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Beginning in the early 1960s—and especially by the end of the decade—a large number of the ethnic Hmong people in Thailand aligned themselves with the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT). By the 1970s, most of the CPT's “liberated areas” were located in remote, mountainous areas populated by Hmong people. In this paper, I situate Hmong involvement in CPT through the literature related to the multi-ethnic connections being made through the organisation of armed groups and argue that Hmong involvement with the CPT was transnational, transcultural and gender-relations-transforming. The first Hmong Thai to join the CPT was recruited in neighbouring Laos. Other Hmong in Thailand heard about the CPT through radio broadcasts from Laos in Hmong language. Furthermore, many of the early CPT recruits travelled from their homes in Thailand for political and military instruction at a basic training centre called A-30, which was located somewhere in northern Laos near the border with China. There, most Hmong CPT recruits learned to speak, read and write central Thai language. Hmong CPT also started to meaningfully interact with other Thais, including those from northeastern and southern Thailand and Chinese Thais from Bangkok. Later, those deemed to have particular potential were sent to study in China or in Vietnam for specific military training. Some Hmong sent their children to study with the CPT; others went on their own. The Hmong also interacted with people from other communist movements in Southeast Asia.
This chapter argues that contemporary Irish-language writing demands a critical response that recognizes its increasingly transnational or global thematic range. The endangered status of the language, far from demoralizing writers, seems to provide them motivation to transcend limiting sociolinguistic realities. The minority subject position becomes a lens for engagement with global issues, as witnessed in a large and diverse body of poetry related to contemporary wars and international conflicts and in a body of fictional writing that engages with transnational history and cultural critique. Contemporary Irish-language writers collectively display an acute awareness of Irish participation or collusion in oppressive imperial or colonial projects. A selection of examples is cited to demonstrate how the resources of the Irish linguistic and literary tradition have been brought to bear on contemporary and historical events and predicaments. In giving voice to global concerns, the Irish language ironically becomes a potent medium with which to question the primacy of national ethnic identification.
The recent COVID-19 outbreak has pushed the tension of protecting personal data in a transnational context to an apex. Using a real case where the personal data of an international traveler was illegally released by Chinese media, this Article identifies three trends that have emerged at each stage of conflict-of-laws analysis for lex causae: (1) The EU, the US, and China characterize the right to personal data differently; (2) the spread-out unilateral applicable law approach comes from the fact that all three jurisdictions either consider the law for personal data protection as a mandatory law or adopt connecting factors leading to the law of the forum; and (3) the EU and China strongly advocate deAmericanization of substantive data protection laws. The trends and their dynamics provide valuable implications for developing the choice of laws for transnational personal data. First, this finding informs parties that jurisdiction is a predominant issue in data breach cases because courts and regulators would apply the law of the forum. Second, currently, there is no international treaty or model law on choice-of-law issues for transnational personal data. International harmonization efforts will be a long and difficult journey considering how the trends demonstrate not only the states’ irreconcilable interests but also how states may consider these interests as their fundamental values that they do not want to trade off. Therefore, for states and international organizations, a feasible priority is to achieve regional coordination or interoperation among states with similar values on personal data protection.
The number of transnational corporations (TNCs) – including parent companies and subsidiaries – has exploded over the last forty years. In 1970, there were approximately 7,000 TNCs in the world; today, there are more than 100,000 with over 900,000 foreign affiliates.1 TNCs are now so complex and amorphous in their structure – even compared to ten years ago – that it is difficult for even the most sophisticated legal systems to adequately hold TNCs accountable for the harms they create in countries where they operate, even as the TNCs make enormous profits at the expense of often vulnerable communities. The truth is, certain legal doctrines, often devised nearly a century ago or longer, are too outdated to sufficiently assure that TNCs are held accountable for harms they create in today’s world, where TNCs operate globally, and often have structures that transcend a single country or jurisdiction.
The Under the Radar festival is the result of the politics of a time and place that were reset by 9/11. That is when the USA finally learned that it is not invulnerable at home and that its alliances in art, culture, science, and industry are fundamental to its well-being. Situated at Astor Place, a neighbourhood at the crossroad between New York’s East and West Village, Under the Radar is part of a long history of a place that maps part of the story of American immigration, architecture, urban decay and renewal, the economy, and theatre. The festival pivoted away from American exceptionalism towards the interdependence of the neo-liberal economy by accentuating transnationalism in the context of globalization. Greenwich Village’s intellectual and artistic vibrancy has a history of being in conversation with ideas and experimentation originating in Europe, Asia, Africa, Australia, and the Americas. Under the Radar draws upon and adds to this legacy of place through its presentation of work from all over the world. Diversity at Under the Radar signifies ‘this is us’, not in the sense of either multiculturalism or sameness, but of an inquiry of ideas that shapes our shared human destiny.
