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1 - Clara and Robert Schumann’s Circles in Dresden

‘I take the liberty to request from you an invitation … to your musical matinée’1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 November 2021

Joe Davies
Affiliation:
Lady Margaret Hall, University of Oxford

Summary

Clara and Robert Schumann moved to Dresden in 1844, and resided there until 1850. Little is known about their social life in Dresden, although Schumann scholars have refuted both the notion of Dresden as a culturally underdeveloped town and the perception that Clara and Robert lacked artistic innovation during their residency there. Indeed, they initiated and participated in a number of spontaneous private visits, meals, soirées, organized musical circles, matinees and trios in their own or friends’ homes; walks and outings in the countryside; sociable visits to restaurants and coffee houses; and public events. All these served the shared purpose, albeit in different forms, of communication about and through music. By illuminating facets of the Schumanns’ private and semi-public life in Dresden from the perspective of interpersonal communication, this chapter offers insights into how Clara and Robert Schumann communicated with their contemporaries through physical meetings, letters, visual components (such as drawings and lines of poetry) in album leaves, and musical material, together with a discussion of how these communications influenced their artistic outlook. In doing so, the chapter sheds light on the blurred boundaries between private, semi-private and public domains, especially as these levels of communication were merged in the Schumanns’ lives.

Type
Chapter
Information
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Print publication year: 2021

Clara Schumann’s life is frequently told through the lens of dichotomies. Not only is her artistic profile measured against that of her husband, but other polarities surface time and again: private versus public, professionalism versus amateurism, composer versus pianist, and, for Schumann’s Dresden years, Dresden versus Leipzig. Many of these dichotomies are rooted in artificial boundaries that are imposed on nineteenth-century cultural practice in order to construct a neat and palpable music history.Footnote 2 From a biographical perspective, it seems impossible to separate Clara Schumann from Robert, given that their marriage had a significant impact on their creative and emotional worlds.Footnote 3 It is also true that of all the Schumanns’ residencies, Leipzig may have been the most prominent, as has been acknowledged in both their individual and joint biographies. Yet Dresden, too, though in a different way, offered a range of cultural and artistic opportunities, some of which have been discussed in the context of Robert Schumann’s professional career. Among the literature that has rectified the impression of Dresden as a musically underdeveloped city are studies by Klaus Lenk,Footnote 4 Armin GebhardtFootnote 5 and Michael Heinemann,Footnote 6 the latter two of which have provided details not only of Dresden’s rich history in court, church and choral music, but also of its city band (Stadtkapelle), coffee houses, beer gardens, guest houses and private homes that were sites for music. Thomas Synofzik and Hans-Günter Ottenberg’s volume on Schumann in Dresden has offered further perspectives on both Clara’s and Robert’s experiences of the city. Relevant here is Wolfgang Seibold’s chapter, which explores interpersonal relationships between Robert Schumann and three of his Dresden dedicatees: Wilhelmine Schröder-Devrient, Lida Bendemann and the Saxonian king Friedrich August II.Footnote 7 Clara Schumann, too, was a part of this circle, as demonstrated by Beatrix Borchard’s chapter in the same volume, which scrutinizes the Schumanns’ relationship through a letter from Clara Schumann to Pauline Viardot-Garcia. Reflecting on Clara’s musical, social and private obligations, Borchard concludes that her Dresden years were characterized by an unstable self-perception. The differences in Robert’s and Clara’s aesthetic views on creative and interpretative artistry added to this struggle.Footnote 8

Branching out from these studies, this chapter – which is located at the intersection of biography and reception history – explores Clara and Robert Schumann’s private and semi-private circles in Dresden. During their Dresden residency from 1844 to 1850, taking up the opportunity to mingle with contemporaries from such cities as Berlin, Hamburg, Leipzig, Prague and Vienna, the Schumanns initiated and participated in a number of social gatherings. Prominent among these were spontaneous private visits, meals, soirées, organized musical circles, matinees and trios in their own or friends’ homes; walks and outings in the countryside; sociable visits to restaurants and coffee houses; and public events.Footnote 9 In what follows I propose that all these served the shared purpose, albeit in different forms, of communication about and through music.Footnote 10 By illuminating facets of the Schumanns’ private and semi-public life in Dresden from the perspective of interpersonal communication, this chapter is focused less on the reconstruction of networks and places – a task that has already been tackled by Lenk, Gebhardt and, more recently, Michael Musgrave.Footnote 11 Rather, I offer some ideas as to how Clara and Robert Schumann communicated with their contemporaries through physical meetings, letters, visual components (such as drawings and lines of poetry) in album leaves, and musical material, together with a discussion of how these communications influenced their artistic outlook. In doing so, I probe the boundaries between private, semi-private and public domains, especially as these levels of communication were merged in the Schumanns’ lives.

While most of the studies cited above are based on the Schumanns’ published diaries and letters, the impression of their busy and culturally rich Dresden life is confirmed in the ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’.Footnote 12 Comprising a total of 418 items, the album includes autographs, letters, poems, business cards, drawings, engravings, dried flowers and other objects.Footnote 13 Although it is not bound and its content is heterogenic in nature, its purpose matches that of other albums of the time.Footnote 14 A collection of autographs testifying to personal contacts, it gathers memories of Robert and Clara Schumann for themselves and, more importantly, for posterity, a sentiment that is reflected in the inscription on the album’s cover page: ‘To our children for loyal safekeeping / Dresden, 13 June 1845 / Robert Schumann / Clara Schumann’.Footnote 15 Most of the musical autographs are addressed to Clara; many of these originate from her concert trips before the Schumanns’ marriage.Footnote 16 Robert’s contributions to the album consist primarily of letters associated with his editorship of the Neue Zeitschrift für Musik, together with a selection of musical autographs.Footnote 17 In addition to the ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’, the critical editions of the Schumanns’ correspondence and of Clara Schumann’s youth diaries help to shed new light on the Schumanns’ contacts during their time in Dresden.Footnote 18

