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The competing ideologies of nation and monarchy had a troubled beginning in the 19th century, insomuch as they derived partly from two opposing sources of legitimacy. However, from the 1830s on, their supporters achieved the establishment of an interspecific and mutually advantageous relationship. The nation gradually managed to prevail over the monarchy, justifying its presence in national terms. However, the monarchy possessed something longed for by liberal nationalists: historical legitimacy. Thus, the crown served Romantic nationalism in its search for national foundations and to generate national emotions of a collective sense of belonging. This article analyses this process by focusing on the Spanish case and using a vast range of cultural sources. I reason that the monarchy’s history was intensively used in Isabel II’s reign (1833–1868), both by the monarch herself as well as nationalist elites, to legitimate and justify their presence in the liberal world. The article is divided into three sections. The first part locates the problem into a general process that touched all the crowned heads of Europe. The second section studies the appeal of exemplary medieval monarchs in the liberal hunt for national roots. The final one focuses on the particular case of Isabel the Catholic because of the remarkable prominence it acquired.
Dryocosmus kuriphilus (Hymenoptera: Cynipidae) is a global invasive gall wasp and a pest of chestnuts (Castanea spp.). A study of the Chalcidoidea parasitoid community of D. kuriphilus was undertaken over two years, from March 2017 to March 2019, at 15 sites in south and northwest Spain (Málaga and Galicia regions). More than 18,000 galls were collected, and 1153 parasitoids belonging to 22 species of seven chalcidoid families, plus two individuals of an inquiline Cynipidae, Synergus facialis, emerged. Richness was higher in the Málaga region, with 20 species, while 17 parasitoids and one inquiline were identified in Galicia. The parasitism rate of native chalcid parasitoid species in both regions was low. Eupelmus urozonus and Mesopolobus lichtensteini were the most abundant native species. Mesopolobus tibialis was a dominant species in south Spain, while Ormyrus pomaceus was a dominant species in northwest Spain. Our results revealed the existence of a sub-community of univoltine, probably host specialized, parasitoids in south Spain, which overwinter in galls, exhibiting a similar life cycle to Torymus sinensis. These species were Torymus notatus, Aulogymnus bicolor, Aulogymnus obscuripes and Aulogymnus balani. Data on the recovery of T. sinensis after release in the south Spain region show it to be well established, but its numbers are still low in northwest Spain.
In Memorandum on the Debts of State (1715) Montesquieu explains how to curb France’s debt crisis stemming principally from Louis XIV’s war-mongering. Rather than recommending declaration of bankruptcy, he proposes a gradual reduction of the debt by means of a partial repudiation. The greater the proportion of an individual’s overall wealth invested in the crown’s debt, the less the reduction would be, since such individuals would have fewer other investments. Montesquieu was confident his debt reduction plan would succeed and predicted the king would be able to reduce taxes. In his Considerations on the Wealth of Spain (1727–1728) he explains that the main reason for the collapse of Spain as a powerhouse in modern Europe was that the Spanish became the victims of inflation. The more bullion brought to Spain’s shores, the less valuable it became since more and more specie chased roughly the same amount of goods.
Chapter 4 links analyses of social property relations to scholarship on the social origins of the diplomatic corps and the aristocratisation of ambassadors from the late-seventeenth century. It presents the debates in diplomatic theory and history regarding the social origins or functions of actors regarded as necessary or ideal to fulfil diplomatic duties. The chapter argues that the aristocratisation of ambassadors led by France and Castile can be understood as a jurisdictional strategy of collaboration between noble classes and sovereigns to sustain an 'old regime' Europe. The typology of jurisdictional accumulation can be used to contrast French and Castilian strategies of ambassadorial recruitment as transplants of authority, with English and Dutch counterpart strategies as transports. Transplants mark the former’s more embodied and organic reliance on the prestige of the person of the ambassador, whereas the latter favoured the potential utility and political requirements of their more merchant-based imperial agents in shaping the social diversity of their ambassadorial corps, and therefore can be identified through the more functional concept of transports.
Chapter 7 discusses the conceptual and historiographical implications of the analysis of consuls in Chapter 5 and of the jurisdictional practices of accumulation in Chapter 6. Exploring different meanings of jurisdiction for the doctrine of the law of nations in Castile and for England’s famous Calvin’s Case reveals the importance of the difference between transplants and transports of authority as shaped by different notions of dominium. In effect, transplants of authority refer to notions of dominium that incorporate both ownership of things and people and rule or judicial authority over things and people. In contrast, transports of authority refer to a more restricted notion of dominium focused on the ownership of things, or what some might identify as private property. Finally, in the Mediterranean, jurisdictional accumulation reveals how early modern consuls, as the most significant and neglected of jurisdictional actors, were shaping key legal fictions (political–economic and Christian–non-Christian) that were maintained in the later-nineteenth-century’s construction of modern international law, and which contributed to excluding peoples from the standards of civilisation.
During the first months of the severe acute respiratory syndrome-coronavirus-2 (SARS-CoV-2) epidemic in 2020, Spain implemented an initial lockdown period on 15 March followed by a strengthened lockdown period on 30 March when only essential workers continued to commute to work. However, little is known about the epidemic dynamics in different age groups during these periods.
