Cf.Nelson, , in Archaeol. Journ. lxxvi (1919), pl. 1 and pp. 133 seq.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, also with reference to the scene in English glass. The wound in the head is a regular feature of the fairly common ‘St. John's Head’ tables.

^{page 100 note 5} Id. lxxxiii (1926), p. 35.

^{page 100 note 6} Ibid., pl. 1.

^{page 100 note 7} Cf.Nelson, , ‘… Embattled Type’, pl. xxi and pp. 330 seq.Google Scholar; Hildburgh, , in Folk-Lore, xliv (1933), pl. vn and pp. 127 seqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 100 note 8} Loc. cit.

^{page 100 note 9} Cf.Folk-Lore, xliv, pp. 123 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 100 note 10} Ibid., p. 126. The same suggestion had already been advanced byBiver, (op. cit., p. 73)Google Scholar, concerning both this table and its companion ‘Arming of St. George by the Virgin Mary’, reproduced by him in his pl. ix.

^{page 100 note 11} Cf.Antiq. Journ. x, pl. VIII (Cloisters Museum, New York)Google Scholar; Archaeol. Journ. lxxxiii, pl. VII (Llanteglos-by-Fowey)Google Scholar.

^{page 101 note 1} As in the table belonging to the Societyof Antiquaries, reproduced in Cat. cit., no. 52; in another table (cf.Arch.aeol.Joum. lxxxiv, pp. 117 seq. with pl. iv)Google Scholar, Diocletian has his foot on the torture-table instead of on the victim.

^{page 101 note 2} Cf.Nelson, , ‘St. Catherine Panels … at Vienna’, pls. 1, ivGoogle Scholar.

^{page 101 note 3} Cf.Biver, , op. cit., pi. xGoogle Scholar.

^{page 101 note 4} Cf.Folk-Lore, xliv, pp. 129 seqGoogle Scholar.