***

Clara Schumann had friends in Dresden long before the Schumanns’ residency there. She knew Sophie Kaskel, then Countess von Baudissin; Friedrich Anton and Friederike Serre; Carl Kraegen; and Ernst Carus, all of whom belonged to the Schumanns’ circle during the 1840s.Footnote 19 Litzmann’s claims that Clara Schumann did not always agree with these friends on aesthetic levels are likely to be true.Footnote 20 Yet the conclusion that they had no significant impact on the Schumanns’ Dresden time might be over-hasty: some of these acquaintances did indeed influence the Schumanns’ musical and artistic decisions during this time.Footnote 21 Besides spontaneous visits, the Schumanns got together with their close friends for birthdays, joint Easter and Christmas celebrations, and christenings.Footnote 22 Sometimes, social meals were organized with no special occasion; these were often combined with music-making. Such was the case on 21 October 1849, for which the diary reads: ‘Mr Král from Prague, Ms Sulzer from Vienna, Mrs Jacobi and Tittel for a meal – sang nicely.’Footnote 23 Gebhardt’s comprehensive study of visitors to the Schumanns’ house includes more than 140 people and embraces conductors and choir directors, instrumentalists, instrument makers, poets, painters, composers, members of the aristocracy, music publishers, and critics.Footnote 24 Among them is Eduard Hanslick, whose memoirs of his visit to Schumann in September 1846 offer revealing perspectives on both Dresden and the Schumanns. By way of anecdote, Hanslick recalls conversations about Schumann’s and Wagner’s aversion to each other due to their opposite personalities.Footnote 25 Though many of Hanslick’s memories seem exaggerated, Robert Schumann confirms this impression when he notes on 17 March 1846, after an encounter with Wagner, that the latter ‘is full of depressing thoughts; one cannot listen to him for long’.Footnote 26 Despite their personal differences, there was some kind of artistic exchange between Robert Schumann and Richard Wagner, partly facilitated by private meetings in the Schumanns’ and their friends’ homes. While Hanslick, possibly with one eye to his own readership, focused on Schumann and Wagner, other Dresden relationships were perhaps more significant for both Robert and Clara.

Two names feature prominently in the Schumanns’ diaries and correspondence of their years in Dresden:Footnote 27 Eduard Bendemann (1811–1889) and Julius Hübner (1806–1882).Footnote 28 Hübner and Bendemann were both painters, but they shared a strong musical interest with the Schumanns, as Clara noted in a diary entry on 24 October 1847:

In the evening at Bendemanns’, where a small but likeable circle got together. I played a few things. Bendemann is interested especially in Robert’s compositions and tries hard to understand them in their entirety, which makes me very happy; Hübner is also an attentive listener. Thus, the most art-minded people are these non-musicians here, whom I prefer to all Dresden musicians.Footnote 29

The Schumanns attended soirées and matinées hosted not only by the Bendemanns and Hübners, but also by Carus, the Hillers, Lucius, the Schröder-Devrients and the Schuberts.Footnote 30 Special soirées were organized when famous contemporaries travelled through Dresden. For instance, on 11 July 1845, a soirée was held at the Schumanns’ home after a concert performed by Ferdinand David; and Joseph Joachim played at the Schumanns’ in 1850.Footnote 31 When Franz Liszt visited Dresden in June 1848, it was the Hübners, the Bendemanns and Constanze Jacobi whom Clara invited to join their soirée. Liszt arrived late and the evening ended with a hefty argument.Footnote 32 Yet perhaps what is more remarkable is that Bendemann left the room when Liszt performed poorly.Footnote 33 This behaviour supports Clara Schumann’s impression that Bendemann valued music beyond the purpose of entertainment. The dedication of Robert Schumann’s Impromptus (Op. 66) to Lida Bendemann bears further witness to both the musical relationship between the Schumanns and the Bendemanns and the depth of their friendship in general.Footnote 34 Occasionally, Felix Mendelssohn socialized with the Schumann circle when he visited Dresden.Footnote 35 Not only was Mendelssohn’s music performed, but also it was discussed in the writings originating in that context, especially after Mendelssohn’s death. Robert Schumann’s commemorative Erinnerungen an Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy and his piano piece ‘Erinnerung (4. Nov. 1847)’ are complemented by three poems penned by Julius Hübner.Footnote 36 According to Boetticher, the first poem, overwritten ‘FMB’, was handed to Robert Schumann sometime in 1848.Footnote 37 On 5 April 1859, Hübner penned a similar version, prefaced as follows:

R. Schumann had composed a small piece ‘Erinnerung an Felix M.’; it had such a moving, softly wistful effect that words came to me involuntarily, which accompanied its sound in my inner self.Footnote 38

Hübner’s first poem about Mendelssohn – together with a further poem in memoriam Robert SchumannFootnote 39 – served as a vehicle through which he communicated his memories of both acquaintances. More generally, these poems reflect the romantic spirit and sentiments of nostalgia that prevailed within this circle, subtly drawing on notions of the inner self and a sense of longing within the context of intellectual exchanges. Not only does the painter Hübner self-identify as a poet here, but he also reiterates his friendly associations with both Mendelssohn and Schumann, thereby pointing to his cross-artistic links.

The Schumann album also includes a farewell gift (dated 21 April 1850) from Julius Hübner to Clara Schumann, one that reveals multiple layers of communication through both music and art.Footnote 40 The Erstlingskomposition (first composition), titled ‘Gern hält das Ohr dem Schmeichler still, die Wahrheit Niemand hören will’ (‘The ear will gladly listen to flatterers, while nobody wants to hear the truth’), makes little sense musically; however, the three-page manuscript invites closer scrutiny on account of its artistry and contextual density.Footnote 41 The visual appearance of the musical text is that of a canon, one of the most popular genres for album sheets and Stammbücher.Footnote 42 The first and second pages include women’s hands, possibly alluding to Clara Schumann’s affinity with the piano (see Figure 1.1).Footnote 43 Some notes in the score are replaced by little angels, and the manuscript as a whole is decorated richly with stars and flowers. The margins feature images of angels and animals with references to music. The inclusion of small angels as part of this fictional composition might allude to Clara Schumann’s private image in Dresden as a loving and graceful acquaintance.

Figure 1.1 Julius Hübner, autograph of ‘Gern hält das Ohr dem Schmeichler still, die Wahrheit Niemand hören will’, page 2 (SLUB Dresden / Digitale Sammlungen / Mus.Schu.127).

