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A Thirteenth-Century Hall at Montfort Castle in Western Galilee

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 April 2011

Extract

An isolated building in the Wadi al-Qarn below the castle of Montfort has attracted the attention of travellers for over two centuries. Various explanations have been suggested for it. A detailed survey, however, carried out in September 1982, now allows its character to be understood more fully than hitherto. It is suggested that the earliest part of the structure was a mill-house, associated witha masonry dam built across the valley. This phase may be dated to the twelfth or thirteenth century before 1228, when it is possible to identify it with a mill dependent on the village of Trefile, which belonged at that date to the Teutonic Order. The second phase represents a domestic hall, built over the top of the mill-house, which then went out of use. The hall's architecture and masonry marks allow it to be associated with a later phase of the castle itself, datable to some period between 1229 and 1266. It is suggested that it was a guest house, dependent on the castle of the Teutonic Knights, and intended for the use of important secular or ecclesiastical visitors and their households.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Society of Antiquaries of London 1986

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References

Notes

1 For example, Enlart, C., Les Monuments des Croisés dans le Royaume de Jérusalem. Architecture religeuse el civile, 2 vols. + 2 albums, Bibl. arch, ethist, vii (Paris, 1925)Google Scholar:despite its title, only 5 outof 470 pages of text are devoted to ‘architecture civile’ (vol. i, 148-52). The five pages dealing with ‘housing’ in another, more recent, survey are based partly on documentary sources and partly on imagination; only one concrete example is cited, and that of very dubious authenticity: cf. Holmes, U. T., ‘Life among the Europeans in Palestine and Syria in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries’, in The Art and Architecture of the Crusader States, ed. Hazard, H. W., History of the Crusades, ed. Setton, K. M., iv(Madison-London, 1977), 913Google Scholar.

2 See Prawer, J., Histoire du Royaume latin de Jérusalem, 2 vols. (Paris, 1970), ii, 501 n. 20; id.,Google ScholarThe Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (London, 1972). 293Google Scholar.

3 The designation Castrum Regis first appears in a marginal note to a charter of 1160, by which King Baldwin III granted the custody and dragomanage of his castle at Micilya (castrum Mhalie) to a certain John of Haifa (Tab. Ord. Theut.,2 - 3, no. 2; Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, ed. Rohricht, R. (Innsbruck, 1893)Google Scholar, 89, no. 341). In 1182, Baldwin IV granted the seigneury of the ‘King's Castle’ to his uncle, Joscelin III of Courtenay, titular Count of Edessa (Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869; repr. Toronto, 1975), 13-14, no. mGoogle Scholar; Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, ed. Rohricht, R. (Innsbruck, 1893), 162-3, no. 614)Google Scholar. The words used in this charter to denote the castle and its appurtenances, however, castrum nouum,quod in montanis Achonensibus situm est, seem to anticipate later descriptions of Montfort itselfand thus have often been taken to imply that the castle already existed by that date and had replacedMicilya as the centre of Joscelin's seigneury (e.g. Beyer, G., ‘Die Kreuzfahrergebiete cAkko und Galilaea’, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins., lxvii (1944-5), 183260 (p. 193)Google Scholar; Benvenisti, M., The Crusaders in the Holy Land (Jerusalem, 1970), 333Google Scholar. It seems just as possible, however, that the ‘new castle’ represented a rebuilding of Castrum Regis (Micilya) itself, which would then have attained the form suggested by the surviving remains of a rectangular enceinte with rectangular towers at the four corners (cf.Benvenisti, , op. cit., 196–8, photos pp. 281-2Google Scholar; Bagatti, B., Antichi villaggi cristiani di Galilea, Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Coll. min. xiii (Jerusalem, 1971), 210–16, figs. 169-73)Google Scholar. Similarly, the Castellum Nouum Regis which Conrad of Montferrat promised to the Pisans defending Tyre in May 1188 Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, ed. Rohricht, R. (Innsbruck, 1893), 180, no. 674)Google Scholar also seems more likely to have been Micilya, which John of Ibelin lists as the chef-lieu of Count Joscelin's seigneury and as the location of a court of burgesses (ed. A. A. Beugnot, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Les Assises de Jérusalem, 2 vols. (Paris, 1841-1843), i, 420, 421)Google Scholar.

