This article has traveled almost as much as its subject, Magda Portal, and I thank colleagues in many different places for their helpful comments. I thank Cristóbal Aljovín, Sandra McGee Deutsch, Patricia Harms, Andrea Orzoff, Lise Sedrez, and Natalia Sobrevilla, and the two anonymous readers of The Americas for their careful comments on drafts of the article. I also thank my colleagues who commented on different versions of a conference paper presented at the Rocky Mountain Council for Latin American Studies (2007), at the Congreso de Americanistas (Mexico, 2009), and at the IV Jornada de Historia de las Izquierdas, CEDINCI (Buenos Aires, 2009). I thank my colleagues at the University of Texas, El Paso, for their comments during my presentation at their seminar series in spring of 2012. I thank Kathleen Weaver for helping me to obtain the photographs used in the article, and Jill Ginsburg for her skillful copyediting. I thank Colleen Boyd, Jane Bloom and Ramon Mujica for their support. 1 reserve my deepest gratitude for my family, for their patience, encouragement, and support.

1. Her point of embarkation may be quite significant, as the Yucatán was the locus of early feminist activity in post-revolutionary Mexico. See Smith, Stephanie J., Gender and the Mexican Revolution: Yucatán Women and the Realities of Patriarchy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. John Cabot (Chargé d’Affaires) to the Secretary of State, Santo Domingo, July 15, 1929, U.S. National Archives, College Park, Maryland (hereafter NA), 810.43/APRA 39, Some of her lectures were for paying audiences; the proceeds may have gone to the APRA party.

3. Weaver, Kathleen, Peruvian Rebel: The World of Magda Portal (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2009), p. 146.Google Scholar According to Vicky Unruh, she “embrace[d] … the performing woman as an integral part of her persona.” Unruh, , Performing Women and Modern Literary Culture in Latin America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2006), p. 170.Google Scholar

4. José Abad Ramos, [title unreadable] in La Correspondencia de Puerto Rico, Magda Portal Papers, University of Texas, Austin [hereafter MP Papers] Box 13, undated clipping in album in box, This and other translations are my own.

5. Cabot to the Secreary of State, July 15, 1929, NA, 810.43/APRA 39.

6. Portal, Magda, America Latina frente al imperialismo y Defensa de la Revolución Mexicana (Lima: Editorial Cahuide, 1931), p. 56.Google Scholar

7. See Alexander, Robert, “The Latin American Aprista Parties,” The Political Qtiarterly 20:3 (July 1949), pp. 236–247;Google Scholar and Drake, Paul, Socialism and Populism in Chile (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978).Google Scholar

8. In using gender as an interpretive framework, I follow the suggestion of Asunción Lavrín that “there is an inherent problem in any interpretation … that stresses sex as the only variable worth considering in women’s history. The peculiar social problems of their sex did not seem to prevent many women of various ethnic groups and economic levels from engaging in activities that demanded personal assertiveness and strength of character.” Lavrín, Asunción, ed., introduction, Latin American Women: Historical Perspectives (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1978), p. 17.Google Scholar

9. Writing about a much later period, and referring to more formalized events such as the Latin American and Caribbean Feminist Encuentros, Elizabeth Maier and Nathalie Lebon assert that “transnational processes … have also markedly expanded the spaces for feminist and women’s movement activism and influence over the past two decades.” Maier, and Lebon, , eds., introduction, Women’s Activism in Latin America and the Caribbean (New Brunswick and Tijuana: Rutgers University Press and El Colegio de la Frontera Norte A.C., 2010), p. xiv.Google Scholar

10. Official histories are of a hagiographie nature and focus mostly on Haya de la Torre. The most complete of these studies, with much valuable information, is the three–volume work by Rivera, Ruy Soto, Victor Ratíl: el hombre del siglo XX (Lima: Instituto Victor Raúl Haya de la Torre, 2002).Google Scholar Portal has begun to receive some attention recently from younger sectors of APRA who write on the Internet.