Similar qualities were acknowledged by her students on the occasion of her birthday on 13 September 1848. Thanking her for her patience and pedagogical and musical sensitivity, the students wrote a poem for their teacher, the last four stanzas of which read:Footnote 44

Doch wie Cäcilia warst Du anzuschauen –
Die Heilige – es lauschte jedes Ohr,
In mancher Wimper sah ich Zähren thauen
Und in mir drängte sich die Frag empor:
Was leg ich ihr, der Herrlichen, zu Füßen
Um mit des Dankes Zeichen sie zu grüßen?
But you looked like Cäcilia –
The holy [woman] – every ear was listening,
In some lashes I saw tears
And I asked myself:
What do I give her, the glorious [woman]
As a symbol of gratefulness?
Da sah im Geist ich die entzückte Menge
Auf Deinem Pfad Dir Blumenopfer streu’n;
Doch sieh, der Blüthen liebliches Gedränge,
Es fügte sich zu goldverschlungnen Reih’n,
Und staunend sah ich sie zu Deinen Füßen
Als reichen Teppich dichtverwoben sprießen!
I imagined how the grateful crowd
Would spread flowers on your path;
But look, the flowers
Became a golden line,
And I was astonished to see them
Flower richly at your feet like a rug.
Und dieser Wunsch – von Allen nachempfunden –
Ein freudig Echo fand er in dem Ruf:
Den Nachklang all der schönen heitren Stunden
Die unvergeßlich Deine Kunst uns schuf,
Dir zur Erinnerung an dein freundlich Walten
Durch ein lebendig Sinnbild festzuhalten.
And this urge – felt by all
Found in this call a happy echo:
The reverberation of all the nice and happy hours
Brought to us unforgettably by your art,
In memory of your friendly guidance
Shall be recorded in a lively image.
So ward zur Wirklichkeit der Traum erhoben;
Sieh wie die Blumen, die wir Dir geweiht,
Durch unsre Hand dem Teppich eingewoben
Nun unverwerklich blüh’n für späte Zeit!
O nimm sie hin mit Deiner holden Güte –
Der Lieb entsproßen – unsres Dankes Blüthe.
Thus, the dream became reality;
Look, how the flowers which we dedicate to you,
Woven by our hands into the rug
Will now forever flower fadelessly!
O accept them with your graceful gentleness –
Sprouted from [our] love – [they are] the flower of our gratefulness.

The poem was signed by forty students and presented alongside a hand-woven rug. The students were members of Robert Schumann’s Chorgesangverein (choral association), for which Clara provided accompanimental support at the piano during their rehearsals.Footnote 45 Gebhardt counts both the members of the Chorgesangverein and Clara’s piano students as part of the Schumanns’ social contacts, an approach that highlights the fact that her relationships with some of these students exceeded the nature of a student–teacher connection.Footnote 46 Marie von Lindemann, for instance, also one of the signatories of the poem above, was a piano student with whom Clara Schumann kept in touch long after her departure from Dresden.Footnote 47

Another layer of interpersonal communication surfaces through poet–composer relationships. For example, Robert’s discussions about a libretto with Robert Reinick led to both an expansion of the social network and aesthetic innovation.Footnote 48 Neither of those realms was restricted to Robert Schumann, as can be seen in Clara’s two songs to poems by Friederike Serre, ‘Beim Abschied’ and ‘Mein Stern’.Footnote 49 The settings were created while Clara – separated from Robert – spent time with Friederike.Footnote 50 That Schumann used an English version of Serre’s ‘Mein Stern’ for album leaves emphasizes the expressive gravity she assigned to Serre’s words.Footnote 51 Sanna Iitti reads the farewell song ‘Beim Abschied’ (the text of which is presented below) through the lens of feminism, female desire, and libidinal movements. Feminine gestures, she suggests, are depicted through the lied’s chromatic, rhythmic and motivic features (see Figure 1.2). On a more general level, Iitti concludes that this song, despite its thoughtful title and lyrics, conjures joyful sentiments and can be interpreted as a portrayal of Clara’s fond memories of both her friendship with Serre and her anticipation of reunion with Robert.Footnote 52 The recurring final two lines in each stanza and the positive textual turn at the end of the poem point to these sentiments: ‘Ach, vielleicht der nächste Morgen / hebet alle, alle Sorgen’ (Ah, perhaps the morrow / Will banish all sorrow.).

Figure 1.2 Clara Schumann, autograph of ‘Beim Abschied’ (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung mit Mendelssohn-Archiv, Mus.ms.autogr. Schumann, K5 (16)).

Translation of Clara Schumann, ‘Beim Abschied’Footnote 53

Purpurgluten leuchten ferne,
Golden sinkt der lichte Tag,
Einzeln werden Silbersterne
An dem Himmelsbogen wach.
Und des Tages Königin
Trägt ihr Haupt zum Schlummer hin;
Noch ein Gruß, auf Wiedersehn,
’s ist kein Abschied, kein Vergehn.
A purple glow shines from afar,
Golden now the bright day sinks,
One by one the silver stars
Awaken in the skies.
And the Queen of the Day
Bows her head and goes to sleep;
One more greeting, now goodbye!
No farewell! No departure!
Schatten deckt die weite Erde,
Auf den Fluren lagert Nacht.
Armes Herz, nun stille werde,
Das der Tag so müd gemacht.
O erscheine lieb und mild
Mir im Traume, süßes Bild.
Noch ein Gruß, auf Wiedersehn,
’s ist kein Abschied, kein Vergehn.
Shadows cover the broad earth,
Night lies on the meadows.
Pray be still now, poor heart,
That the day has wearied so!
O appear, gently, mildly,
Sweet image in my dreams.
One more greeting, now goodbye!
No farewell! No departure!
Ach, es rinnen heiße Tränen,
Bald ein seliges Gefühl,
Bald ein schmerzlich banges Sehnen
Mir die Brust zerbrechen will.
Nur der Traum führt es zurück,
Das zu schnell entschwundne Glück.
Noch ein Gruß, auf Wiedersehn,
’s ist kein Abschied, kein Vergehn.
Ah, hot tears run down my cheeks;
Now a feeling of bliss,
Now a painful, fearful longing
Is set to break my heart.
Only dreams can restore
That happiness too quickly vanished.
One more greeting, now goodbye!
No farewell! No departure!
Wenn ins Abendrot ich sehe
Und die Sonne sinkt herab,
Denke ich an all das Wehe,
Daß ich schon bestanden hab.
Ach, vielleicht der nächste Morgen
Hebet alle, alle Sorgen.
Drum getrost, auf Wiedersehn,
’s ist kein Abschied, kein Vergehn.
When I gaze into the dusk,
And the sun sets,
I think of all the pain
That I have endured.
Ah, perhaps the morrow
Will banish all sorrow.
So be of good cheer! Goodbye!
No farewell! No departure!
More traceable but no more or less significant than spontaneous meetings were those gatherings which were carefully planned solely for the purpose of musical performance: the musical circles (Kränzchen) in 1845; the matinées in the Schumanns’ home on 7 April, 19 April and in the Cosel’sche Palais on 3 May 1846; and the trios in 1847. Conceived by the Schumanns, the Serres, Friedrich Wieck and the Hillers, the first Kränzchen took place at Wieck’s home on 9 January 1845.Footnote 54 On 23 January 1845, Schumann notes another circle at the Hillers’, at which his own Quintet, compositions by Hiller and songs of Josef Ticháček were played.Footnote 55 The Kränzchen attracted public attention and were reviewed in the music journal Signale für die musikalische Welt:

