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This chapter provides a systematic analysis of the failure of popular constitution making in Turkey. Based on the literature and case studies, the chapter begins with elaborating theoretical premises of inclusive and democratic constitution making. Operationalizing the theoretical benchmarks established, the chapter shows that past constitution-making processes in Turkey have not even satisfied minimal conditions of popular constitution making, that is, direct and free election of a constituent assembly through all citizens. Against this background, it is indeed surprising that the 2011–2013 process was designed to meet maximum conditions of popular constitution making ‘e.g., election of MPs as constitution makers, public consultation before and after drafting’. Analyzing the 2011–2013 process, the chapter elaborates that constitution making did not live up to the promise of an inclusive and democratic process. It explains the reasons for failure and demonstrates that parties were unable to overcome deep disagreements over contested issues ‘e.g., state–religion relations, citizenship, government system’.
A democratic constitution-making process was carried out in Turkey from 2011 to 2013, but failed to produce a new constitution. In 2017, the ruling Justice and Development Party amended the existing 1982 Constitution, imposing radical changes on the political system and introducing the so-called Turkish-style presidential system. This chapter argues that such changes and movements are part of a distinct and regular cyclical oscillation within the political system from relatively authoritarian to relatively democratic phases and back again. These regular swings are created by an intense power struggle between ideologically competing forces. Each cycle has its own characteristic institutions and political system preferences. In authoritarian phases the power of the assembly is diminished, as are the checks and balances on political power. Democratic phases, on the other hand, support assembly power, political participation, basic rights, and constitutional checks and balances. The history of constitution making in Turkey reflects and reinforces these regime cycles.
The civil war, and later the rise of ISIS, left Syrian Kurds with an unprecedented opportunity to control their areas in north and north-eastern Syria. As Kurdish forces – the People’s Protection Units (YPG), which went on to form the main plank of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) – showed their effectiveness in fighting ISIS, international support for their efforts in combatting terrorism grew, particularly from the United States. The SDF came to control Syria’s Kurdish areas, as well as a portion of the non-Kurdish areas, including the heartland of ISIS’s self-proclaimed caliphate in northwest Syria. By 2017, Syrian Kurds, through their dominance of the SDF, effectively controlled more than one-quarter of Syria’s territory, the second-largest region after the government-controlled areas of Syria. For areas which fell within Rojava – Syrian Kurdistan – Syria’s Kurds are agitating not for independence but rather for greater self-rule and stronger local governance. However, political fragmentation within the Syrian Kurdish community and their respective regional and political patrons may undermine their chance for autonomy. This chapter examines the state of the Kurds in Syria, while providing a historical perspective and an assessment of possible post-war scenarios.
By the end of 2017, some 6 million Syrians had fled Syria, mostly to surrounding countries. Syrian refugees have been able to survive due to stop-gap efforts by aid agencies and the UN, as well as donor nations and mostly sympathetic host governments. However, aid agencies have had chronic funding shortages, and the refugee crisis has put host governments under political and economic pressure. This chapter surveys some of what is known about the situation of Syrians outside of Syria who have stayed in the region and argues that – considering the dangers posed by concentrations of impoverished refugees – the international community should take a pro-active and pragmatic approach that encourages host countries to absorb Syrians into their sociopolitical systems as much as possible to avoid leaving them in limbo for the undetermined future. It posits that the present chaotic situation, with ongoing instability and violence in Syria, raises larger questions about community cohesion, Syrian national identity, and whether the present wave of Syrians who were dispersed and displaced since 2011 may be seen less as (refugees) or (migrants) and more as the start of a new ’diaspora’.
In this paper, we develop and empirically test hypotheses about the diffusion of imported management practices in Turkey. We emphasize the sociopolitical legitimacy of these practices and present hypotheses as to timing, motivations, and self-promotion. We test these hypotheses with quantitative data on Total Quality Management (TQM) adoption by industrial companies in Turkey. Findings reveal that elite companies adopt TQM earlier on, self-report greater levels of sociopolitically driven legitimacy concerns, and are more likely to participate in a prestigious quality award contest. Overall, our study contributes to diffusion research guided by the new institutional approach by expanding existing models to the diffusion of imported practices across organizations in late-industrializing recipient countries. We particularly show that sociopolitical legitimacy of imported practices that is more characteristic of late-industrializing recipient contexts may generate a divergent pattern of diffusion whereby elite organizations emerge as early adopters and engage in brandishing adoption.
The chapter examines the link between upper echelons gender composition and firm sustainability performance. Gender composition is considered as the level of women on TMTs and boards. Specifically, it is considered whether presence of three or more women on company boards as well as TMTs influence sustainability performance. Thereby, the study incorporates new theoretical developments by conceptualizing gender level using critical mass concept. The sample also consists of top performing 100 firms in Istanbul Stock Exchange (ISE) known as BIST 100. A dataset containing information of BIST 100 companies’ TMT members, board of directors, CEOs, as well as firm size, profitability, sustainability performance, and industry among others were constructed by using the data provided in PDP (Public Disclosure Platform). The findings of the study indicate that critical mass of women on board of directors is important for sustainability performance. In line with token theory and critical mass proposition, in the present sample, having three or more women directors on boards of directors improves the sustainability performance of companies.
