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Are FDI and Islam in conflict with one another in the eyes of Tunisians? Does support for globalization fall or increase when it embraces or challenges Islamic dress, prayer, and other practices? We examine through different experimental tests how Tunisians react to foreign direct investment when it accommodates or conflicts with Islamic norms. Using three original sources of data, including a large representative survey (N = 4,986), a conjoint survey experiment (N = 1,502), and an original survey experiment with experimental social vignettes (N = 504), we examine how threats (and non-threats) from FDI to Islamic norms affect support for FDI. We find strong support for FDI, but these levels of support are not stable. We find the support for FDI falls by almost 32% if it is seen to clash with female Islamic dress. Support is highest when it accommodates Islamic practices, especially the female hijab and lowest when it is perceived to disregard these practices.
This chapter shows how the decisions and actions taken between January and October 2011 by the Tunisian Provisional Administration (TPA) in Tunisia and by the National Transition Council (NTC) in Libya between February 2011 and July 2012, which were the first interim governments in each country, influenced events between 2014 and 2019. In Tunisia, where the TPA had insisted on abiding by a “spirit of consensus” that helped its successor government, the National Constituent Assembly (NCA)/Troika, overcome its crisis of 2013, a second republic had been inaugurated under a constitution that was written in this spirit. However, governing in this spirit – implementing and operating through consensual institutions – proved much more difficult and caused many challenges in later years. In Libya, the NTC had been unable to assert a moderate, unifying narrative and governing presence; it was instead drowned out by extremist forces as the NTC gave way to its successor, the General National Congress (GNC). The GNC became so plagued by the features and decisions of the NTC – among others, its inability to control armed groups or assert a shared Libyan vision – that the next several years were defined by spiraling conflict among groups of varying goals and identities.
This chapter shows how many of the events and much of the work of the second interim government in Tunisia, the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) and Troika, were directly linked to or produced by the behaviors, traits, and decisions of the TPA. The chapter begins by explaining how – in line with the previous chapter – the TPA was not operating in wide open territory; rather, it faced many constraints by nature of its role as a first interim government. These included pressure to swiftly hand power to an elected government, thus forcing it to work quickly; the need for care as it tried not to overstep its mandate, thus constraining its decision-making ability; and a host of constraints created by the legacies of the outgoing autocracy and inexperience with democratic government, including its own lack of preparation. The chapter then describes the series of events and actions under the TPA's successor, each with its own echoes of what had come before.
This chapter analyzes Tunisia’s first post-uprising transition government, the Tunisian Provisional Administration (TPA). The TPA formed in order to fill the void left in the wake of Ben Ali’s departure – a void defined not simply by the absence of a leader, but by the collapse of an entire political system. The chapter first presents a “historical backdrop” in order to set the stage for the work of the TPA. It then describes the various features, decisions, and actions taken by the various bodies and individuals comprising the TPA. Although the TPA sought to adhere to its defined mandate of managing day-to-day affairs and organizing elections, in seeking to organize itself and establish its own legitimacy, as well as draft a plan for transition, it dealt with several other issues relevant to any transitional process. This chapter describes how the TPA dealt with these myriad issues all during its short tenure.
This chapter introduces the book's central research questions: what factors shaped the first interim governments in Tunisia and Libya, and what role did they play in shaping transitions? It also overviews the book's main arguments and explains its contribution to the existing literature. While a rich literature has debated the importance of pre-existing institutions (or structural variables) and actors' decisions (or agency variables) during political transition, to date scholarship has not examined how the two types of variables come together in the immediate aftermath of an anti-authoritarian uprising. Moreover, the literature has not looked comprehensively at the set of important decisions taken during this phase, such as defining a constitutional drafting process, defining an electoral process and rules, and establishing mechanisms for transitional justice.