Ferd. Hiller, Carl Krägen, F. Kummer, C. M. Schubert, Robert Schumann, Tichatschek and Fr. Wieck have initiated in Dresden a musical circle, at which piano chamber music ranging from solo to quintet is featured – of course in a very interesting and masterly way. Unfortunately, due to limited space only few of the Dresden connoisseurs are able to attend.Footnote 56

While this review indicates that the Kränzchen were private and space was limited, the circles’ private status is challenged by the fact that they were reviewed publicly.

The boundaries between private and public were similarly blurred at the Schumanns’ matinées, for which attendees received formal invitations, signed jointly by Clara and Robert. Heinrich Brockhaus and his daughter were invited to all three matinées in 1846.Footnote 57 Brockhaus visited the Schumanns on 31 May 1846 – whether or not he was present at one of the matinées before that date is unknown.Footnote 58 The Schumanns were so popular that some people requested an invitation to their matinées. One such approach was made by Hermann Theobald Petschke on 7 December 1844:

I take the liberty to request from you an invitation to your musical matinée for my brother, the advocate Petschke and for Mr and Mrs Erkel. All three people are very musical and admire your compositions.Footnote 59

It seems that these events, owing to their size, fostered types of communication less intimate in nature than the spontaneous occasions with the Bendemanns, Hübners and Serres. In relation to the first matinée, on 7 April 1846, Robert Schumann wrote:

At the matinée yesterday Hofrath Hans from Jena (Rietschel’s father-in-law) also came. I liked everything he said, he also reminds me of a courtly man. Many excellent people were at ours: the Austrian minister Kuefstein with his wife, Countess O’Donnell (the same to whom Goethe dedicated some poems) with her lovely daughter; also R. Wagner was there, who is usually missing everywhere where there is music. Dr Frege sang some of my songs, as beautifully as I have never heard them before; she moved everyone.Footnote 60

This account suggests that the establishment of a public image through music was prioritized over artistic innovation and deep conversation, although this is not to say that the latter could not be facilitated among individual visitors of the matinées. Perhaps it reflects the Schumanns’ efforts to establish a musical culture for themselves and their wider circles. The second and third matinées are not covered in a detailed way in the diaries. For the second one, Robert Schumann notes ‘the duets’ (die Duetten); for the third, he mentions ‘the quintet’.Footnote 61

Among initiatives taken by the Schumanns in 1847 were the trios, in which Clara performed alongside the violinist Franz and the cellist Friedrich Schubert. The first trio took place on 27 October 1847.Footnote 62 The trios’ repertoire – including works by a wide range of composers – blurred the boundaries between the ‘great masters’ Bach and Beethoven; well-known contemporaries such as Chopin, Löwe, Mendelssohn, Molique and Spohr; and lesser-known compositions by the Schumann’s violinist friend Franz Schubert.Footnote 63 A further type of semi-private gathering was the club or piano salon, both of which, however, only surface in the diaries once and most likely only applied to Robert Schumann.Footnote 64

Just as gatherings in the home afforded opportunities for musical performance, so too did the Schumanns’ trips to the countryside, particularly those that were linked with the Chorgesangverein. For instance, on 20 August 1848, Clara Schumann asked a ‘Herr Doktor’ (possibly August Otto Krug) whether he would join a trip to Pillnitz and whether he might have the individual parts for his vocal quartets, as they wished to sing some of them during the trip.Footnote 65 Gebhardt reconstructs further trips with the Chorgesangverein also to Kreischa (on 24 June 1849) and Meißen (on 28 July 1850).Footnote 66 Additionally, the Schumanns’ involvement in public events contributed to their social life – as a theme in private conversation, a professional activity or a pastime. These events included performances of their own Chorgesangverein, the subscription concerts, charity events, concerts in and outside of Dresden, festivals and anniversaries (among them the Goethe- and Schillerfeste and the celebrations on the occasion of the anniversary of the Chorgesangverein).Footnote 67 Some of Robert Schumann’s music was rehearsed within private circles before it was performed in public, and Clara Schumann played her husband’s pieces in both contexts.Footnote 68

The Schumanns’ contacts during their Dresden residency were not confined to people residing in or around Dresden. As much as the Schumanns received many visitors from outside of Dresden, they also travelled. Gerd Nauhaus highlighted this point when including Clara’s concerts in Leipzig and the concert tour to Vienna via Brno and Prague in 1846/47 in his study of the Schumanns’ public musical appearance in Dresden.Footnote 69 Wolfgang Boetticher and Renate Federhofer-Königs have shown from different perspectives that the Schumanns had a large professional network in Vienna, also including many private contacts.Footnote 70 The Schumanns’ own farewell matinée (Abschiedsmatinée) on 15 January 1847 testifies to this vibrant private musical life.Footnote 71 During the stay in Vienna, Clara Schumann also received an autograph in the hand of Antonio Salieri, whose originality was verified on the autograph sheet by Alois Fuchs, a member of the court chapel in Vienna.Footnote 72