4 The site is now identified with the Crusader remains at Khirbat al-Manhata, lying just above the principal quarry (manhata) from which stone for building Montfort was taken. I am grateful to Dr Rafael Frankel for allowing me to mention his new identification here, and leave it to him to set out the details in his forthcoming monograph on the Archaeological Survey of Western Galilee.

5 Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869Google Scholar; repr. Toronto, 1975), 51-53, no. 63.

6 ‘Mobilir, quod datum est in excambium mihi [i.e. James of Magdalée] et heredibus meis pro Trefile et castro nouo, quod dicitur Montfort, quod eciam eadem domus firmauit, ita ut illud castrum debeat domui perpetuo remanere, et pro orto et molendino, que suntin pertinenciis de Trefile’ (Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869; repr. Toronto, 1975), 52, no. 63Google Scholar). The same is stated in almost identical terms in a confirmation of the sale issued by Frederick II in April 1229: ‘Mebelie, que data fuit in excambio dicto Iacobo a prefato magistro [Hermano] et domo sua pro Trefile et castro nouo, quod dicitur Montfort, quod castrum domus ipsa firmauit in territorio Trefile, et proiardino et molendino de pertinenciis Trefile’ (Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869; repr. Toronto, 1975),54, no.65)Google Scholar.

7 Novarra, Philip of, Les Gestes des Chiprois, ed. Raynaud, G., Soc. de l'Orient latin, Sér. hist, v (Geneva, 1887), 34 [1226];Google ScholarChronique d'Emoul et de Bernard le Trésorier, ed. Latrie, M. L. de Mas (Paris, 1871), 459 [1227-28]Google Scholar; Table chronologique de Hethoum, Comte de Gor'igos, ed. Dulaurier, E., Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Documents arméniens, 2 vols. (Paris, 1869-1906), i, 485 [24 Jan. 1226-23 Jan. 1227]Google Scholar.

8 Prawer, , Histoire (note 2), ii, 180–3Google Scholar.

9 Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869; repr. Toronto, 1975), 53, no. 64Google Scholar.

10 ‘Montfort, castrum nouum nostrum, quod in montanis hoc anno firmare cepimus’: ed. Welland, L., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Legum Seclio, iv: Constilutiones etActa publica Imperatorum et Regum, ii (Hannoueriae, 1896), 162, no. 121Google Scholar. Cf. the letter from Frederick II to the Pope of 18 March: ‘… ac castrum domus sanctae Marie Teutonicorum quod in montana Accon edificare ceperunt’: ed. Welland, , loc. cit., 165, no. 122Google Scholar.

11 Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869; repr. Toronto, 1975), 56-57, no. 72 (10 July 1230)Google Scholar.

12 cf. Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869; repr. Toronto, 1975), 77, no. 99 (1244), 78, no. 100 (1249), 362, no. 486(1245)Google Scholar.

13 al-Furāt, Ibn, wa'l-Mulūk, Tārīkh al-Duwal, transl. by U, . and Lyons, M. C., Ayyubids, Mamlukes and Crusaders, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1971), ii, 87, 151Google Scholar; , al-Maqrīzī, Histoire des Sultans mamlouks de I';Égypte, transl. by Quatremere, M., 2 vols. in 4 parts (Paris 18371845), i.2, 27Google Scholar.

14 Ibn al-Furāt, op. cit. (note 13), ii, 130. The date is established by J. S.C. Riley-Smith(same edn.,ii, 232).

15 Cart. des Hosp., iii, 231, no. 3400; Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani Additamentum (Innsbruck, 1904)Google ScholarTabulae Ordinis Theutonici, ed. Strehlke, E. (Berlin, 1869; repr. Toronto, 1975), 92, no. 1374c. Presumably this was an emergency measure to provide corn for thegarrison and fodder for their mounts, rather than compensate them financially for the loss of most oftheir estates in the region: cf. Riley-Smith, op. cit. (note 14), ii, 241Google Scholar.

