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People believed to be witches have been killed in many parts of Africa since precolonial times. Belief in witchcraft persists today among many people, occasionally resulting in the killing of the suspected witch. The killer views witchcraft as an attack similar in nature to the use of physical force and therefore kills the witch in an attempt to end the perceived attack. As it stands today, the law in Uganda fails to strike a balance between the rights of the deceased victim violated through murder and those of the accused who honestly believes that he or she or a loved one was a victim of witchcraft. This article argues that the defenses that are currently available—mistake of fact, self-defense, insanity, and provocation by witchcraft—are insufficient, as they fail to strike that delicate balance. A more pragmatic approach to the issue of witch-killing, one that deals with the elimination of belief in witchcraft, is necessary.
We examined associations of urine iodide excretion, proxy for iodine intake, with child development and growth.
This is a secondary analysis of a 1:1 cluster-randomised trial with a 6-month nutrition/stimulation/hygiene education intervention among mothers of children aged 6–8 months to improve child development and growth. Development was assessed using Bayley Scales of Infant and Toddler Development–III (BSID-III) and Ages and Stages Questionnaire (ASQ), whereas anthropometry was used to assess growth. Urine iodide concentration (UIC) and urine iodide/creatinine ratio (ICR) were measured.
The current study was conducted in southern Uganda.
We randomly selected 155 children from the 511 enrolled into the original trial and analysed data when they were aged 20–24 and 36 months.
Median UIC for both study groups at 20–24 and 36 months were similar (P > 0·05) and within the normal range of 100–199 µg/l (0·79–1·60 µmol/l), whereas the intervention group had significantly higher ICR at 20–24 months. The BSID-III cognitive score was positively associated (P = 0·028) with ICR at 20–24 months in the intervention group. The ASQ gross motor score was negatively associated (P = 0·020) with ICR at 20–24 months among the controls. ICR was not significantly associated with anthropometry in the two study groups at either time-point.
Following the intervention, a positive association was noted between ICR and child’s cognitive score at 20–24 months, whereas no positive association with ICR and growth was detected. Iodine sufficiency may be important for child’s cognitive development in this setting.
The Statute entered into force on 1 July 2002. Judges, the Prosecutor and the Registrar had been elected by mid-2003. After signing the Statute at the end of 2000, the United States moved to a position of hostility towards the Court, then became more mellow as it determined that its vital interests were not threatened. The Prosecutor developed a strategy of encouraging ‘self-referrals’, whereby Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Central African Republic sought the Court’s assistance in prosecuting anti-government forces. This led to the initial trials of rebel leaders from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The Security Council referred the situation in Darfur, Sudan to the Court but provided no further assistance in apprehending suspects, including the President, Omar Al-Bashir. Using proprio motu authority, the Prosecutor undertook cases of post-election violence in Kenya and Côte d’Ivoire. For the first decade of its activity, the Court’s attention was essentially confined to the African continent. A malaise developed in Africa and a few African States attempted to withdraw from the Statute. By then end of the 2010s, concerns were being expressed about the future of the Court, with calls for major reforms.
Chapter 3 explores the ways in which states subvert international legal institutions and norms in pursuit of their own security and political interests. This chapter argues that the use of self-referrals to the ICC stems from political calculations that allow political leaders to advance their own domestic and international agendas at the expense of furthering the goals of the international justice regime. Chapter 3 is a story of political calculations, political power, and security interests, and the agency of (African) states in creating and shaping the delivery of international justice. The Ugandan case is studied in depth to hightlight the ways in which self-referrals to the ICC stem from strategic calculations that allow states to use the Court to defeat rebel leaders, warlords, and/or political opponents.
Chapter 1 introduces the four major themes around the intersection of state power and international criminal justice that this book explores: the strategic use of self-referrals to the ICC, complementarity between national and international justice systems, the limits of state compliance with international courts, and the use of international courts in domestic political conflicts. Each of these major themes revolves around the ICC and its relationship with states. The four empirical cases – Uganda, Libya, Côte d’Ivoire, and Kenya – are also introduced briefly to highlight the ways in which they tie into the four themes, respectively. Chapter 1 also presents the theoretical framework and design of the book, and explains the selection of case studies.