In Chapter 6, our examination of the Europeanization approach to improving governance is broadened to the EU’s Big Bang enlargement, taking in the Balkans and Turkey. In the East and South, the process of Europeanization came up against unfinished transformations from communism, nationalism, and state-building after civil wars. Although the power of Europe over Romania and Bulgaria, on one hand, and Kosovo and Bosnia, on the other, was greater than anywhere else in the world, there is no clear success story to show there, notwithstanding the EU’s occasional influence in Croatia or Romania. On the contrary, insidious state capture and the absence or weakness of rule of law caused such countries as Turkey and Hungary to backslide precisely during their “Europeanization” years.
Excavations undertaken at Uşaklı Höyük in Turkey during 2018 revealed a mosaic stone floor associated with a large building of Hittite date. This unique discovery raises new questions about the origin of mosaic flooring in Near Eastern public architecture of this period.
This chapter reflects on the book’s findings and elucidates three major factors behind Turkey’s intra–alliance opposition behavior: 1) international systemic and regional sub–systemic factors; 2) irreconcilable interests due to lack of progress in its EU accession talks, US support for Syrian Kurds at the expense of Turkey’s key interests in the Middle East, the unresolved Cyprus problem, Turkey’s resentment for its exclusion from European and Middle Eastern security developments by its transatlantic partners, causing biases and mistrust in Turkey’s relations with the EU, the USA, and NATO; and 3) domestic factors. It then explores three potential scenarios on the future of Turkey’s relations with the West and argues that the factors outlined here provoke unease and reinforce ambitions on the part of Turkey to provide a hedge against the West. It places the book’s findings in a larger context of intra–alliance opposition/conflict and discusses the implications of its findings for the IR literature. It argues that Turkish hard balancing is on the horizon and concludes by making recommendations for engaging Turkey in a mutually beneficial way.
Chapter 4 focuses on the EU–Turkey Syrian refugee deal, which was activated on November 29, 2015. It makes the argument that Turkey used the urgency of the refugee crisis and its position as a major transit country for refugees en route to Europe as leverage to acquire visa liberalization with the EU and bring momentum to its accession negotiation talks. By using active diplomacy and issue-linkage bargaining, Turkey was also able to secure the EU’s commitment to modernization of the Customs Union Agreement and provision of financial support for the welfare and protection of Syrian refugees in Turkey. Upon realizing that the perquisites secured through the deal were not going to materialize due to a multiplicity of reasons, Turkey switched to compellent threats and blackmail and engaged in boundary challenging against the EU. The refugee deal between the EU and Turkey makes it very costly for the EU to ‘lose’ Turkey and will serve as a good litmus test on whether Turkey will switch from challenging to breaking its boundaries with the EU. If the threat of revoking the deal becomes reasonably credible, then it is possible to talk about a switch to boundary breaking.
While Turkey has been traditionally deeply entrenched in the Western alliance, the country lately had a significant deterioration of its relationship with the West. This chapter first outlines the puzzle that this book addresses: How and why does Turkey increasingly go its own way within the Western alliance and grow further apart from its traditional Western allies? It then places Turkey’s relations with the West in a historical perspective, by focusing first on the history of Turkey–EU relations and then on Turkey–NATO–USA relations. It discusses the research methodology used in addressing these questions, especially the author’s unique fieldwork and semi-structured elite interviews with over 200 government officials, diplomats, EU, NATO, and OSCE officials, academics, non-governmental organization officials, and journalists in Turkey, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cyprus, the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. It offers a justification for the selection of cases examined throughout the book and concludes by discussing the outline of the book.
Syrian refugees may have increased mental health needs due to the frequent exposure to potentially traumatic events and violence experienced during the flight from their home country, breakdown of supportive social networks and daily life stressors related to refugee life. The aim of this study is to report evidence on mental health needs and access to mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) among Syrians refugees living in Sultanbeyli-Istanbul, Turkey.
A cross-sectional survey was conducted among Syrian refugees aged 18 years or over in Sultanbeyli between February and May 2018. We used random sampling to select respondents by using the registration system of the municipality. Data among 1678 Syrian refugees were collected on mental health outcomes using the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) Checklist (PCL-5) and the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist (HSCL-25) for depression and anxiety. We also collected data on health care utilisation, barriers to seeking and continuing care as well as knowledge and attitudes towards mental health. Descriptive analyses were used.