The literature on the Schumanns’ relationship with their Prague contemporaries is scarcer.Footnote 73 En route to Vienna, the Schumanns stopped in Prague on 25 November 1846, where they met with Kurrer, the music publisher Hoffmann, and Kittl.Footnote 74 Returning from Vienna, they again passed through Brno and stayed in Prague from 24 January to 3 February 1847. This time, they met with Ambros, Emminger, Glaser, Grund, Gutt, Hellwinger, Hoffmann, Kittl, Kreutzberg, Kurrer, Mildner, Count Nostitz, Pitsch, Polak, Rath, Countess Schlik, Škroup, Countess Thun, Träpp, Tomášek, Veit, Count Windischgrätz and Zdekauer.Footnote 75 This list suggests that the Schumanns had a tight professional private network in Prague – an impression supported by the fact that both Clara and Schumann signed the album of Countess Schlik during their stay in Prague in 1847.Footnote 76 Some Prague acquaintances even visited the Schumanns in Dresden.Footnote 77 An album leaf to an unknown person, created by Clara Schumann and dated Prague, 5 April 1865, supports the idea that her visits to Prague exceeded the purpose of concert-giving and included some kinds of private communication.Footnote 78 However, the extent and nature of these private contacts is not entirely clear.

***

What emerges from the range of sources and interpersonal communications studied in this chapter is the impression of the active role that Clara Schumann took in the Schumanns’ joint musical life in Dresden. Some of their friends were part of her networks before the Schumanns’ relocation there, and during their residency she actively fostered musical relationships by socializing, issuing invitations and performing spontaneously or in organized settings. In Dresden, as we have seen, the Schumanns mingled with musical professionals and amateurs as well as painters, writers and other cultural protagonists. Clara Schumann played a central role (both musically and socially) in promoting this cross-artistic exchange. Despite her many private musical endeavours, Schumann maintained a busy public performance schedule during the Dresden years, while also tutoring a number of piano students and assisting Robert with the Chorgesangverein (among other commitments). All these musical activities shaped the way the Schumanns communicated with each other, with friends, acquaintances and the public. At the same time, the Schumanns’ social life in Dresden had an impact on their private and public image: both domains were merged.

The aspect of communication does not stop with the examination of private and semi-public networks. Rather, it also embraces compositions and such extra-musical traits as dedications and poetry. Creative output – published and unpublished; complete or incomplete – can yield new insights into interpersonal communication and networks as a whole. While the Schumanns’ private circles inspired compositional outputs, programming decisions and aesthetic ideas, at the same time creative outputs also enriched, deepened and cemented interpersonal relationships. Although this chapter has focused on Clara and Robert Schumann in Dresden, it is my hope that the excursion into interpersonal relationships between the Schumanns and their Prague contemporaries will initiate further research within this realm, adding another layer to our understanding of the Schumanns’ cultural life during the 1840s and beyond.

Footnotes

1 Hermann Theobald Petschke to Robert Schumann, 17 December 1844, Brief-Datenbank, www.sbd.schumann-portal.de/Home.html (29 February 2020). ‘Hierdurch nehme ich mir die Freiheit, Sie … um eine Einladung zu Ihrer musikalischen Matinee höflichst zu bitten.’ For full contextualization and translation, see Footnote n. 59.

2 On dichotomies in the study of nineteenth-century private music-making, see Aisling Kenny, ‘Blurring the Gendered Dichotomies: Issues of Gender and Creativity for the Female Lied Composer’, in Women and the Nineteenth-Century Lied, ed. Aisling Kenny and Susan Wollenberg (New York and London: Routledge, 2015), 11–27; Heinrich W. Schwab, Sangbarkeit, Popularität und Kunstlied (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1965).

3 For studies that have explored these aspects of the Schumanns’ relationship, see, inter alia, Katarina Grobler, ‘Diversity and Gender in the Compositional Relationship of Robert and Clara Schumann’, Diversity: The University of Sydney Student Anthology (2019), 203–25; Hans Joachim Köhler, Robert und Clara Schumann – ein Lebensbogen (Altenburg: Kamprad, 2006); Matthias Wendt, Robert und Clara Schumann und die nationalen Musikkulturen des 19. Jahrhunderts (Mainz: Schott, 2005); and, with a focus on specific works, Melinda Boyd, ‘Gendered Voices: The “Liebesfrühling” Lieder of Robert and Clara Schumann’, 19th-Century Music, 23/2 (1999), 145–62; Rufus Hallmark, ‘The Rückert Lieder of Robert and Clara Schumann’, 19th-Century Music, 14/1 (1990), 3–30; Anna Burton, ‘Robert Schumann and Clara Wieck: A Creative Partnership’, Music & Letters 69/2 (1988), 211–28.

4 Klaus Lenk, ‘Robert Schumanns Dresdener Jahre 1844–1850’, Ph.D. dissertation, Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg (1985), 18–23, 25ff., 89ff. While Lenk’s dissertation reflects the zeitgeist of its time, notably its emphasis on sociocultural challenges arising from capitalist systems and the use of ideological jargon associated with communism, the core of this work offers valuable insights into Robert Schumann’s network and productivity during his time in Dresden.

5 Armin Gebhardt, Robert Schumann: Leben und Werk in Dresden (Marburg: Tectum, 1998), 16–21.

6 Michael Heinemann, ‘Schumanns Dresden’, in Schumann und Dresden, ed. Thomas Synofzik and Hans-Günter Ottenberg (Cologne: Dohr, 2010), 121–34.

7 Wolfgang Seibold, ‘Der Dresdner Freundeskreis Schumanns’, in Schumann und Dresden, 342–53.

8 Beatrix Borchard, ‘Clara Schumann in Dresden – Briefe. Tagebücher: Lektüren’, in Schumann und Dresden, 47–64, esp. 57 and 61.

9 As the boundaries between these different types of semi-structured social activities are blurred, this chapter considers all private and semi-public social gatherings including such salon-like events as soirées/matinées and spontaneous gatherings in private homes, as well as institutionalized meetings, for instance those stemming from the Chorgesangverein. For definitions of nineteenth-century salon culture, see Anja Bunzel and Natasha Loges, ‘Introduction’, in Musical Salon Culture in the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Anja Bunzel and Natasha Loges (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2019); Sabine Meine and Manuela Schwartz, ‘Einleitung’, Die Tonkunst: Magazin für klassische Musik und Musikwissenschaft: Thema: Der Musiksalon 1 (2010), 3–14. On networks in nineteenth-century musical culture, see Annkatrin Babbe and Volker Timmermann (eds.), Musikerinnen und ihre Netzwerke im 19. Jahrhundert (Oldenburg: BIS, 2016).