This chapter closely examines the Kampala International Theatre Festival, an annual event since 2014, as an example of a new generation of small international theatre festivals in twenty-first-century African urban centres. It asks how such festivals differ from their counterparts in other parts of the world and what they can do to shape and define contemporary local African theatre practices and their relationships to global stages. Drawing on participant observation, interviews with artists, and historical and political contextualization, it analyses this Uganda-based festival as a performative event that cultivates national and transnational affectively experienced communities, alternately along the lines of Ugandan, regional East African, and global alliances. It argues that the festival’s artistic and social activity, driven by strategic local administrators and artists, cultivates a next generation of Ugandan theatre artists and audiences, affirms regional connections that economic and political circumstances of post-colonial Africa have sometimes obscured, strengthens cultural and artistic flows that defy hegemonic trends of North–South collaboration, and asserts agency over Uganda’s ongoing process of cultural globalization.
In this chapter, the authors trace out the “natural history” of an intensely collaborative multisited comparison, which was distinct from many other comparative research projects because research at each site was carried out by a PhD-level anthropologist who was involved in the scientific development of the project rather than only in the implementation of a centrally directed project. It draws on their experiences with this once-in-a-lifetime opportunity, a large, US National Institutes of Health–funded multisite project, to discuss ways in which that comparative research could have been even more powerful, things that future comparative research should strive to avoid, recommended best practices, and what the authors would call “minimum adequate” approaches to comparative ethnography.
Value Added Tax (VAT) is a tax on the value added at each stage of the production and distribution process and on the importation of goods. VAT registered importers in Uganda are charged the statutory VAT rate of 18 per cent, however, importers that are not VAT registered are charged both the 18 per cent and an additional 15 per cent, which is designated “Domestic VAT”. The statutory basis of the 15 per cent is unclear. Domestic VAT appears to be a tax created by the Uganda Revenue Authority in a bid to raise revenue from a largely non-compliant base. The legality of the tax was challenged in Margaret Akiiki Rwaheru and 13,945 Others v Uganda Revenue Authority. The court ruled that Domestic VAT was irregular when applied to importers who qualified to register for VAT but had not registered, but was illegal when applied to importers who did not qualify to register for VAT. Despite this ruling, the URA has continued to charge all importers Domestic VAT, regardless of whether they qualify to register for VAT. This article seeks to re-examine the legality of Domestic VAT.
There is an emerging debate about the growth of Anglicanism in sub-Saharan Africa. With this debate in mind, this paper uses four statistically representative surveys of sub-Saharan Africa to estimate the relative and absolute number who identify as Anglican in five countries: Kenya, Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania and Uganda. The results for Kenya, South Africa and Tanzania are broadly consistent with previous scholarly assessments. The findings on Nigeria and Uganda, the two largest provinces, are likely to be more controversial. The evidence from statistically representative surveys finds that the claims often made of the Church of Nigeria consisting of ‘over 18 million’ exceedingly unlikely; the best statistical estimate is that under 8 million Nigerians identify as Anglican. The evidence presented here shows that Uganda (rather than Nigeria) has the strongest claim to being the largest province in Africa in terms of those who identify as Anglican, and is larger than is usually assumed. Evidence from the Ugandan Census of Populations and Households, however, also suggests the proportion of Ugandans that identify as Anglican is in decline, even if absolute numbers have been growing, driven by population growth.
This chapter provides further context to the impact of project finance mechanisms by examining the Ugandan Bujagali Hydroelectric Power Project referred to in the Preface. This case study is different from the others. It focusses on the interface of contractual and policy instruments with indigenous peoples’ rights to land and then casts the net wider to examine how complex pricing terms and the inequitable negotiation of concessionary power purchase agreements (PPA), in which the government is the end buyer, will have implications for overall vulnerability; for example, by locking governments into an overall bad deal in which all the risk is passed onto the state which has little control over spiralling electricity costs. Thinking about these debt contract–community linkages and what might be done within the context of an important negotiated contract such as the PPA is crucial for two reasons: that of the spread of supposedly cleaner and greener hydroelectric projects worldwide to meet energy demand and the growth of the ‘people first’ trend in public-private partnerships in the quest to mobilise the private sector towards the Sustainable Development Goals.
