Chapter 2 provides a toolbox for managers for developing principles to address moral issues in business. The introductory case describes a student worker observing potentially illegal practices at work. It then examines how classic and contemporary ethical theory can undergird our intuitions and promote reasoned arguments. We start with utilitarianism, or looking to the maximum good for the maximum number, and identify challenges involved in making those calculations. Next, we look at duty-based theories that encourage good for its own sake, with the implication that a firm should benefit all stakeholders, and virtue theory which promotes notions of character and purpose. The chapter also asks whether corporate culture makes a firm sufficiently like a person to be regarded as a moral agent. The ethics of care, often championed by feminist philosophers, is presented as a contrast to classical theory and recent work in standpoint ethics is also discussed. The concluding case deals with EpiPens, potentially life-saving devices which, after a huge increase in price, led to windfall profits to the manufacturer, and invites analysis based on the theories presented.

I begin the book by providing an overview of recent political economy literature on ethnicity, which largely assumes that ethnicity is fixed and unchanging despite decades of evidence to the contrary. I then introduce my argument as an attempt to explain ethnic change. I first argue that people hold multiple ethnic identities simultaneously, and that individuals emphasize the one that brings them the most benefits. I then build upon earlier theories from Marx and Gellner to claim that industrialization is the most powerful factor that leads people to re-identify with larger ethnic groups, and that this process of assimilation is induced by the decline in the relative value of land. Inasmuch as the process of industrialization is inherently uneven, however, I suggest that assimliation should proceed unevenly as well. Finally I claim that the major role played by states in my theory is in their ability to promote or inhibit industrialization, not through assimilationist policies. I then go on to establish the scope conditions of my argument, namely the way I focus on ethnic change in non-violent contexts while also limiting myself to non-immigrant communities.

What is the best way to begin studying international law? This chapter jump-starts your study of international law, providing you with helpful resources on how to read cases and treaties, how to brief cases for later use, and how to read and use other documents you will encounter in this book. The end of the chapter provides a snapshot of the major theoretical approaches to international law and international relations that can shape your thinking about its usefulness, limits, and power to shape the behavior of states.

This chapter concerns two elemental aspects of parenting research: foundational theories and the establishment of research into parent-child relationships. The six essential theories that have formed the groundwork for understanding parenting are reviewed. These theories are: evolution, attachment, socialization, behavioral genetics, social cognition, and systems. While the earliest theories were developing, research into parenting began to be published. Empirical studies about child rearing appeared in journals with some regularity beginning in the 1930s. Around the same time, child study centers and the interest in child guidance and parent education emerged. Researchers into parent-child relationships have adopted different theoretical approaches, taken multiple and often dissimilar methods, and addressed diverse questions. Many of the studies can be characterized into one of eight approaches: trait, child effects and transactions, social learning, social address, social cognition, behavioral genetics, ecological momentary, and large sample, longitudinal datasets. These approaches are described and contrasted. The chapter ends with discussion of some of the current research trends.

The Introduction makes the case for rethinking the politics of immigration across political regimes and for leveraging immigration policy as an analytical lens to explore the inner workings of modern states. I start by sketching the empirical puzzle that motivated the book - the fact that Morocco’s authoritarian regime has enacted a liberal immigration reform, while immigration policies have remained restrictive throughout Tunisia’s democratic transition. I then embed the empirical puzzle in the broader political science debate around the ’regime effect’, which suggests that democracy and autocracy give rise to specific immigration policy processes and outcomes. To pave the way for theory-building, I introduce a three-fold typology of immigration policy processes that systematizes insights into the ‘regime effect’ and distills commonalities and differences in immigration politics across the democracy/autocracy divide. Lastly, I outline the research design and methods adopted to trace immigration policy processes in Morocco and Tunisia and provide an overview of the empirical and theoretical contributions of each chapter.

Chapter 8 systematically compares immigration politics in Morocco and Tunisia and brings to the fore some striking continuities and parallels across democratic and autocratic contexts. I show that the state’s imperative to ensure its legitimation and sovereignty drives some of the key similarities in Moroccan and Tunisian immigration policymaking, such as the tendency to safeguard state power by creating exemption regimes or enacting changes informally. I also demonstrate that histories of state formation and official national identity narratives are key to understanding contemporary immigration politics in both countries. Lastly, I tease out how Morocco’s autocratization and Tunisia’s democratization affected the role, weight and interactions of state apparatus, civil society and external actors in immigration policy over the twenty-first century. I show that while the power of the executive and the weight of domestic political and civil society actors seem sensitive to a ’regime effect’, bureaucratic and international policy dynamics around immigration seem largely unaffected by political regime dynamics.

Chapter 2 offers a first systematic attempt at rethinking immigration policy theories across political regimes. I map dominant theories of immigration policymaking - namely political economy, institutionalist, historical-culturalist, globalization theory and international relations approaches – and reflect on their relevance for understanding immigration politics across the democracy–autocracy spectrum. In doing so, I draw on my in-depth case studies of Morocco and Tunisia, the rich scholarship on immigration policymaking in the Global North and Global South, as well as broader comparative politics, international relations and political sociology literature on power, politics and modern statehood. Hereby, I seek to stimulate future comparative research and systematic theorizing of immigration politics.

The Conclusion returns to the book’s central ambition: to leverage the contrasting cases of Morocco and Tunisia for more systematic theory-building on immigration politics beyond the liberal state. I summarize my key empirical and theoretical propositions and reflect on how they contribute to research on Moroccan and Tunisian migration politics, theories of immigration policy, and broader comparative politics, international relations, and political sociology scholarship. I also reflect on the most promising avenues for consolidating theory-building on immigration policymaking across the Global North/Global South and democracy/autocracy divides in the future. In particular, I hope to inspire readers to question the analytical power of binary categories such as democracy or autocracy for theorizing political processes, and to mobilize immigration policy as a lens to research political change and the inner workings of modern states.

Chapter 9 introduces the general desiderata of a good theory and tradeoffs that flow from this set of oft-conflicting criteria. Next, we discuss various complexities of theorizing – the number of causes and effects embraced by a theory, the specification of mechanisms, and the problem of defining units and levels of analysis.

Chapter 10 offers tools and tips for theorizing. We lay out multiple modes of theorizing – spoken word, written word, pictures, key cases, and formal models. Then, we offer some general guidance on the construction of theories.

Chapter 8 lays out a menu of well-travelled theoretical frameworks. This includes (a) motivational frameworks (interests, norms, psychology), (b) structural frameworks (material factors, human capital/demography, institutions), and (c) interactive frameworks (adaptation, coordination, diffusion, networks, path dependence).

This chapter argues that democratic developing countries were more likely to open their economies during the late-twentieth century if they violated workers' basic rights to organize and strike. The more democracies adopted such labor repression, the more likely they were to embrace free trade. The more democracies respected workers' rights, in contrast, the more likely they were to maintain high tariffs.

We begin by demonstrating the importance of the ideas of Karl Popper to corpus linguistics. On that basis we begin an exploration of his ideas in order to understand both his account of the scientific method and how this method may illuminate aspects of the corpus-based approach to the study of language.