11. Cecilia Bustamante has been crucial in bringing broader recognition to Magda Portal in North American academic circles. See Bustamante, , Magda Portal y sus poderes (Austin: Extramares Editions, 2003).Google Scholar See also Grunfeld, Mihai Gheorghe, “Voces femeninas de la vanguardia: el compromiso de Magda Portal,” Revista de Crítica Literaria Latinoamericana 25:51 (2000), pp. 67–82;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Wallace-Fuentes, Myrna Ivonne, Becoming Magda Portal: Poetry, Gender, and Revolutionary Politics in Lima, Peru, 1920–1930 (Ph.D. diss.: Duke University, 2006).Google Scholar Daniel Reedy recently published her complete poems. Reedy, , ed., Magda Portal: Obra poética completa (Lima: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2010).Google Scholar

12. Reedy, Daniel, Magda Portal: la pasionaria peruana (Lima: Ediciones Flora Tristán, 2000).Google Scholar

13. On the potential of the international arena to further women’s agendas, see Miller, Francesca, Latin American Women and the Search for Social Justice (Hanover and London: University Press of New England, 1991), p. 82.Google Scholar

14. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 77.Google Scholar

15. Ibid., p. 78.

16. In relation to APRA, Ricardo Melgar Bao offers an excellent account of the importance of these transnational networks in the functioning of APRA, using the concept of exile networks. Bao, Melgar, Redes e imaginario del exilio en Mexico y America Latina: 1934–1940 (Argentina: Librosenred, 2003).Google Scholar The most recent study of these networks, from the perspective of historical sociology, is Iglesias, Daniel, Reseaux transnationaux et dynamiques contestataires en exile: sociologie historique des pratiques politiques des dirigeants des partis populaires apristes (1920–1962), (Ph.D. diss.: Université de Paris-Diderot-Paris 7, 2011).Google Scholar Alejandra Pita Gonzalez studies the connection between publications and the formation of these networks. González, Pita, La Unión Latino Americana y el Boletín Renovación: redes intelectuales y revistas culturales en la década de 1920 (Mexico and Colima: El Colegio de México and Universidad de Colima, 2009).Google Scholar

17. Carr, Barry, “Radicals, Revolutionaries and Exiles: Mexico City in the 1920s,” Berkeley Review of Latin American Studies (Fall 2010), p. 29.Google Scholar

18. For an account of the importance of transnational organizations in the suffrage movement, see Towns, Ann, “The Inter-American Commission of Women and Women’s Suffrage, 1920–1945,” Journal of Latin American Studies 42:4 (November 2010), pp. 779–807.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19. SeeJensen, Kimberly and Kuhlman, Erika, Women and Transnational Activisyn in Historical Perspective (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Republic of Letters, 2010).Google Scholar

20. These networks thus help to expand earlier scholarly conceptions of politics based on national “imagined communities,” as described by Benedict Anderson, and public spheres, as described by Habermas. Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London, Verso, 2006);Google Scholar Habermas, Jurgen, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1991).Google Scholar

21. Pakkasvirta, Jussi, ¿Un continente, una nación ? Intelectuales latinoamericanos, comunidad política y las revistas culturales en Costa Rica y Perú (1919–1930), (San José: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 2005).Google Scholar

22. The tradition can be traced back to seminal figures of the nineteenth century such as Simón Bolívar, Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, and Eugenio María de Hostos.