The estimated prevalence of symptoms of PTSD, depression and anxiety was 19.6, 34.7 and 36.1%, respectively. In total, 249 respondents (15%) screened positive for either PTSD, depression or anxiety in our survey and self-reported emotional/behavioural problems since arriving in Sultanbeyli. The treatment gap (the proportion of these 249 people who did not seek care) was 89% for PTSD, 90% for anxiety and 88% for depression. Several structural and attitudinal barriers for not seeking care were reported, including the cost of mental health care, the belief that time would improve symptoms, fear of being stigmatised and lack of knowledge on where and how to get help. Some negative attitudes towards people with mental health problems were reported by respondents.
Syrian refugees hardly access MHPSS services despite high mental health needs, and despite formally having access to the public mental health system in Turkey. To overcome the treatment gap, MHPSS programmes need to be implemented in the community and need to overcome the barriers to seeking care which were identified in this study. Mental health awareness raising activities should be provided in the community alongside the delivery of psychological interventions. This is to increase help-seeking and to tackle negative attitudes towards mental health and people with mental health problems.
How can we explain the mass appeal and electoral success of Islamist political parties? What are the underlying sources of the Islamist political advantage? Scholars have provided numerous answers to these widely debated questions, variously emphasizing the religious nature of the discourses in Islamist movements, their ideological hegemony, organizational capacity, provision of social services, reputation, and structural factors. However, one key aspect of Islamist movements has been underexplored in the current literature; namely, Islamists’ promises to resolve ethnic questions that remain unresolved in secularist nation-states. In this article, we argue that the extent to which Islamists govern ethnic unrest significantly shapes their electoral success and ability to establish broader hegemony. Based on ethnographic and sociological data, this article explores one particular recent electoral puzzle that reveals the limits of the scholarly literature on Islamist political advantage, examining the ethnic politics of the governing Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in Turkey.
It is widely held in the public policy and political economy literatures that the Turkish state is weak and cannot adopt a proactive approach in the financial services industry by steering and coordinating the financial policy network. However, it is puzzling that this seemingly “weak” Turkish state, which is often marked by fragmentation, conflict, and a lack of policy coordination within the state apparatus, acted strongly between 2010 and 2016 by taking pre-emptive measures to contain the macrofinancial risks arising from hot money inflows and bank credit expansion. Examining the organizational policy capacity of the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey, this article argues that proactive policy design and implementation are more likely to complement state capacity when the principal bureaucratic actors have strong organizational policy capacities.
This article focuses on the approaches and challenges to Kurdish autonomy in Iraq, Syria, and Turkey. Accommodation of Kurdish rights via autonomy arrangements has a long history as an idea but negotiating actual autonomy agreements was often a fruitless task. However, the weakening of state power in Iraq since 1991 and in Syria since 2011 has created opportunities for Kurdish movements in these states to develop and consolidate their autonomous administrations. Consequently, in recent years, the debate on Kurdish autonomy in the Middle East has taken center stage in the regional political discourse. This article first discusses the literature on approaches to autonomy to set out the main models and assess their strengths and weaknesses. It then provides accounts of the models of autonomy that are either practiced or proposed by Kurdish actors or entities in Iraq, Turkey, and Syria. The final section assesses the ability and suitability of the proposed or practiced models for the accommodation of Kurdish rights and demands and develops insights into how the current difficulties preventing the accommodation of Kurdish rights in the Middle East may be overcome.
The Turkish poultry industry has rapidly developed in the last decade. Viral pathogens continue to threaten the industry, causing economic losses worldwide, including Turkey. At present, infectious bronchitis and infectious laryngotracheitis are major challenges, as are, to a lesser extent, avian metapneumovirus, infectious bursal disease, Marek's disease and chicken infectious anaemia. The prevalence and severity of these diseases in Turkish chickens varies depending on environmental and management factors, vaccination strategies and biosecurity measures. In Turkey, infectious bronchitis virus, including vaccine and field strains, were detected in 83.6% (41/49) and 64.2% (9/14) vaccinated broiler and layer flocks, respectively. Virulent and vaccine strains of infectious bursal disease virus were found in 83.5% (1548/1855) of excised bursa Fabricius from vaccinated broilers. Virulent Marek's disease virus was found in 19.93% (120/620) of spleens from vaccinated chickens. Infectious laryngotracheitis virus in commercial poultry and Newcastle disease in backyard chickens have been detected. To date, Newcastle disease and avian influenza virus have not been reported in commercial poultry. Avian metapneumovirus was found in 7.2% (8/110) of the broiler samples. Antibodies to gyrovirus and avian leukosis virus have been detected. Commercial vaccines, such as attenuated, inactivated and vectored vaccines, are being used for prevention and control of viral poultry diseases in Turkey. This review summarises the available information on viral poultry diseases in Turkey. It highlights the need to strengthen surveillance and reporting for diseases and addresses the vaccination practices used in Turkish poultry industry. The future prospects of vaccination and need to empower diagnostic capacity in controlling viral poultry diseases are discussed. The information presented here is aimed at improving research, prevention, and control of poultry diseases for researchers, veterinarians, policy makers and other professions related to poultry industry.