10 Cornelia Bartsch has explored forms of interpersonal communication through music between Fanny Hensel and Felix Mendelssohn: Cornelia Bartsch, Fanny Hensel geb. Mendelssohn Bartholdy: Musik als Korrespondenz (Kassel: Furore, 2007). On intersections between music and communication more generally, see Danuta Mirka and Kofi Agawu (eds.), Communication in Eighteenth-Century Music (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008); a similar book with a focus on the nineteenth century is yet to be published.

11 Michael Musgrave, The Life of Schumann (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), esp. ch. 6, ‘Growing Ambitions: Dresden 1844–50’.

12 I am grateful to Henrike Rost for drawing my attention to this album, which is archived at Sächsische Landes - und Universitätsbibliothek and can be accessed publicly via the library’s webpage.

13 See Wolfgang Boetticher, Briefe und Gedichte aus dem Album Robert und Clara Schumanns (Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1979).

14 On the purposes of such albums, see Henrike Rost, ‘Sophie Klingemanns Stammbuch: Innenräume – Erinnerungsräume. (Wieder-)Begegnungen mit Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy, Joseph Joachim und Ignaz Moscheles’, in Klingende Innenräume. GenderPerspektiven auf eine soziale und ästhetische Praxis im Privaten, ed. Henrike Rost and Sabine Meine (Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, in preparation), 151–66, at 151.

15 Henrike Rost, Musik-Stammbücher. Erinnerung, Unterhaltung und Kommunikation im Europa des 19. Jahrhunderts (Cologne: Böhlau, 2020), 97.

17 Footnote Ibid. For a summary of the album’s musical autographs, see Andrea Hartmann and Carmen Rosenthal, ‘Die musikalischen Blätter aus dem Schumann-Album in der Sächsischen Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Dresden’, RISM, Serie A/II Musikhandschriften nach 1600 (Frankfurt/Munich: Rism, 2010).

18 See www.schumann-briefe.de/editionsplan.html (18 February 2020) for details of the Schumann correspondence; Clara Schumann Jugendtagebücher: 1827–1840, ed. Gerd Nauhaus and Nancy B. Reich (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2019).

19 Berthold Litzmann, Clara Schumann: Ein Künstlerleben nach Tagebüchern und Briefen (3 vols.; Leipzig: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1902–8), II (1906), 100.

21 See Gebhardt, Robert Schumann, 24ff.

22 In 1846, Eduard Bendemann, Livia Frege and Ferdinand Hiller became Julie’s godparents; in 1848, Sophie von Baudissin, Julius Hübner and Robert Reinick became Ludwig’s godparents. See Schumann Tagebücher, ed. Gerd Nauhaus (3 vols.; Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag für Musik, 1987), II, 399 and III/II, 274; letter from Clara to Robert Reinick on 13 March 1848, Schumann Briefwechsel Gesamtausgabe, Serie: II/6, ed. Renate Brunner, Michael Heinemann, Irmgard Knechtges-Obrecht, Klaus Martin Kopitz and Annegret Rosenmüller (Cologne: Dohr, 2014), 818.

23 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/II, 506. ‘Hr. Král aus Prag, Frl. Sulzer aus Wien, Fr. Jacobi und Tittel zu Tisch – hübsch gesungen.’

24 Gebhardt, Robert Schumann, 25–36.

25 Eduard Hanslick, Aus meinem Leben (3rd ed.; Berlin: Allgemeiner Verein für deutsche Literatur, 1894), 69. Hanslick arrived in Dresden and met with the Schumanns on 28 August 1846; he left on 4 September 1846; the stay was interrupted by a visit to Leipzig. See Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 289–90.

26 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, II, 398 (‘steckt voller sich erdrückender Gedanken; man kann ihm nicht lange zuhören’).

27 See, for instance, Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 279; III/II, 435 and 438.

28 Hübner was married to Eduard Bendemann’s sister Pauline (1809–1895).

29 Litzmann, Clara Schumann: Ein Künstlerleben, II, 100–1. ‘Abends bei Bendemanns, wo ein kleiner aber angenehmer Kreis beisammen war. Ich spielte Einiges. Bendemann interessiert sich besonders sehr für Roberts Kompositionen und gibt sich viel Mühe, sie ganz zu verstehen, was mich immer sehr freut; auch Hübner ist ein aufmerksamer Zuhörer. So sind hier die kunstsinnigsten Leute diese Nichtmusiker, die mir aber lieber sind als alle die Dresdner Musiker zusammen.’

30 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 329 and 346; III/II, 429; III/I, 445–46; II, 458; III/II, 460; III/II, 466; III/II, 473–74; Litzmann, Clara Schumann: Ein Künstlerleben, II, 118; Boetticher, Briefe und Gedichte, 41.

31 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 394; Litzmann, Clara Schumann: Ein Künstlerleben, II, 111–12.

32 See the letter from Robert Schumann to Hermann Härtel, 11 June 1848, available at Brief-Datenbank; Litzmann, Clara Schumann: Ein Künstlerleben, II, 121 and Gebhardt, Robert Schumann, 34–35.

33 Litzmann, Clara Schumann: Ein Künstlerleben, II, 121.

34 See Seibold and Bettina Baumgärtel, ‘Robert Schumann und die bildende Kunst’, in Schumann-Handbuch, ed. Ulrich Tadday (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2006), 83–106, at 84.

35 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 273. At a gathering at the Bendemanns’ on 29 March 1846, Mendelssohn and Clara Schumann played Beethoven’s Sonata in F minor as well as a four-hand piece from Mendelssohn’s Sommernachtstraum; something by Weber, whose widow Caroline was there and appreciated the performance; a lied by Schubert and pieces by Gluck, sung by Wilhelmine Schröder Devrient. Caroline von Weber was a frequent visitor and counted among the more selected acquaintances (Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 279; III/II, 441). Her leaf in the ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’ is badly damaged, but one can decipher that it is dedicated to the ‘liebenswürdige Künstlerin’ (lovable [female] artist) (‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’, Mus.Schu.317).