23. For an analysis of the relationship between APRA and middle–class identity, see García-Bryce, Iñigo, “A Middle & Class Revolution: The APRA Party and Middle-Class Identity in Peru, 1931–1956,” in The Making of the Middle Class: Toward a Transnational History, Ricardo Lopez, A. and Weinstein, Barbara, eds. (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2012), pp. 235–252.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24. González, Pita, La Unión Latino Americana y el Boletín Renovación, p. 19.Google Scholar

25. For Mexican propaganda efforts, see Yankelevich, Pablo, Miradas australes. Propaganda, cabildeo y proyección de la Revolución Mexicana en el Rio de la Plata, 1910–1930 (Mexico: Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución Mexicana, 1997).Google Scholar On the Comintern, see Caballero, Manuel, Latin America and the Comintern 1919–1943 (Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 1986).Google Scholar

26. Tracing some of Haya de la Torre’s ideas back to the Argentinean University Reform Movement, Carlos Altamirano writes: “El APRA (Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana) … es solo el ejemplo más logrado, pero no el único, de esas vanguardias políticas que estimuló a lo largo de América Latina el movimiento de la Reforma Universitaria.” Altamirano, , general introduction, Historia de los intelectuales en América Latina, v. 1., La ciudad letrada, de la conquista al modernismo, Myers, Jorge, ed. (Buenos Aires: Katz Editores, 2008), p. 10.Google Scholar

27. Pita González, La Unión Latino Americana y el Boletín Renovación.

28. Kersffeld, Daniel, “La Liga Antiimperialista de las Américas: una construcción política entre el marxismo y el latinoamericanismo,” Políticas de la Memoria 6/7, (Summer 2006/7), p. 145.Google Scholar

29. The panel on APRA organized by Ricardo Melgar Bao and Steven Hirsch at the Congreso de Americanistas, Mexico (2009), offered an international perspective. See also Bergel, Martin, “Manuel Seoane y Luis Heysen: el entrelugar de los exiliados Apristas peruanos en la Argentina de los veinte,” Politicas de la Memoria 6/7 (Summer 2006/7), pp. 124–142.Google Scholar

30. A number of scholars have explored the history of APRA in Peru. The classic book on the origins of APRA is Klaren, Peter, Modernization, Dislocation, and Aprismo: Origins of the Peruvian Aprista Party, 1870–1932 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973).Google Scholar A more recent monograph on APRA is Manrique, Nelson, Usted fue aprista: bases para una historia crítica del APRA (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2009).Google Scholar See also Drinot, Paulo, “Creole Anti-Communism: Labor, the Peruvian Communist Party, and APRA, 1930–1934,” Hispanic American Historical Review 92:4 (November 2012), pp. 703–736;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Nugent, David, Modernity at the Edge of Empire: State, Individual, and Nation in the Northern Peruvian Andes, 1885–1935 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997);Google Scholar Taylor, Lewis, “The Origins of APRA in Cajamarca, 1928–1935,” Bulletin of Latin American Research 19:4 (October 2000);Google Scholar Heilman, Jaymie Patricia, “We Will No Longer Be Servile: Aprismo in Ayacucho,” Journal of Latin American Studies 38:3 (August, 2006), pp. 491–518;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Heilman, Jaymie Patricia, “To Fight Soviet Agents in the Fatherland: Anti-Communism in Ayacucho’s APRA, 1945–1948,” A Contracorriente 9:3 (Spring 2012), pp. 94–120.Google Scholar On the anarchist roots of APRA, see Hirsch, Steven, The Anarcho-Syndicalist Roots of a Multi-Class Alliance: Organized Labor and the Peruvian Aprista Party, 1900–1933 (Ph.D. diss.: George Washington University, 1997).Google Scholar

31. As he defined Aprismo as distinct from communism, Haya de la Torre engaged in polemics with two of Latin America’s most prominent communist thinkers, José Carlos Mariátegui and Julio Antonio Mella.

32. Portal, Magda, América Latina frente al imperialismo, p. 49.Google Scholar

33. Caballero, , Latin America and the Comintern, p. 9.Google Scholar

34. Rivera, Soto, Victor Raúl, p. 86.Google Scholar Regarding the origins of APRA, there is a very early reference to APRA in Haya de la Torre’s letter to José Carlos Maríátegui dated November 2, 1926, one month prior to the appearance of the Labour Monthly inicie. See de la Torre, Victor Raúl Haya, “Nuestro frente intelectual,” Obras Completas, vol. 1 (Lima: Editorial Mejía Baca, 1984), p. 115.Google Scholar

35. Pakkasvirta links Repertorio Americano to the formation of a continent-wide consciousness. Pakkasvirta, Un continente, p. 146.