16 Ibn al-Furāt, op. cit. (note 13), ii, 151-2 (12 June); al-Maqrlzi, op. cit. (note 13), i.2, 87; Templar of Tyre, in Gestes des Chiprois (note 7), 199 (12 June); Erodes, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, 5 vols. (Paris, 1844-1895), ii, 460; ‘Annales de Terre Sainte’,Google Scholared.Röhricht, R. and Raynaud, G., Archives del';Orient latin, ii (1884), 455 (15 June)Google Scholar; cf. Riley-Smith, op. cit. (note 14), ii, 241; Prawer, Histoire (note 2), ii, 501-2.

17 Ibn al-Furāt, op. cit. (note 13), ii, 152; al-Maqrīzī, op. cit., (note 13), i.2, 87; cf. Eracles, Recueil des Historiens des Croisades, Historiens occidentaux, 5 vols. (Paris, 1844-1895), ii, 460Google Scholar.

18 Dean, B., A Crusaders' Fortress in Palestine: a Reportof Excavations Made by the Museum, 1926Google Scholar, part ii of the Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, 1927); repr. as The Crusaders ‘Fortress of Montfort, with introduction by M. Benvenisti (Jerusalem, 1982); cf. ‘A Crusaders' fortress inPalestine’, PEFQS (1928), 91-7.

19 A partial survey of the castle was made by the Israel Dept. of Antiquities in1955 and a resulting plan published in Hubatsch, W., Montfort und die Bildung des Deutschenordensstaates im Heiligen Lande, Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, i, Phil.-hist. Klasse, v (Göttingen, 1966),fig. 1Google Scholar. The survey is now being completed by Dr Rafael Frankel on behalf of the Archaeological Surveyof Israel. In addition to the references already cited, the following descriptions of the castle may also be noted: Rey, E. G., Étude sur les monuments de l';architecture militaire des Croisés en Syrie (Paris, 1871), 143–51, pl. xvGoogle Scholar; Guérin, V., Galilée, 2 vols., Description géogr., hist, et arch, dela Palestine, iii (Paris, 1880), ii, 52–8;Google ScholarConder, C. R. and Kitchener, H. H., The Survey of Western Palestine, Memoirs, 3 vols. (London, 18811883), i, 152,154,186–90Google Scholar, plan; Mastermann, E. W. G., ‘Avisit to the ruined castles of the Teutonic Knights‘, PEFQS (1919), 73–5;Google ScholarRange, P., ‘Montfort‘, Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, lviii (1935), 84–9;Google ScholarMakhouly, N. and Johns, C. N., Guide to Acre (2nd edn., Jerusalem, 1946), 100–2;Google ScholarLangé, S., Architettura delle Crociate in Palestina (Como, 1965), 31-2, 42, 60, 108, 112-16, 185, figs. 43, 56-61Google Scholar; Benvenisti, op. cit. (note 3) 331–7; Prawer, Latin Kingdom (note 2), 308-12; Benvenisti, M., ‘Montfort‘,in Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, 4 vols., ed. Avi-Yonah, M. and Stern, E. (Oxford, 19751978), iii, 886–8Google Scholar.

20 Dean, op. cit. (note 18), 6, 17 ; Prawer, , Histoire (note 2), ii, 181Google Scholar; Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note3), 333; id.,Google Scholarop. cit. (note 19), 888.

21 Johns, C. N., ‘The Citadel, Jerusalem‘, Quarterly Dept. Antiquities Palestine, xiv (1950), 121–90Google Scholar(pp. 187-8, pis. XLVII.2 and LX.3); id., Guide to the Citadel of Jerusalem (Jerusalem, 1944).

22 Kalayan, H., ‘The Sea Castle of Sidon‘, Bull. Musée de Beyrouth, xxvi (1973), 81–9, pls. I-XGoogle Scholar.

23 cf. Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), 32, 42, figs. 27 and 55Google Scholar

24 See note 19.

25 A conclusion supported by the coin finds: apart from two Roman coins of the third century A.D., the only medieval coins mentioned by the excavator are ‘several deniers of Henry I, as King of Cyprus (1218-1253)’ and another identified as ‘apparently a Levantinecounterfeit of a denier of Blois’, but more plausibly one of the many European types imported into the Holy Land from the time of the Third Crusade onwards: Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), 42–3; cf.Google ScholarMetcalf, D. M., Coinage of the Crusades and the Latin East in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Royal Numismatic Society, Special Pubn. xv (London, 1983), 4955, pis. 16-18Google Scholar.