This chapter closely examines the Kampala International Theatre Festival, an annual event since 2014, as an example of a new generation of small international theatre festivals in twenty-first-century African urban centres. It asks how such festivals differ from their counterparts in other parts of the world and what they can do to shape and define contemporary local African theatre practices and their relationships to global stages. Drawing on participant observation, interviews with artists, and historical and political contextualization, it analyses this Uganda-based festival as a performative event that cultivates national and transnational affectively experienced communities, alternately along the lines of Ugandan, regional East African, and global alliances. It argues that the festival’s artistic and social activity, driven by strategic local administrators and artists, cultivates a next generation of Ugandan theatre artists and audiences, affirms regional connections that economic and political circumstances of post-colonial Africa have sometimes obscured, strengthens cultural and artistic flows that defy hegemonic trends of North–South collaboration, and asserts agency over Uganda’s ongoing process of cultural globalization.
Modern Art in the Arab World is a collection of approximately 125 primary documents dealing with the debates around modernism in the Arab world dating between 1882 to 1987. This essay responds to the book from two perspectives: first, as an academic researching modernism in Morocco, and second, as a Qatar-based professor that teaches undergraduate courses about modern and contemporary Arab art. The book highlights a broadly defined and heterogeneous Arab world that extends from Morocco to the Gulf, and the selected texts create new conversations between these varied movements. It is evidence of the changing nature of this field of study. As a tool for teaching, the book offers signposts about what the editors consider to be the most significant debates and events in a given place while also creating the possibility for reading these movements transnationally.
This chapter explains how the Meiji Restoration embodied two profound contradictions. The new government described its actions and policies both as a “revival of ancient kingly rule” (ōsei fukko), but also as a revolution (isshin). These phrases were in nominally in opposition: fukko referred explicitly to the ancient past, while isshin declared on the contrary, that all was being made new. That contrast reveals how Meiji leaders embraced radical reform, but connected it to the renewal of ancient ways. While describing reform as ancient, the government also reconciled a celebration of Japanese uniqueness with the adoption of Western ideas and technologies. Government discourse therefore contained the dual tensions of “new vs. ancient” and “foreign vs. uniquely Japanese.” As this chapter reveals, these tensions are most evident in the iconography of Japanese banknotes, where the government sought to craft a national history that was both distinctly Japanese and analogous to Western models. The banknotes were thus simultaneously an emulation of the West and a celebration of ancient Japanese legends.
Sarah Barrow’s chapter explores several examples from contemporary Latin American cinema as case studies to address some of the terms and issues that are raised by the notion of transnational cinematographic (dis)connections, and to capitalize on the productive intersection of ideas and debates that have begun to emerge in this area. Analyses of important films from Chile, Mexico and Peru that have crossed borders from many logistical and conceptual perspectives, are deployed to highlight some of the many ways that we might better understand the way that film culture explores, highlights, disrupts and interrogates notions of intercultural communication.
Comics are an increasingly popular medium in the twenty-first century. Combining words and images, comics enable the expression of individual and collective histories that straddle languages and cultures, reflecting the multimodality of the cognitive and narrative processes in a multilingual, globalising world. This article proposes an original framework to understand the power of comics as a transcultural medium by exploring the production of Takoua Ben Mohamed, a graphic journalist and comics author born in Tunisia and raised in Rome. These comics visualise histories of migration and translation in Italy and the Mediterranean, questioning notions of homogeneity, authenticity and canonicity of Italian memory and culture. The article engages with the theoretical and methodological framework of the Transnationalizing Modern Languages (TML) research project, exploring the interconnected linguistic and cultural dimensions of memory and translation. The analysis identifies a series of processes termed mediation-translation in Ben Mohamed's comics, which illuminate the constitutive nature of memory and translation in contemporary processes of identification.
One of the most significant components of a formative modern Irish literary canon in the middle decades of the twentieth century is its interaction with a neighbouring British literary tradition. In its emphasis on this mid-century hinterland the chapter seeks to revise existing concepts of ‘resurgence’ in the Irish poetry of the 1970s, and explores instead the aesthetic inheritances, connections and continuities that define this period. It initially discusses how members of the poetic coterie in 1940s Dublin, Austin Clarke and Valentin Iremonger, responded in different ways to the publication of Freda Naughton’s A Transitory House by Jonathan Cape in 1945. In being dismissed or praised for its detachment from Ireland, this – her first and only volume - offered a sounding board for anxieties about these writers’ status in relation to England. A similar kind of anxiety is found in the Ulster poetry and criticism of John Hewitt, Roy McFadden and particularly Robert Graecen during these years, writers who held an awkward position in relation to both British and Irish traditions. It then tracks a series of engagements through the 1950s, when Philip Larkin was in Belfast and Donald Davie was in Dublin, locations which were far more productive for the latter than the former.
What can postcolonial theory teach us about politics and society? Part of that depends upon what “postcolonial theory” is. First and foremost, it must be clarified that postcolonial theory is not reducible to a singular “theory” in the conventional sense. It is not a set of ordered hypotheses about the social world or a “singular logically integrated causal explanation” (Calhoun 1995: 5). It is not concerned with meeting Homans’ requirement that “causal explanation” constitutes theory (Homans 1964). While it might include certain causal statements, postcolonial theory is not restricted to them. Postcolonial theory is better thought of as a perspective or worldview. To draw from Abend’s definition of theory, it is a “Weltanschauung, that is, an overall perspective from which one sees and interprets the world” (Abend 2008). From this perspective, one might derive hypothetical causal statements.