36. Rómulo Betancourt to Luis Alberto Sánchez, March 11, 1932. The Papers of Betancourt, Rómulo, Valverde, Virginia Betancourt, ed. (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources Inc., 2003), Reel 1.Google Scholar

37. Bao, Melgar, Redes del exilio, p. 34.Google Scholar

38. Kathleen Weaver speculates that the couple’s brief stay in Bolivia in 1925–1926 may have been motivated not by politics but by a need to escape the scandal created when Magda left Federico for his younger brother. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 28.Google Scholar

39. Unruh, , Performing Women, p. 180.Google Scholar

40. Mariátegui, José Carlos, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Lima: Empresa Editora Amauta, 1959), p. 281.Google Scholar

41. Ibid. We certainly see some idealization of women in this judgment, as there were a number of men also acting as forces of renewal in the world of poetry.

42. Mariátegui, , Siete ensayos, p. 282.Google Scholar

43. Denegri, Francesca, Damas escritoras: las ilustradas del diecinueve (Lima: Recreo, 2007).Google Scholar The tradition continued into the twentieth century with a number of women journalists who wrote directly about political issues. These included Angela Ramos, Angélica Palma, María Wiesse, and Doris Gibson. Balta, Aida, Presencia de la mujer en el periodismo escrito peruano (Lima: Universidad San Martin de Porres, 1998).Google Scholar

44. Miller, Francesca, Latín American Women and the Search for Social Justice (Hanover, Ν.H., and London: University Press of New England, 1991), p. 82.Google Scholar

45. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 42.Google Scholar

46. As Barry Carr has pointed out, the focus in historiography has been mainly on the influx of North American and European intellectuals and much less so on the movement of Latin American intellectuals between countries. Carr, Barry, “Radicals, Revolutionaries, and Exiles,” pp. 26–30.Google Scholar See Delpar, Helen, The Enormous Vogue of Things Mexican (Tuscaloosa and London: The University of Alabama Press, 1992).Google Scholar

47. Carr, , “Radicals, Revolutionaries, and Exiles,” p. 29.Google Scholar

48. Magda Portal first met Haya de la Torre in 1923 when he was a student and labor organizer in Lima. She and her husband Serafín Delmar helped to organize his lectures in Mexico in 1928 on his return from years of exile in Europe. Weaver comments that Magda’s title as secretary general was “perhaps a euphemism for typist,” thus indicating the very incipient and uncertain nature of these early cells, constituted as they were by only a handful of Peruvian exiles. Weaver refers here to the second founding of the Mexico APRA cell, after an earlier attempt foundered. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 51.Google Scholar

49. For a discussion of various interpretations of this moment, see Wallace Fuentes, Myrna Ivonne, “Becoming Magda Portal: Poetry, Gender, and Revolutionary Politics in Lima, Peru 1920–1930” (Ph.D. diss.: Duke University, 2006), pp. 336–343.Google Scholar

50. In 1930, Portal returned to Peru via Chile where she and other intellectuals had intended to meet José Carlos Mariátegui prior to his untimely death that year. In Chile she was incarcerated, then released and allowed to travel to Peru.

51. Autobiography Manuscript 10, unumbered box, MP Papers.

52. Ibid.

53. Reedy, , Magda Portal: la pasionaria peruana, p. 162.Google Scholar

54. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 100.Google Scholar

55. Rómulo Betancourt to Serafín Delmar and Magda Portal, August 23, 1931, Rómulo Betancourt Papers, Reel 1.

56. Magda Portal, “El momento peruano,” APRA 1, October 12, 1930; Portal, “La lucha social en el Peru desde el punto de vista del Aprismo,” APRA, 2nda época 1, March 10, 1931, pp. 14–15.