26 Archive of the Dept. of Antiquities of Palestine, Palestine Archaeological (Rockefeller) Museum, Jerusalem, 15 May 1942 (inspected by kind permission of the Israel Dept. of Antiquities and Museums).

27 Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), fig. 31Google Scholar.

28 cf. Pringle, D., ‘Some approaches to the study of Crusader masonry marks in Palestine‘, Levant, xiii (1981), 173–99Google Scholar.

29 Mariti, G., Viaggi per l'lsola di Cipro e per la Sòria e Palestina falti dall’anno 1760 al 1768, 9 vols. (Florence, 1769), ii, 161–2;Google ScholarVelde, C. M. W. van de, Reise durch Syria und Palädstina in den jahren 1851 und 1852 (Golta, 1861), 195–8Google Scholar cf. Rey, , op. cit. (note 19), 146Google Scholar; Hubatsch, , op. cit. (note 19), 196Google Scholar.

30 Mission en Phenicie, 1 vol. + atlas (Paris, 1864), 1,760Google Scholar.

31 The Land and the Book, 2 vols. (New York, 1859), i 457–9Google Scholar.

32 op. cit. (note 19), ii, 57.

33 Conder, and Kitchener, , op. cit. (note 19), i,187Google Scholar.

34 op. cit. (note 19), 75.

35 Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), 26–7Google Scholar.

36 op. cit. (note 19), 196. The headquarters of the Order were, of course, in Acre.

37 op. cit. (note 3), 334; cf. op. cit. (note 19), 888; and his introduction to the reprinted edition of Dean, op. cit. (note 18).

38 These mills are known today simply as at-Tawahin as-Sukkar (the Sugar Mills). Palestine Grid ref. 191.142. See Augustinović, A., Gerico e Dintorni: Guida (Jerusalem, 1951)Google Scholar; Benvenisti, op. cit. (note 3), 254-6; Abel, F.-M., ‘Exploration de la vallée du Jourdain’, Revue biblique, n.s. vii (1910), 532–54 (pp. 552-4)Google Scholar; Conder, and Kitchener, , op. cit. (note 19), iii, 221Google Scholar. Other mills are recorded south of the Dead Sea at Ghur as-Safi, the Crusader Segor or Palmaria Albright, W. F., ‘The archaeological results of an expedition to Moab and theDead Sea', Bull. American Schools of Oriental Research, xiv (1924), 2-12 (pp. 4-5, pl.)Google Scholar. An operational mill in the Wadi al-Qilt is illustrated in Fast, T., ‘el-Kelt, Wadi’, Mittheilungen und Nachrichten des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins (1897), 21–8 (p. 25)Google Scholar.

39 Maier, F. G. and , M.-L. von Wartburg, ‘Excavations at Kouklia (Palaepaphos), twelfth preliminary report, seasons 1981 and 1982’, Report of the Dept. of Antiquities, Cyprus (1983), 300–14 (p. 301)Google Scholar; , M.-L. von Wartburg, ‘The medieval cane sugar industry in Cyprus: results of recent excavation’, Antiq. J. lxiii (1983), 298314, pls. XUII-xux(pp. 301-3, figs. 4-5)Google Scholar.

40 These mills are noted in the Geographical List of the Record Files, 1918-1948, Israel Dept. of Antiquities (Jerusalem, 1976), but have yet to receive serious study; in some cases it is already too late.

41 Palestine Grid ref. 142.168. Identified as the molendina desubter Mirabellum:cf. Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, ed. Rohricht, R. (Innsbruck, 1893) 85, no. 330 (1158/9);Google ScholarBenvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 252Google Scholar; G. Beyer, ‘Die Kreuzfahrergebiete Südwest-palästinas’,Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paldstina-Vereins, lxviii (1946-51), 148-281 (pp. 189-91, 254); Geographical List (note 40), 91.

42 Palestine Grid ref. 134.168. Identified as the molendina trium pontium: cf. Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani, ed. Rohricht, R. (Innsbruck, 1893) 37, no. 147 (1133)Google Scholar; Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 252Google Scholar; Conder, and Kitchener, , op. cit. (note 19), ii, 251Google Scholar; Palestine Gazette, clxxxvii, Suppl. 2 (13 April 1941); Geographical List (note 40), 79; C. N. Johns, Report andsketch (19 March 1941), in Palestine Archaeological Museum (see note 26); Beyer, , op. cit. (note 41), 180-2,184-6,189-90, 192Google Scholar.