Chapter 5 explores the collapse of the EPRDF-PFDJ and NRM-RPF relationships between 1998 and 2001, until that point the main fulcrum of regional security policy for all four governing elites. The chapter explains how longstanding tensions within both pairings rose violently to the surface during this period. At the heart of both disagreements were feelings of superiority and inferiority dating back to affinities established during the struggle era and deep-seated militarism within each movement. These conflicts were, however, catalysed by changes in all four movements’ regional position in the post-liberation era. The intensely personal nature of EPRDF-PFDJ and NRM-RPF elite relations prior to this point, it is argued, rendered the subsequent violence and inter-state antagonism all the more acute and damaging, and the chapter underlines the significant regional repositioning the clashes forced all four states to undergo, and the unlikely regional alliances that this led to.
Chapter 6 chronicles the fragmentation of the four sets of post-liberation elites, and the purging of many established veterans between the late 1990s and ca. 2006. The chapter shows how each movement during these years was shaken to its foundations by internal criticism and major splits which pitted the leadership and a new, younger generation of loyalists against many senior liberation war cadres. Though these splits were notionally focused around questions of movement governance and leadership they were provoked by regional security crises. Indeed, in all four cases, debates on loyalty, ideological purity and movement integrity were laid on top of more long-standing disagreements on each movement’s relationship with its struggle-era regional ally. In mapping these splits and the removal of a significant part of the founding post-liberation elite from the policy arena, this chapter demonstrates how fundamentally inter-linked regional and domestic politics have been in these four states, at least with regard to relations with states governed by a one-time liberation war partner. It also underscores the degree to which gaining and maintaining office can be intrinsically destabilising – even destructive – for militarised, revolutionary movements such as those examined in this study.
This chapter, together with Chapter 1, introduces the four East African liberation movements individually and as part of a distinct collective, a collective whose politico-military leadership would push to re-structure regional politics in the decade that followed its ascent to power. In doing so, the chapters delineate not only the ideas and relationships developed in the bush that would later shape regional politics but also how these ideas and relationships were themselves constantly shaped and re-shaped by contingency and context – as they would continue to be following victory. Chapter 2 focuses on the four movements’ liberation struggles themselves, explaining how support structures, wartime experiences and the manner in which each liberation struggle ended moulded each movement and its elite and set it on a particular path in the post-liberation era.
This chapter explores how the four East African liberation movements transitioned into governments and begun to negotiate their place within the region. The central argument of this chapter is that the early regional relationships of EPRDF, EPLF and NRM post-liberation elites were dominated by pragmatic, domestic preoccupations, and managing tensions with, and the distrust of, regional counterparts. Revolutionary change, at least at the regional level, was therefore far from being a lodestar. Diplomatically isolated for much of its first decade in power, NRM Uganda found itself in an instantly antagonistic set of relationships with its conservative neighbours, who feared it would seek to replicate its revolution in their own territories. Seeking to allay these concerns, Kampala promoted itself as a regional conflict mediator in Somalia and vacillated in its support for the RPF, which launched its first invasion of Rwanda from Uganda in 1990. In the Horn, EPRDF and EPLF elites focused mainly on settling the question of Eritrean independence and the shape of post-liberation Ethiopia’s political and constitutional order. The elites of Ethiopia, Eritrea and Uganda first came together in the early 1990s around shared security concerns – the perceived threat from Omar al-Bashir’s Islamist Sudan – rather than ideological agendas.
Chapter 4 explains how an initially defensive alliance between the post-liberation elites of the region developed into a more philosophical, aspirational and militarised one, focused – putatively – around promoting regional liberation projects. The chapter demonstrates how summitry around support for the South Sudanese SPLM/A during this period provided a space for the four movements to share ideas on promoting wider regional transformation, most notably in Zaïre – a notion that spoke to their shared heritage as liberation movements and shared understanding of violence as an effective reform mechanism. The chapter cautions, however, against understanding the four elites’ involvement in the Zaïre/Congo wars as motivated by a coherent understanding of, and commitment to, regional liberation. The Horn movements’ engagement took place at a much more theoretical and superficial level than those of the Great Lakes, and elites in Addis Ababa, Asmara and Kampala took a quite different view on legitimate ways to promote liberation in Zaïre to counterparts in Kigali. The chapter also reflects, then, on the challenges encountered by post-liberation movements in reframing their country’s place in regional security frameworks, and in reimagining struggle era ideational frameworks in a new context.