57. Magda Portal, “Nacía nuestro propio conocimiento,” APRA 3, October 26, 1930.

58. The early twentieth-century push for greater political rights for women sets the stage for historical inquiry regarding the extent and the ways in which Latin American women defined their status as citizens. In a classic article, Sandra McGee Deutsch analyzes the extent of social change in various Latin American countries, paying particular attention to the degree to which new political movements defined new roles for women. Deutsch, , “Gender and Sociopolitical Change in Twentieth-Century Latin America,” Hispanic American Historical Review 71:2 (May 1991), pp. 259–306.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a study of how women began to redefine citizenship after the Mexican Revolution, see Olcott, Jocelyn, Revolutionary Women in Postrevolutionary Mexico (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2005).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

59. Magda Portal, “El voto femenino deber ser calificado” APRA, 2nda época 15, December 31,1931, p. 7.

60. Unruh, , Performing Women, p. 193.Google Scholar

61. Portal, Magda, Hacia la mujer nueva. El Aprismo y la mujer (Lima: Editorial Cooperativa Aprista Atahualpa, 1933), p. 11.Google Scholar

62. The list of anieles is from Reedy, , Magda Portal: la pasionaria peruana, p. 166.Google Scholar

63. Boxer, Marilyn and Quataert, Jean, eds., introduction, Socialist Women: European Socialist Feminism in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (New York: Elsevier North-Holland Inc., 1978), p. 13.Google Scholar

64. Engel, Barbara Alpern, “From Separatism to Socialism: Women in the Russian Revolutionary Movement of the 1870s,” in Socialist Women,Boxer, Marilyn J. and Quataert, Jean H., eds., p. 66.Google Scholar

65. Slaughter, Jane and Kern, Robert, European Women on the Left: Socialistn, Feminism, and the Problems Faced by Political Women, 1880 to the Present (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1981), p. 6.Google Scholar

66. Magda Portal to Anna Melissa Graves, October 10, 1935, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 1.

67. Ibid.

68. The number of Apristas killed has never been known, but soon grew within Aprista mythology to 7,000. See García-Bryce, Iñigo, “A Revolution Remembered, A Revolution Forgotten: The 1932 Aprista Insurrection in Trujillo, Peru,” A Contracorriente 7:3 (Spring 2010), pp. 277–322.Google Scholar

69. A number of scholars have analyzed the quasi-religious nature of Aprista identity. See for example Klaiber, Jeffrey, Religion and Revolution in Peru (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1977);Google Scholar and Vega-Centeno, Imelda, Aprismo popular: cultura, religión y política (Lima: CISEPA-PUC, TAREA, 1991).Google Scholar

70. Portal, Magda and Onrubia, Salvadora Medina, Magda Portal: su vida y su obra, special issue, Claridad 294 (Buenos Aires: Editorial Claridad, 1935), p. 3.Google Scholar

71. Reedy, , Magda Portal: la pasionaria peruana, p. 202.Google Scholar

72. Anna Melissa Graves to Magda Portal, April 18, 1936, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 2.

73. Ibid.

74. Carlos Alberto Izaguirre to Magda Portal, April 4, 1936, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 2.

75. Magda Portal to Anna Melissa Graves, May 29, 1936, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 2.

76. Magda Portal to Luis Alberto Sánchez, April 21, 1936, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 2.

77. Magda Portal to Anna Melissa Graves, May 29, 1936.

78. 78. Magda Portal to Luis Alberto Sánchez, April 21, 1936.

79. On June 3, 1939, La Voz del Interior in Argentina offered to pay her 28 pesos for articles on literature. [Name unreadable] to Magda Portal, June 6, 1939, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 3.