43 Palestine Grid ref. 1616.2530. Cf. Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 249–52;Google ScholarRothschild, J. J., ‘Kur-daneh’, PEQ (1949), 5866, pls. vi-vii (pp. 63-64, pi. VII.2)Google Scholar; Beyer, , op. cit. (note 3), 208Google Scholar; Barag, D.,‘A new source concerning the ultimate borders of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem’, Israel Exploration J. xxix (1979), 197217 (P- 205, no. 27)Google Scholar; Geographical List (note 40), 21.

44 Palestine Grid ref. 1606.2501. Barag, Cf., op. cit. (note 43), 205, no. 28Google Scholar; Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note3), 248–52,288;Google ScholarBeyer, , op. cit. (note 3), 207–8;Google ScholarGarstang, J., ‘Geography of the Plain of Acre (S)’, Bull. British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, ii (1922), 1012, pls. I-IIGoogle Scholar; Geographical List (note 40), 21; Rothschild, , op. cit. (note 43), 5866Google Scholar.

45 This may, however, have been the result of later repair or rebuilding, as themill remained in use into the 1920s: cf. Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 251Google Scholar.

46 The classification of medieval mills is discussed by Bryer, A., ‘The estates of the Empire of Tre-bizond’, ArchaionPontou, xxxv (1978), 370477 (pp. 404-11, figs. 19-25)Google Scholar.

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48 On a visit to this site in 1982,I was unable to inspect the wheel-chambers atall closely as the building was in the process of being converted into a field study centre: see, however, Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), pl. p. 248Google Scholar.

49 Maier, and Wartburg, von, op. cit. (note 39), 301, 305, fig. 5Google Scholar; Wartburg, von, op. cit. (note 39), 303–8, figs. 6-IO, pls. XLIVb, XLVI-XLVIiaGoogle Scholar.

50 By the twelfth century, the vertical mill-wheel had replaced the less efficient horizontal wheel over most of north-west Europe (see Bryer, , op. cit. (note46), 406–8); and in Tuscany, the overshot or’French’ mill was introduced by 1312 and the breast. or undershot (orbital) type by 1282 (see J. Muendel, ‘The ‘French’ Mill in medieval Tuscany’,Google ScholarMed, J.. Hist, x (1984), 215–47 (p. 227))Google Scholar. G. Mariti, travelling down the Wadi al-Qarn in 1761, distinguished two different types of mill, the first apparently ‘horizontal’and the second possibly ‘vertical’: ‘The waters which come from the higher parts of Mount Sharon into this valley and which power the mills are received into large reservoirs of good construction, made in the manner of rounded towers, which when they are full send the water along certain channels on to the wheels of several mills at the foot of them; and the same water then passes into other similar reservoirs, some distance away, which in the same manner power other mills. Going down this valley towards the East, one finds various other buildings which seem to have been other mills, built in a different form, but now left in abandonment’(op. cit. (note 29), ii, 160). I have been unable to consult Avitsur, S., ‘Watermills in Eretz Israel and their contribution to water power technology’, Trans. Second International Symposium on Molinology (Lyngby, 1971), 387408 (cited by Muendel, op. cit.)Google Scholar.

51 See note 6.

52 Medieval sugar-production is attested by a mill and by quantities of fragments of sugar-pots littering the site. I am grateful to Dr Rafael Frankel for showing me the results of his recent researches on the site. See also Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 229–30, photosGoogle Scholar.

53 Enlart, , op. cit. (note 1), ii, 339–49;Google ScholarHamilton, R. W., Guide to Samaria-Sebaste (Amman, 1961)Google Scholar.

54 A convenient survey of rib types is given by Enlart, , op. cit. (note 1), i, 139–40Google Scholar. Note, however, that the so-called ‘Mosque of Abraham’(Jami cal-Khidr, or Jami c al-Banat Yacqub) in Nablus is not a Frankish building, but a mosque built under Sultan Qalawun in the late thirteenth century: cf. Répertoire chronologique d'épigraphie arabe, Combe, ed. E., Sauvaget, J. and Wiet, G., xiii (Inst. Fran-çais d'Archéologie Orientale: Cairo, 1944), 69, no. 4899Google Scholar.