This chapter reviews the book's central questions and arguments, then summarizes the key findings, including the most notable features of each first interim government and how each one influenced later phases of transition. It then situates the study in a larger framework of political transitions. Finally, the chapter proposes a research agenda for examining the role of first interim governments more broadly, arguing that a more systematic compiling of evidence could provide additional insight into the precise parameters of this role: that is, the areas in which first interim governments can have the most influence and the actual extent to which they can shape the transition once they have completed their tenure.
Examining the factors that shaped the first interim governments of Tunisia and Libya, which formed in the immediate aftermath of the 2011 uprisings that brought down their governments, Managing Transition analyses each interim government to enhance our understanding of how political transition occurred within two North African countries. Tracing the importance of the key decisions made during these transition periods, Sabina Henneberg demonstrates the importance of these decisions taken during the short phase between authoritarian collapse and first post-uprising elections, including decisions around leadership, institutional reform, transitional justice, and the electoral processes themselves. By documenting, in close detail, the important events of the 2011 Arab Uprisings, and the months that followed, this study shows that while pre-existing structures strongly influence the design and behaviour of first interim governments, actors' choices are equally important in shaping both immediate and longer-term phases of transition.
This chapter examines how Jewish internationalists briefly flirted with constitutional reform and imperial oversight before deploying human rights to encourage Jewish departure from Libya, Morocco, and Tunisia during postcolonial transitions. They showed a profound distrust of the future disposition of Muslim rulers and called for pledges to allow North African Jews the right to leave, a claim that highlighted Jewish liminality in the postcolonial order. To argue that the future rulers of these new states had to pledge in advance to allow Jewish emigration rendered the integration of Jews into new North African states more difficult. Jewish activists ultimately wielded human rights in the service of Zionist aims, a marked contrast from other concurrent human rights activity that seeks to check the excesses of state sovereignty.
For the first time, saccular otolith shape and size were analysed in 254 samples of the bogue Boops boops collected from the marine stations of Bizerte and Kelibia situated in north-east Tunisia. The objectives were (1) to examine the inter- and intra-population variation in the otolith shape and size, including length (Lo), width (Wo) and area (Ao) measurements, and (2) to assess the relationship between otolith mass asymmetry (OMA) and total fish length (TL). In addition, the impact of pollution present in these two stations on the shape and size of the otolith in relation to the TL was discussed. Analyses of the otolith shape and biometric data showed a statistically significant asymmetry in the otolith shape (P < 0.0001) between the right and left sides within the population of Bizerte, as well as between the otoliths from the same right-right and left-left sides between the populations of Bizerte and Kelibia. Similarly, a significant Wo asymmetry (P < 0.05) was recorded within the population of Kelibia. Conversely, a significant symmetry was detected in Lo and Ao (P > 0.05) between the right and left sides within the populations of Bizerte and Kelibia. Moreover, the level of asymmetry of Ao was higher than that of Lo and Wo in both populations. Nevertheless, Student's t-test showed no statistically significant differences (P > 0.05) for Lo, Wo and Ao in relation to the means of TL between the three groups of the populations of Bizerte and Kelibia, although significant differences (P < 0.05) were found by using box plots. Furthermore, no statistically significant relationship (P > 0.05) was detected between OMA and TL within and between the populations of Bizerte and Kelibia. The possible cause of fluctuating asymmetry (FA) in the otolith shape and size both within and/or between populations of the two stations has been discussed in relation to the instability of development induced by environmental stress associated with the variation in water temperature, salinity, depth, feeding conditions and pollutants present in these stations.
Training based on the Mental Health Gap Action Programme (mhGAP) is being increasingly adopted by countries to enhance non-specialists’ mental health capacities. However, the influence of these enhanced capacities on referral rates to specialised mental health services remains unknown.
We rely on findings from a longitudinal pilot trial to assess the influence of mental health knowledge, attitudes and self-efficacy on self-reported referrals from primary to specialised mental health services before, immediately after and 18 months after primary care physicians (PCPs) participated in an mhGAP-based training in the Greater Tunis area of Tunisia.