80. Reedy, , Magda Portal: la pasionaria peruana, p. 207.Google Scholar

81. Blanca Luz Brum to Magda Portal, August 3, 1939, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 3.

82. The Chilean scenario and its importance for Aprismo is a topic that remains to be studied.

83. Magda Portal to Luis Alberto Sánchez, April 21, 1936.

84. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 135.Google Scholar

85. The links between APRA and the Chilean socialist party have yet to be fully explored. The topic is an important one. See Drake, Paul, Socialism and Populism in Chile 1932–1952 (Champaign-Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978).Google Scholar

86. Portal, Magda, Flora Tristán: precursora (Santiago de Chile: Imprenta Nueva, 1944).Google Scholar

87. See Reedy, , Magda Portal: la pasionaria peruana, p. 213.Google Scholar

88. Magda Portal to Luis Alberto Sánchez, April 21, 1936.

89. Luis Alberto Sánchez to Magda Portal, February 28, 1939, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 3.

90. Telegram from Manuel Seoane, Magda Portal, and Luis Alberto Sánchez to Benavides, January 8, 1945, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 7.

91. Magda Portal to Haya de la Torre, June 20, 1941, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 5. In his memoirs, party leader Armando Villanueva relates that the Congreso de Partidos Democráticos y Populares de Indoamérica was one of two such meetings organized by Manuel Seoane, at the time an exiled Aprista leader in Chile. Villanueva, Armando and Thorndike, Guillermo, La gran persecución (1932–1956), (Lima: Empresa Periodística Nacional, 2004), p. 272.Google Scholar

92. Haya de la Torre to Magda Portal, July 7, 1941, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 5.

93. Gabriel del Mazo to Magda Portal, May 26, 1940, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 4.

94. Magda Portal to Haya de la Torre, June 20, 1941, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 5.

95. Rómulo Betancourt to Magda Portal, December 19, 1943, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 5.

96. Charles Thomson to Magda Portal, August 22, 1941, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 5.

97. [Name unreadable], Jefe de Ventas, Editorial Ercilla, to Magda Portal, August 17, 1945, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 7.

98. Rómulo Betancourt to Magda Portal, December 9, 1945, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 7.

99. Rómulo Betancourt to Magda Portal, August 7, 1945, MP Papers, Box 1, Folder 7.

100. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 142.Google Scholar

101. Magda Portal, “Afirmación de la democracia,” APRA 14, March 8, 1947; Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 147.Google Scholar As Weaver points out, this was a time of retreat for feminist movements worldwide.

102. Portal, Magda, ¿Quienes traicionaron al pueblo? (Lima, 1950), p. 27.Google Scholar

103. Portal, Magda, “El pueblo y su raiz: el piropo callejero,” La Tribuna, February 24, 1946, p. 12.Google Scholar Piropo has no real English equivalent; it is a flattering comment of a man to a woman on the street.

104. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, p. 154.Google Scholar

105. Portal, ¿Quienes traicionaron? p. 29.

106. Ibid., p. 27.

107. Ibid., p. 20.

108. In this break with the party, Portal is also emblematic of a trend in APRA history: the bitter departures with subsequent publications denouncing APRA for abandoning its original radicalism. See Chanduvi, Luis, El APRA por dentro: lo que hice, lo que vi, lo que sé, 1931–1957 (Lima: Copias e Impr., 1988);Google Scholar Enriquez, Eduardo, Haya de la Torre: la estafa más grande de America (Lima: Pacifico, 1951);Google Scholar Villanueva, Victor, La sublevación Aprista del 48: tragedia de un pueblo y tin partido (Lima: Milla Bartres, 1973).Google Scholar This trend is obviously not unique to APRA. Fissures and vocal splits are part of the history of all revolutionary movements.

109. Weaver, , Peruvian Rebel, pp. 163–164.Google Scholar

110. Ibid., p. 172.

111. Ibid., p. 176–178.

112. Now available in English. Portal, Magda, Flora Tristan: A Forerunner Woman (Bloomington, Ind.: Trafford Publishing, 2012).Google Scholar

113. A recent announcement states that part of her personal papers are to become available at the Biblioteca Nacional, Lima, Peru.