The concept of citizenships, in the plural, reflects different research traditions in citizenship theorizing: citizenship as legal status in a sovereign state, as a bearer of rights and obligations; citizenship as participation (civic republicanism); and citizenship as social membership. Each of these enhances capabilities of individuals to become participants in political, economic, and social spheres of life. Citizenships as a concept also embraces practices: how these aspects of citizenship are experienced in everyday encounters and the relationships of power – in families, workplaces, welfare offices, social movements – and their variations in institutional contexts.
Chapter 4 focusses on the local level in order to examine the way different parts of arenas lend themselves to varying forms of ordering. Within an inner circle, actors engage more regularly, revealing themselves to one another and thereby creating pressure for a stable order. An outer circle is more illegible, diffuse, and widespread, which allows actors to use it as a refuge for fluid ordering. The shape of an arena is not a deterministic structure but rather one that actors deliberately mould to support the forms of ordering that benefit them most. This line of research ascertains (1) why, how, and where actors create the dividing line between an inner and outer circle (drawing the line), (2) why and how actors enter or leave an inner circle (crossing the line), and (3) what forms of interactions make a line obsolete between inner- and outer-circle actors (erasing the line).
Chapter 1 examines recruitment, looking at questions surrounding a postulant’s choice of convent and how they managed to travel there. The very foundation of each exile convent was based on national identity: these were, after all, English convents. Yet this insistence on Englishness did not only emanate from the women religious themselves but was fundamental to their gaining permission to establish convents in the first place. Nevertheless, it is argued that particular religious identities affected the process of joining a convent. It takes as its case study convent recruitment from the county of Essex to argue that women chose particular convents based on an interplay between home and abroad, as well as clerical and familial patronage. It highlights the effect of one clerical movement – the Jesuits – on convent recruitment patterns, yet these issues of competing spiritualities were not, despite first appearances, solely products of particular national contexts but part of wider developments in Catholic Europe. They show the formation of the English convents as part of the European – and even global – Catholic Reformation rather than presenting them as isolated national enclaves.
It is well known that the Reformed Church spread farther and faster than any of the other Protestant reformations, expanding to various Swiss cities, France, the Netherlands, the British Isles, much of the Holy Roman Empire, Hungary, and Poland-Lithuania during Calvin’s own lifetime or shortly after his death in 1564. And in the seventeenth century it flourished even farther afield, expanding permanently to North America and southern Africa. Moreover, much of this growth and expansion was directly tied to a larger narrative of persecution, emigration, and refuge. But to refer to this phenomenal growth as the creation of international Calvinism conceals as much as it reveals. For one thing, we might better speak of international Calvinisms in the plural, as it was hardly the same church that was exported across much of western and central Europe and then the globe. As other chapters in this volume explain very explicitly, the Reformed religion had to adapt and restyle itself virtually everywhere it went to survive in very different political, economic, and sociocultural climates. For another, international Calvinism had no Calvinist international, either institutionally or structurally, to foster and maintain close and permanent relations among the various Reformed churches. This was hardly surprising given Calvin’s own inclination that each church should be self-governing. So, what, then, can we mean by the term international Calvinism?
This Article analyses recent developments in Union citizenship, in particular the relationship between Articles 20 and 21 TFEU. In doing so, it divides Union citizenship into a transnational and a supranational dimension with the transnational dimension having two sub-dimensions: social integration and autonomy. It is argued that we are seeing an increased emphasis on the responsibility of the individual citizen in the context of the transnational dimension and a clear linkage between the transnational and supranational dimensions. The result of these two moves is a status which continues to emphasise the relationship between the Union citizen and the communities represented by Member States, while framing this with a more prominent supranational dimension.
Reducing globalization to transnational movements and exchanges prevents us from understanding the specificity of our contemporary globalization, which was preceded by earlier waves of globalization. In particular, in the middle of the nineteenth century, many of the dimensions of our globalization had already been identified: the mobility of people, the expansion of trade, financial and cultural flows worldwide, and international cooperation. For example, as early as the 1850s, Marx diagnosed a ‘global’ expansion of capitalism bringing together many of the features of our contemporary globalization. In this article, I thus raise the question of the specificity of our globalization. What makes it new when compared to previous globalization processes? The main sociological theories of globalization in the 1990s relied on the thesis of a transition from a national to a global era. Many sociologists have therefore identified new aspects of our contemporary globalization. I explore six of those in turn: the invention of the terms ‘global’ and ‘globalization’ themselves; the rise of ‘transmigrations’; the rise of value chains, logistics, and ‘emerging’ countries in international trade; global cities and informational capitalism as new geographies of transnational financial flows; the threat to cultural diversity posed by a globalizing culture; and a sociology of globalization that is less and less monopolized by privileged or specific actors, becoming, on the contrary, increasingly ordinary and widespread.