Participants included PCPs who completed questionnaires before (n = 112), immediately after (n = 88) and 18 months after (n = 59) training. Multivariable analyses with linear mixed models accounting for the correlation among participants were performed with the SAS version 9.4 PROC MIXED procedure. The significance level was α < 0.05.
Data show a significant interaction between time and mental health attitudes on referrals to specialised mental health services per week. Higher scores on the attitude scale were associated with more referrals to specialised services before and 18 months after training, compared with immediately after training.
Findings indicate that, in parallel to mental health training, considering structural/organisational supports to bring about a sustainable change in the influence of PCPs’ mental health attitudes on referrals is important. Our results will inform the scale-up of an initiative to further integrate mental health into primary care settings across Tunisia, and potentially other countries with similar profiles interested in further developing task-sharing initiatives.
Aside from large-scale civic mobilisations, no force was more critical to the outcomes of the 2011 Arab uprisings than the armed forces. Nearly a decade after these events, we see militaries across the region in power, once again performing critical roles in state politics. Taking as a point of reference five case studies where uprisings took place in 2011, Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Syria, Philippe Droz-Vincent explores how these armies were able to install themselves for decades under enduring authoritarian regimes, how armies reacted to the 2011 Uprisings, and what role they played in the post-Uprising regime re-formations or collapses. Devoting a chapter to monarchical armies with a special focus on Saudi Arabia and the UAE, Droz-Vincent addresses whether monarchies radically differ from republics, to compare the foundational role of Arab armies in state building, in the Arab world and beyond.
While El Alamein represented an important defensive victory at the eastern fringe of the Mediterranean, joint Anglo-American landings in north-west Africa caused a transformation of the theatre. This shift to a truly Allied venture, where the war in North Africa was fought on two fronts, had consequent effects on Axis supply requirements. Anti-shipping operations continued to receive high priority throughout this period, resulting in a devastating 477 vessels of over 700,000 tons being sunk in five months. This ensured that the minimum level of supplies required by the Axis forces were not received. In fact, the losses were so devastating that the Axis came to lack the necessary shipping to even attempt shipping the required amounts in the first place. The chapter then offers a revolutionary new argument: that the period around October 1942 represented a tipping point towards collapse for the Axis position in the wider Mediterranean. The consistently high rates of sinkings had greatly eroded the base of available tonnage, and efforts to improve construction had failed. The attempts to fill the void with seized French tonnage were inadequate, and by early summer 1943 the Axis were acknowledging that maintaining positions such as Sardinia and Corsica was no longer possible, while retaining the Aegean islands and even Sicily were tenuous aims.
Foot and mouth disease (FMD) is a highly contagious viral disease that affects domestic and wild artiodactyl animals and causes considerable economic losses related to outbreak management, production losses and trade impacts. In Tunisia, the last FMD outbreak took place in 2018–2019. The effectiveness of control measures implemented to control FMD depends, in particular, on the human resources used to implement them. Tunisia has the ultimate objective of obtaining OIE status as ‘FMD-free with vaccination’. The aim of this study was to determine and compare the necessary and available human resources to control FMD outbreaks in Tunisia using emergency vaccination and to assess the gaps that would play a role in the implementation of the strategy. We developed a resources-requirement grid of necessary human resources for the management of the emergency vaccination campaign launched after the identification of a FMD-infected premises in Tunisia. Field surveys, conducted in the 24 governorates of Tunisia, allowed quantifying the available human resources for several categories of skills considered in the resources-requirement grid. For each governorate, we then compared available and necessary human resources to implement vaccination according to eight scenarios mixing generalised or cattle-targeted vaccination and different levels of human resources. The resources-requirement grid included 11 tasks in three groups: management of FMD-infected premises, organisational tasks and vaccination implementation. The available human resources for vaccination-related tasks included veterinarians and technicians from the public sector and appointed private veterinarians. The comparison of available and necessary human resources showed vaccination-related tasks to be the most time-consuming in terms of managing a FMD outbreak. Increasing the available human resources using appointed private veterinarians allowed performing the emergency vaccination of animals in the governorate in due time, especially if vaccination was targeted on cattle. The overall approach was validated by comparing the predicted and observed durations of a vaccination campaign conducted under the same conditions as during the 2014 Tunisian outbreak. This study could provide support to the Tunisian Veterinary Services or to other countries to optimise the management of a FMD outbreak.