55 Makhouly, and Johns, , op. cit. (note 19), 7980, pl. vi.3Google Scholar; Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note 19), 105–9;Google ScholarGoldman, Z., ‘The Hospice of the Knights of St John in Akko’, Archaeology, xix (1966), 182–6Google Scholar. The latter's attempt to associate the fleur-de-lys on one of the consoles with the visit to the Holy Land of Louis VII of France (1148) need not b e taken seriously, since the motif was common in Muslim as well as in Frankish art and architecture and would not necessarily have had any heraldic significance. A fleur-de-lys was also found painted on on e of the ribs at Montfort Castle: cf. Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), fig. 31Google Scholar.

56 Johns, C. N., Guide to cAtlit (Jerusalem, 1947)Google Scholar; id., ‘cAtlit’, in Encyclopedia (not e 19), i, 130-40; Benvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 175–85Google Scholar.

57 Deschamps, P., Les Chateaux des Croisés en Terre-Sainte, ii: La Défense du Royaume de Jérusalem, Bibl. arch, et hist, xxiv (Paris, 1939), 206, pls. xxii-XXii, plan 5fGoogle Scholar. Compare, too, the profile of a thirteenth-centur y moulding from Acre: Enlart, , op. cit. (note 1), i, 33, fig. 177bisGoogle Scholar.

58 Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), figs. 29, 3037Google Scholar. The fragments of ribs and bosses from Chambers D-J can only have come from the first floor; the ground floor was covered by simple groin-vaults, with transverse arches between the piers but no diagonal ribs.

59 Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), fig. 59JGoogle Scholar. The correlation is 63-64 per cent whe n measured by th e system that I have described elsewhere: op. cit. (note 28).

60 op. cit. (note 19), 147.

61 cf. Mariti, , op. cit. (note 29), ii, 163Google Scholar; Dean, , op. cit. (note 18), 27–8;Google ScholarBenvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 335Google Scholar.

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63 Compare a contemporary description of the Templar castle at Safad: Huygens, R. B. C. (ed.), De Constructione CastriSaphet: Construction etfonctions d'un château fort franc en Terre Sainte (Amsterdam,1980,41–2Google Scholar.

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65 Little is known architecturally of the many documented hospitals of the LatinEast:cf. Richard, J., ‘Hospitals and hospital congregations in the Latin Kingdom during the first period of the Frankish conquest’, in Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem Presented to Joshua Prawer, ed. Kedar, B. Z., Mayer, H. E. and Smail, R. C. (Jerusalem, 1982), 89100Google Scholar. Of the Hospital of St John in Jerusalem only the foundations are known: see Schick, C., ‘The Muristan, or the site of the Hospital of St John at Jerusalem’, PEFQS (1902), 4256;Google ScholarBenvenisti, , op. cit. (note 3), 5862Google Scholar. The twelfth-century church and other buildings of the Teutonic Knights in Jerusalem have recently been excavated, but interpretation of the various parts of the complex remains uncertain: see Ovadiah, A., ‘A restored Crusader church in the Jewish Quarter’, Christian News from Israel, xxv (1975), 150–3;Google Scholarid., ‘A restored complex of the 12th century in Jerusalem’, Actes du XVe Congrès international d'Etude byzantines, Athenes 1976, ii: Art et Archéologie, Communications (Athens, 1981), 585-96. On hospital in Acre, see following note. The surviving fifteenth-century hospital of the Order of St John on Rhodes, however, corresponds quite closely with western types in its overall planning, suggesting that earlier infirmary halls built by the various Latin hospitaller orders in the Holy Land may not have been dissimilar: see Belabre, Baron de, Rhodes of the Knights (Oxford, 1908), 122–9;Google ScholarBertarelli, L. V., Possedimenti e Colonie, hole Egee, Tripolitánia, Cirenáica, Eritréa, Somália, Guida d'ltalia del Touring Club Italiano (Milan, 1929), 81–6Google Scholar.

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69 op. cit. (note 19), 147.

70 Faulkner, , op. cit. (note 67), 152–3, figs. 4-5Google Scholar.

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72 Faulkner, op. cit. (note 67), 162.

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