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In a landmark lecture of 1951, Borges maintained that Argentine writers have legitimate access to a multiplicity of cultural traditions, rejecting as parochial the view that an authentic Argentine literary expression should adhere to the stylistic and thematic norms of Gauchesque literature. Regarding the Western tradition, he reorganized its canon by subverting the hierarchical conventions of literary history, as well as bringing to the forefront a number of non-Western traditions both secular and religious. His approach to questions of language changes over the decades. ’Death and the Compass’ arguably captures a moment of tension between the past and the present in which a new artistic expression comes to life.
The two European Wars provide the context in several canonical fictions including ’Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote’, ’Tlon, Uqbar, Orbis Tertius’, and ’The Garden of Forking Paths’. ’Pierre Menard’ draws on ’Der Totale Krieg’ by Erich Ludendorff, and Liddell Hart’s ’The History of the World War’ is a conspicuous intertext of ’The Garden of Forking Paths’.
Global mass migration was one of the most defining features of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. But so was intense xenophobia. This article offers a new definition of xenophobia and examines how xenophobia helped to drive some of the most defining features of the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era, including progressive reform, white supremacy, the expanded capacity and power of the nation-state, and the growth of U.S. global power and influence. It draws a connection to contemporary America, where, under the Trump administration, xenophobia is transforming a wide range of public policies, legitimizing racism and white supremacy, and impacting U.S. foreign relations.
The Republic’s legitimacy rests in part on the French Revolution’s founding declaration of one nation inspired by the goal of liberty, equality, and fraternity. Construing fraternity as collective adherence to French culture, the country’s political and intellectual leaders harbor deep suspicion of other strong collective identities. In recent decades Islam has replaced the Catholic Church as the main object of anxiety. The country’s obsession with signs of Islamic identity such as burkas, niqabs, and burkinis has a second root, namely, an enduring sense of incompatibility between the norms and practices of North African Muslims, the primary constituent of its migrant-background population, and those of the legacy French defined to include assimilated Jewish, Spanish, and other non-Muslim migrants. Voiced early in the nineteenth century by Alexis de Tocqueville, it is expressed today by socialists like Manuel Valls, conservatives like Nicholas Sarkozy, and intellectuals like Alain Finkielkraut. Yet polling shows most Muslims feel French, albeit as objects of discrimination. The state shows some signs of accepting the need to battle that discrimination, but economic stagnation and the deteriorating condition of the lower middle class, along with outbursts of jihadi terrorism, obstruct implementation of a successful integration strategy.
Chapter 6 concludes by recounting the main argument, discussing the applicability of the principal findings in other contexts, and considering the major policy implications that relate to the dangers of political radicalization. It also explores the relationship between radical right mobilization and democratic backsliding, and the theory’s relevance to understanding developments in Western Europe and in the United States.
This article examines the effect of geographical proximity on targeting patterns during Ebola-era xenophobic outbursts by Senegalese against a migrant Peul population of Guinean origins. It highlights the limited extent to which epidemics shape the micro-dynamics of outbreaks of xenophobia during public health crises, demonstrating that epidemics are not defining events that inflect inter-group relations. They mostly reinforce long-persisting patterns of exclusion. The conclusion is that the contours of xenophobia in contexts marked by public health crises and in those situations in which these issues of public health do not constitute a major concern tend to mirror each other.
The Australian brushtail possum (Trichosurus vulpecula) is one of many animal species classified as alien under the biosecurity system in New Zealand. However, it is against the possums that a relentless campaign is perpetrated. This article attempts to explain some of the many reasons behind such intense negativity, and in doing so, show a link between the management of invasive species as a biosecurity risk and young people’s nativist views. A qualitative, interpretive mode of inquiry was used to analyse data that showed a link between the management of invasive species as a biosecurity risk and young people’s controversial views. An educational program that presents an objective view of invasive species is recommended.
This article examines differing explanations for violence against foreign nationals in post-apartheid South Africa. It argues that the most compelling analyses in the scholarship draw from a family of arguments in the global literature that locates popular violence against outsiders within the context of declining sovereign power, explaining theatrical displays of force against enemies within as attempts at the retrieval of that power. To the extent that these arguments rely on the concept of a scapegoat, they are inadequate. More analytical attention needs to be paid to the scene of the encounters between the “us” and the “them” of collective violence.