What explains variation in individual preferences for foreign economic engagement? Although a large and growing literature addresses that question, little research examines how partner countries affect public opinion on policies such as trade, foreign aid, and investment. We construct a new theory arguing that political side-taking by outside powers shapes individuals’ support for engaging economically with those countries. We test the theory using original surveys in the United States and Tunisia. In both cases, the potential partner country's side-taking in the partisan politics of the respondents’ country dramatically shapes support for foreign economic relations. As the rise of new aid donors, investors, and trade partners creates new choices in economic partners, our theory and findings are critical to understanding mass preferences about open economic engagement.
The aim of this study was to help drive the Tunisian construction industry towards a more sustainable approach given the existence of abundant local raw material deposits that could be exploited for the production of low-CO2 binders. Various clay sediments from the Kebili region (southern Tunisia) were characterized by chemical analysis, X-ray diffraction, thermal analysis and geotechnical tests to determine their suitability for the preparation of geopolymer binders. The clays consist of illite and kaolinite with other accessory minerals. To test the possibility of using these materials as precursors for the production of low-CO2 and low-cost geopolymers, the raw samples were calcined and activated by addition of solid sodium silicate. Compressive strength tests performed on four alkali-activated clays show that promising mechanical performance may be achieved, with mechanical strength values as high as 25 MPa after 7 days, depending on the clay composition. The mechanical strength is related to the SiO2:Al2O3 and Al2O3:(NaO2 + K2O) ratios. Careful selection of the raw materials is, therefore, an essential step in the exploitation of clay deposits to be used for the production of ecological materials such as geopolymers.
This concluding chapter compares and contrasts the Green Uprising with the Arab Spring revolts, underscoring connections between these historic events, and their strengths and weaknesses. Importantly, it also considers claims of the finality of the government’s defeat of the uprising on Revolution Day. For many, the uprising endures in one way or another. Long-term impacts on the government include shattered political taboos, issues of ideological legitimacy, and the subsequent conduct of the state. Despite claims of its failure by the state and more widely, the Green Movement continues to show signs of life. Once again, this uprising is situated in Iran’s genealogy of revolutionary upheaval—empowered by the past while also informing future protests. The book concludes, as it began, with a critique of the state’s preferred slogan that encapsulates its purposeful, one-dimensional understanding of the Iranian Revolution: “Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic.”
How does political polarization occur under repressive conditions? Drawing on psychological theories of social identity, the author posits that the nature of repression drives polarization. Repression alters group identities, changing the perceived distance between groups and ultimately shaping the level of affective and preference polarization between them through differentiation processes. The author tests the proposed causal relationship using mixed-method data and analysis.The results of a laboratory experiment reveal that exposure to a targeted repression prime results in greater in-group identification and polarization between groups, whereas exposure to a widespread prime results in decreased levels of these same measurements. The effect of the primes appears to be mediated through group identification. Case-study evidence of polarization between political opposition groups that were differently repressed in Egypt and Tunisia reinforces these results. The findings have implications for understanding how polarization, as conditioned by repression, may alter the likelihood of the cooperative behavior among opposition actors necessary for the success of democratic politics.
Chapter 1 describes how Tunisia’s unique success has been based on comparative strength in national unity and state capacities along with an apolitical military, and Islamist and secular political parties exceptionally willing to work together to sustain a democratic bargain. Latent threats to Tunisia’s democracy remain in a security sector fighting reform, socioeconomic struggles, and the resurgence to power of pre–Arab Spring political and economic elites.
This chapter introduces the democratic consolidation framework utilized in the book to explain divergent outcomes of the Arab Spring. It argues for the desirability of socioeconomic pacts and analyzing the history and contours of nation and state formation in analysis of democracy.