36 Robert Schumann: Erinnerungen an Felix Mendelssohn Bartholdy, ed. Ingrid Bodsch and Gerd Nauhaus (Bonn: Stadtmuseum, 2012); the piano piece is included in Schumann’s Album für die Jugend, Op. 68. For recent commentary on the relationship between Clara Schumann and the Mendelssohns, see Beatrix Borchard, Clara Schumann: Musik als Lebensform (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2019), 205ff. Hübner’s poems are included in the ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’, Mus.Schu.126.

37 Boetticher, Briefe und Gedichte, 90. It includes the date ‘4 November 1849’, which must be a mistake and should be ‘1847’.

38 ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’, Mus.Schu.128. ‘R. Schumann hatte ein kleines Musikstück “Erinnerung an Felix M.” komponiert; es hatte eine so sprechende, sanft wehmütige Bewegung, daß mir unwillkürlich Worte dazu einfielen, die seinen Klang in meinem Innern begleiteten.’

39 The poem in memory of Robert Schumann is included in Boetticher, Briefe und Gedichte, 271.

40 Hartmann and Rosenthal, ‘Die musikalischen Blätter aus dem Schumann-Album’, 10. For the context of the manuscript, see also Hübner’s letter to Clara, in which he voices his ‘sense of heartfelt gratitude for the highest enjoyment of musical poetry which they owed to her so many times’ (‘Die Gefühle herzlichsten Dankes für die höchsten Genüsse musikalischer Poesie, die wir Ihnen so oft verdankten’). Julius Hübner to Clara Schumann, 22 April 1850, Schumann Briefedition Serie II Freundes- und Künstlerbriefwechsel, Band 6, ed. Renate Brunner, Michael Heinemann, Irmgard Knechtges-Obrecht, Klaus Martin Kopitz and Annegret Rosenmüller (Cologne: Dohr, 2014), 559–60.

41 Hartmann and Rosenthal, ‘Die musikalischen Blätter aus dem Schumann-Album’, 10–11 and Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/II, 524. Henrike Rost points out that scrutinizing the Stammbücher sheds light both on the social circles and the social identities of the participants, although not all entries are of a high compositional–aesthetic standard. Henrike Rost, ‘Pladoyer fur das Stammbuchblatt – “Scherzi” von Ignaz Moscheles, Clara und Robert Schumann’, Schumann-Correspondenz 43 (February 2021), 63–75, at 65.

42 See Oliver Huck, ‘Albumblätter für Klavier – Manuskripte und Kompositionen im 19. Jahrhundert’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 75/4 (2018), 244–77; Rost, Musik-Stammbücher, 20.

43 The first page of Hübner’s manuscript is included in Boetticher, Briefe und Gedichte, 342.

44 ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’, Mus.Schu.2a (translation mine).

45 Gebhardt, Robert Schumann, 47.

47 For general information on Marie von Lindemann, see the corresponding entry in the Schumann-Portal (www.schumann-portal.de/marie-von-lindemann.html (26 February 2020)). Clara Schumann met with Marie von Lindemann when she returned to Dresden occasionally as a visitor (Litzmann, Clara Schumann: Ein Künstlerleben, III, 175). For a critical edition of the letters see Renate Brunner, ed., Alltag und Künstlertum: Clara Schumann und ihre Dresdner Freundinnen Marie von Lindeman und Emilie Steffens: Erinnerungen und Briefe nach den Quellen (Sinzig: Studio, 2005).

48 Reinick’s correspondence with his friend Franz Kugler reveals once more the perception of the Schumanns as an artistic couple rather than two individuals. On 6 June 1846, he explained to Kugler that ‘I do not know whether you know the compositions of Robert Schumann … He is the husband of Clara Wieck, formerly edited a busy musical journal and now lives here [in Dresden] with his felicitous and lovely wife’ (‘Ich weiß nicht, ob Du Robert Schumanns Kompositionen kennst … Er ist der Mann der Clara Wieck, gab früher eine tüchtige musikalische Zeitung in Leipzig heraus und lebt jetzt mit seiner trefflichen, liebenswürdigen Frau hier’). Aus Biedermeiertagen: Briefe Robert Reinicks und seiner Freunde, ed. Johannes Höffner (Bielefeld and Leipzig: Velhagen & Klasing, 1910), 148.

49 Both songs are included in the Breitkopf Urtext edition of Clara Schumann’s lieder. Clara Schumann, Sämtliche Lieder für Singstimme und Klavier, ed. Joachim Draheim and Brigitte Höft (2 vols.; Breitkopf, 2000).

50 Sanna Iitti, The Feminine in German Song (New York: Peter Lang, 2006), 163.

51 Nancy B. Reich, Clara Schumann: The Artist and the Woman (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1985 (rev. ed. 2001)), 322; also Iitti, The Feminine in German Song, 156.

52 Iitti, The Feminine in German Song, 161ff.

53 Translation adapted from Richard Stokes, www.oxfordlieder.co.uk/song/947 (19 May 2020).

54 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 376–77.

55 Footnote Ibid., 379. For details on Ticháček, see Martin Kajzar, První wagnerovský tenor Josef Ticháček (1807–1886) (Ostrava: Ostravská univerzita, 2019).

56 Signale für die musikalische Welt, February 1845, cited after Lenk, 37. ‘Ferd. Hiller, Carl Krägen, F. Kummer, C. M. Schubert, Robert Schumann, Tichatschek und Fr. Wieck haben in Dresden Musikkränzchen eingerichtet, wo die Clavier-Kammermusik vom Solo bis zum Quintett – natürlich auf sehr interessante und meisterliche Weise – vertreten ist. Leider können wegen Beschränkung des Platzes immer nur wenige der Dresdener Kunstkenner als Zuhörer erscheinen.’

57 The letter is dated 1 April 1846 and can be found on the Brief-Datenbank.

58 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 281.

59 Hermann Theobald Petschke to Robert Schumann on 7 December 1844, Brief-Datenbank. ‘Hierdurch nehme ich mir die Freiheit, Sie für meinen Bruder, den Appellationsgerichtsassessor Petschke, u. für Herrn u. Madame Erkel um eine Einladung zu Ihrer musikalischen Matinee höflichst zu bitten. Alle drei genannten Personen sind sehr musikalisch u große Verehrer Ihrer Compositionen.’