This chapter, together with Chapter 2, introduces the four East African liberation movements individually and as part of a distinct collective, a collective whose politico-military leadership would push to re-structure regional politics in the decade that followed its ascent to power. In doing so, the chapters delineate not only the ideas and relationships developed in the bush that would later shape regional politics but also how these ideas and relationships were themselves constantly shaped and re-shaped by contingency and context – as they would continue to be following victory. Chapter 1 focuses on the movements as ideological and social entities, charting the ideational, sociopolitical and organisational underpinnings of each, and their links to one another.
This chapter introduces the purpose and core arguments of the book, which focuses on exposing, examining and underlining the acute challenges faced by East African post-liberation movements seeking to re-structure and transform regional politics. The analysis that follows argues for the importance of common ideological, ideational and aspirational frameworks around pan-Africanism and liberation across the four post-liberation elites in their negotiation of a place in the region. The conceptual framework developed nonetheless also underlines how far these movements needed to accommodate a range of competing forces and pressures in the years following their victories, reformist ambitions often sitting uncomfortably alongside the practicalities of regional diplomacy and, increasingly, regime maintenance and intra-movement politics. The chapter also emphasises the importance of understanding these post-liberation elites as social, as well as ideological and pragmatic, actors.
Uganda’s touring orphan choirs engage in a form of charity that is dependent on the mobility not only of money, but also of people and sentiments. Boyd considers the moral economies that underlie this ongoing project of compassionate “circulation.” If a key finding of the work on humanitarian affect has been how such “affective surpluses” mask inequalities between donors and recipients, this article considers how participants in charitable relationships conceive of dependency and indebtedness differently. These differences compel us to understand how moral and religious sentiments give shape to the inequalities inherent in dominant forms of global humanitarian “care.”
Alzheimer's disease and related dementias are associated with increasing health burden in low- and middle-income countries. Less well-recognized is the potential health burden experienced by other affected individuals, such as family caregivers. In this study, we sought to profile the burden of care and its association with symptoms of depression and anxiety among informal caregivers of people living with dementia in rural southwestern Uganda.
We conducted a cross-sectional study of 232 family caregivers of people with dementia. The key measured variables of interest were caregiving burden (Zarit Burden Index) and symptoms of depression and anxiety (Depression Anxiety Stress Scales). We fitted multivariable regression models specifying depression and anxiety symptoms as the primary outcomes of interest and caregiving burden as the primary explanatory variable of interest.
Family caregivers of people with dementia experience significant caregiving burden, with each item on the Zarit Burden Index endorsed by more than 70% of study participants. Nearly half [108 (47%)] of caregivers had Zarit Burden Interview scores >60, suggestive of severe caregiving burden. In multivariable regression models, we estimated a statistically significant positive association between caregiving burden and symptoms of both depression [b = 0.42; 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.34–0.49] and anxiety (b = 0.37; 95% CI 0.30–0.45).
Family caregivers of people with dementia in rural Uganda experience a high caregiving burden, which is associated with symptoms of depression and anxiety. Interventions aimed at reducing caregiving burden may have important collateral mental health benefits.
Despite corruption’s effects on citizen welfare, there is substantial variation in when citizens are willing to sanction government wrongdoing. This paper uses a conjoint survey experiment, conducted in Uganda, to test how information about the position a corrupt official holds, and the details of an act of embezzlement affect citizens’ perceptions of corruption severity and willingness to punish. I find that the revenue source of stolen funds and the sector to which the funds had been allocated have the largest impact on perceived severity, followed by whether stolen funds are spent privately or recirculated through patronage or clientelism. The position the corrupt official holds has a smaller impact on severity, including whether the official was elected and whether he was a central or local official.