This article examines how disease salience influences attitudes toward two types of humanitarian aid: sending foreign aid and housing refugees. Some have argued that disease salience increases levels of out-group prejudice through what is referred to as the behavioral immune system (BIS), and this increase in out-group prejudice works to shape policy attitudes. However, an alternative mechanism that may explain the effects of disease salience is contamination fear, which would suggest there is no group bias in the effects of disease threat. Existing work largely interprets opposition to policies that assist out-groups as evidence of out-group prejudice. We suggest it is necessary to separate measures of out-group animosity from opinions toward specific policies to determine whether increased out-group prejudice rather than fear of contamination is the mechanism by which disease salience impacts policy attitudes. Across two experiments, disease salience is shown to significantly decrease support for humanitarian aid, but only in the form of refugee support. Furthermore, there is converging evidence to suggest that any influence of disease salience on aid attitudes is not caused by a corresponding increase in xenophobia. We suggest that the mechanism by which disease threat influences policy attitudes is a general fear of contamination rather than xenophobia. These findings go against an important hypothesized mechanism of the BIS and have critical implications for the relationship between disease salience and attitudes toward transnational policies involving humanitarian aid.
Theodore Komisarjevsky was a prominent figure in the inter-war British theatre until his migration to North America in 1936. While recent studies have foregrounded the various artistic factors that influenced his work and his eventual departure, little attention has been placed on the sociopolitical issues. Most notably, there has been no serious consideration of the impact that his nationality had on the opportunities that were available to him. In this article Philippa Burt examines Komisarjevsky's work in relation to the growing nationalistic and Russophobic attitudes in Britain during the 1920s and 1930s. It focuses particularly on his series of productions at the Shakespeare Memorial Theatre, and shows the subsequent critical outrage to be rooted in a desire to protect Shakespeare and, by extension, Britain as a whole from the ‘interference’ of a Russian director. Dr Philippa Burt is a lecturer in the Department of Theatre and Performance at Goldsmiths, University of London. She has previously published articles on Harley Granville Barker and Joan Littlewood, and is the recent recipient of a Harry Ransom Research Fellowship in the Humanities at the University of Texas at Austin.
Studies of xenophobia have focused either on socio-economic context that accentuates xenophobic attitudes or on perceptions of immigrants, namely symbolic and realistic threats as well as on social distance from immigrants. This study examines closely the relationship among various components of xenophobia and their contribution in the formation of particular xenophobic groups. The analysis identified four different xenophobic groups, i.e. a) The distant xenophobic group, b) The core xenophobic group, c) The subtle xenophobic group and d) The ambivalent xenophobic group. The groups’ profiles are synthesized through negative, neutral and positive properties of overall attitudes towards immigrants, perceived threats, political xenophobia, social distance, authoritarian attitudes and individual social characteristics. The survey results demonstrate that a multidimensional conceptualization of xenophobia is needed both at the level of objective social condition and of individual and collective perceptions.
The Civil War created the beginnings of a new world for U.S. foreign policy, but it was another generation before that future could be realized. The Civil War officially ended the slavery of African Americans, but the Emancipation Proclamation was not a commitment as well to raise the former slaves to equality. The Civil War and the acts of Reconstruction turned the United States into a nation-state. Many of the industries spawned by the Civil War helped shape U.S. foreign relations in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The racism and xenophobia shaped the ideology of following generations, including those who made U.S. foreign policy. Post-Civil War America remained a vast, unwieldy country of isolated, parochial communities, but the federal government had demonstrated its power to invade these areas and integrate them into an industrializing, railway-linked world that had global boundaries.
The present study investigates the arguments used by university students in order to explain social differences between social minorities and majorities. In Brazil, the issues investigated refer to White and Black people. In Spain, the reference is to native Spaniards and Moroccan immigrants. The participants were 144 Brazilians and 93 Spaniards, who answered a questionnaire composed of socio-demographic variables and one open question about the causes of social inequalities between Black and White people in Brazil and between autochthonous Spaniards and Moroccan Immigrants. A model is proposed to integrate the four discursive classes found using ALCESTE software. In Brazil, the strongest argument is based on the historical roots of the exploitation of Black people. In Spain, cultural differences are the main explanation for social inequalities.
This article analyzes electronic letters to the editor on the coverage of the riot in Kondopoga (2006) and the bombings in the Moscow subway (2010). Letters to electronic media are used for the first time as a source for popular opinion on nationalism and ethnic conflicts in Russia. The first argument of this study is methodological: a comparison between the polls and the letters suggests that letters to electronic media represent public opinion on nationalism even though Internet users still constitute a minority of Russian citizens. This study also claims that the letters under examination indicate a move from extreme nationalism to so called “banal nationalism,” the term coined by Michael Billig, during the period between 2006 and 2010. Finally, the article argues that the concept of the civic nation is not yet well understood or accepted by Russian citizens. Although this concept, expressed in Russian by the newly coined word rossiane, became somewhat more popular in 2010 than it had been in 2006, the ethnic understanding of Russian still prevails. The basis for the new identity rossiane, as it is presented in the letters, lacks common memories, myths and traditions that would resonate strongly in popular imagination.
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