60 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, II, 400; III/I, 274. ‘Zur gestrigen Matineé bei uns (d. 7. [April]) hatte sich auch der Hofrath Hans aus Jena (Professor Rietschels Schwiegervater) anmelden laßen. Es gefiel mir alles, was er sprach; auch von einem Hofmann hat er etwas. Viele ausgezeichnete Leute sahen wir bei uns: den österreichischen Gesandten Kuefstein mit Frau, Gräfin O’Donnell (dieselbe, an die Göthe einige Gedichte gerichtet) mit ihrer liebenswürdigen Tochter; auch R. Wagner kam, der sonst, wo Musik ist, überall fehlt. Die Dr. Frege sang von meinen Liedern, so schön, wie ich sie nie gehört; sie riß auch alles hin.’

61 Footnote Ibid., III/I, 276–77.

62 Footnote Ibid., III/II, 442.

63 Footnote Ibid., 444–45.

64 On 25 October 1847, Robert makes a note about the Montagsgesellschaft, where he met with the poet Freytag. Footnote Ibid., 442. The Montagsgesellschaft was a society embracing writers, actors, architects, painters and composers. Schumann sometimes participated, but his impact on this society is considered relatively limited. Die Dresdener Montagsgesellschaft und ihre Monumentskonkurrenz (Dresden, 1929). The Brief-Datenbank includes one piece of correspondence from the Friedrich Grimmer Musik-Salon to Robert Schumann; however, the entry does not include any text and thus details are obscure.

65 Letter from Clara Schumann to an anonymous man, Brief-Datenbank.

66 Alfred Meißner also recalls a boat trip with the Schumanns on the river Elbe, at which the women sang Robert’s lieder. Adolf Meißner, cited after Gebhardt, Robert Schumann, 47.

67 Besides Clara and Robert Schumann’s own collections, the violinist Franz Schubert’s collection includes, among others, a memorial album containing business cards, contracts, tickets, bills, agreements, pamphlets, reviews, announcements, subscription lists and other documents related to his own musical activities in and around Dresden, many of which include Clara Schumann as a musical partner. His estate is archived at the Historisches Archiv der Sächsischen Staatstheater and can be traced through the Kalliope database under the signature NL Franz Schubert 178.

68 For instance, his Faust was rehearsed in his home on 19 May 1848. Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/II, 460; see also letter from Robert Schumann to Franz Brendel on 3 July 1848, Brief-Datenbank.

69 Gerd Nauhaus, ‘Robert und Clara Schumann im Dresdner Musikleben 1844 bis 1850’, in Schumann und Dresden, 271–86.

70 Wolfgang Boetticher, ‘Neue Materialien zu Robert Schumanns Wiener Bekanntenkreis’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 25 (1962), 39–55; Renate Federhofer-Königs, ‘Das Wiener Musikleben der Jahre 1846–1848 in der Korrespondenz Gustav Nottebohm – Robert Schumann’, Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 37 (1986), 47–101. Boetticher’s Schumann studies are considered ideologically biased and thus potentially unreliable. Hartmut Krones argues that Dresden and Vienna had strong links which exceeded the Schumanns’ interpersonal relationships with Viennese contemporaries (Hartmut Krones, ‘Zu den “musikalischen” Beziehungen zwischen Dresden und Wien in der Zeit Robert Schumanns’, in Schumann und Dresden, 245–70.

71 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/I, 341.

72 ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’, Mu.Schu.250.

73 Clara Schumann is mentioned in some Czech-language literature, but her role in the Prague private or public domains remains obscure. See, for instance, Mirko Očadlík, Žena v české hudbě: text přednášky, proslovené v rotundě Lobkowického paláce v Praze dne 15. května 1940 (Prague: Novina, 1940); Jitka Šanderová, ‘Clara Schumannová: Žena, umělkyně, pedagožka’, diploma thesis, Charles University, Prague (2015).

74 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, II, 410. This, however, was not the first trip to Prague, as Clara Schumann had already been there with her father in October/November 1837, when she socialized with a number of people including Berra, Ms von Hayn, Hertzer, C. E. Hoffmann, Kittl, Kleinwächter, Kreutzberg, Kurrer, Pixis, Porges von Portheim, von Rittersberg, Tomášek, Veit, D. Weber (Clara Schumann: Jugendtagebücher, III, 263ff.). It is on this trip that Clara Schumann must have received an album leaf overwritten ‘Vor einem Standbilde der Madonna’, dated Prague, 17 November 1837. The album leaf is associated with Juliane Glaser and Václav Jan Tomášek and is included in the ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’ (Mus.Schu.308ab). The ‘Album Robert und Clara Schumann’ also includes a letter from Friedrich Pixis to Robert Schumann, in which he regrets that he is unable to act as correspondent from Prague; apparently, Schumann must have asked him to send reviews from Prague’s musical scene (Mus.Schu.227, Boetticher, Briefe und Gedichte, 148).

75 Nauhaus, Tagebücher, II, 413–14.

76 The album is available in its entirety on the webpage of The Juilliard Manuscript Collection: www.juilliardmanuscriptcollection.org/manuscript/album-schlik-family-prague/ (9 July 2021). Robert Schumann’s entry can be found on pages 282–85; Clara Schumann’s contribution follows on page 286.

77 On 30 August 1847, Clauß; in 1848, Kirsch, Ambros and Bajer; and, in 1849, Kurrer (Nauhaus, Tagebücher, III/II, 437, 460, 463, 465, 501).

78 Schumannová Klára, Pamětní notový záznam, National Museum of Music, Prague, signature G3370.

Figure 0

Figure 1.1 Julius Hübner, autograph of ‘Gern hält das Ohr dem Schmeichler still, die Wahrheit Niemand hören will’, page 2 (SLUB Dresden / Digitale Sammlungen / Mus.Schu.127).

Figure 1

Figure 1.2 Clara Schumann, autograph of ‘Beim Abschied’ (Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin – Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Musikabteilung mit Mendelssohn-Archiv, Mus.ms.autogr. Schumann, K5 (16)).

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