We used the daily number of coronavirus 2019 cases (by date of symptom onset) reported to the National Epidemiological Surveillance Network among individuals aged 15–19 years through 65–69 years. For each age group g, we computed the proportion PrE(g) of individuals in age group g among all reported cases aged 15–69 years during the pre-lockdown period (1−10 March 2020) and the corresponding proportion PrL(g) during two lockdown periods (initial: 25 March−3 April; strengthened: 8–17 April 2020). For each lockdown period, we computed the proportion ratios PR(g) = PrL(g)/PrE(g). For each pair of age groups g1, g2, PR(g1)>PR(g2) implies a relative increase in the incidence of detected SARS-CoV-2 infection in the age group g1 compared with g2 for the lockdown period vs. the pre-lockdown period.
For the initial lockdown period, the highest PR values were in age groups 50–54 years (PR = 1.21; 95% CI: 1.12,1.30) and 55–59 years (PR = 1.19; 1.11,1.27). For the second lockdown period, the highest PR values were in age groups 15–19 years (PR = 1.26; 0.95,1.68) and 50–54 years (PR = 1.20; 1.09,1.31).
Our results suggest that different outbreak control measures led to different changes in the relative incidence by age group. During the initial lockdown period, when non-essential work was allowed, individuals aged 40–64 years, particularly those aged 50–59 years, had a higher relative incidence compared with the pre-lockdown period. Younger adults/older adolescents had an increased relative incidence during the later, strengthened lockdown. The role of different age groups during the epidemic should be considered when implementing future mitigation efforts.
Puritan New England was not isolated from other European empires. It sat between the colonies of New Netherland and New France and, thanks to New Englanders’ participation in the broader English culture of anti-Catholicism, was acutely conscious of Spain’s presence in America. Rivalries and relations with these different European colonies, as well as their Indigenous allies, left their mark on New England literature. Even though few of those nonpuritan peoples ever visited New England, captivity narratives, anti-Catholic polemics, criticisms of the Dutch, praise for the Huguenot victims of French Catholicism, and fear and suspicion of the Anglican establishment they had left behind in England testify to the ways that the broader world figured in New England culture. A closer look at some of the sources generated by the encounter with their various North American neighbors also points to the diversity within New England. Paying attention to the frontiers, away from the cultural center around Boston, it becomes clear that there was no complete agreement on how to respond to the non-English peoples across the border. These connections highlight how New England was both part of the wider English world as well as a distinct subculture within it.
The majority of European early modern empires – the Castilian, French, Dutch, and English/British – developed practices of jurisdictional accumulation, distinguished by the three categories of extensions, transports, and transplants of authority. This book is concerned with various diplomatic and colonial agents which enabled the transports and transplants of sovereign authority. Through historical analyses of ambassadors and consuls in the Mediterranean based on primary and secondary material, and on the empires' Atlantic imperial expansions and conquests, the book makes a major analytical contribution to historical sociology. As an interdisciplinary exercise in conceptual innovation based on a Political Marxist framework and its concept of social property relations, the book goes beyond common binaries in both conventional and critical histories. The new concept of jurisdictional accumulation brings ambassadors, consuls, merchants, and lawyers out of the shadows of empire and onto the main stage of the construction of modern international relations and international law.
St Alban’s English College in Valladolid, established at the height of the Catholic Reformation for the training of English secular clergy under the rule of Spanish Jesuits, underwent an alteration in its management after the expulsion of the religious order from Spain in 1767. As part of this process, numerous valuable archival records were produced which have not, thus far, been studied. This article analyses a portion of these documents: the surviving manuscript inventories of the library. It also considers the series of governmental orders issued by the Spanish authorities as part of the process of expulsion and examines how these orders shaped the production of the library inventories. It offers an overview of the contents of the catalogues, with descriptions of some of those specific book entries that make these inventories unique. The study of these archival documents provides insight into, and understanding of, a key moment in the College history: its shift from Spanish Jesuit control to an English secular one and the difficulties that the Spanish authorities faced because of this change in the College’s national identity.
Before c.600, Western European military forces were recognisably descended from the last western Roman armies, as can quickly be demonstrated. Late Roman troops had sometimes been paid via the delegation of fiscal revenues and, as earlier, received allotments of land on retirement.1 Their hereditary service,2 furthermore, exempted them from certain taxes. In the fourth and fifth centuries a series of military identities evolved, based around oppositions to traditional civic Roman ideals. These turned on ideas of barbarism, enhanced by possibly increased recruitment beyond the frontiers and greater opportunities for non-Roman soldiers to rise to higher command.3 As the territory effectively governed from Ravenna, the imperial capital, shrank during the fifth century, and with it the available taxation and recruiting bases, the enlistment, and political pre-eminence, of warriors from outside the empire grew further.4
Beyond Europe, the European imperialist security community proved too divided to act on non-European issues with a unified voice. European self-interest and Iberian resistance stood in the way of an early nineteenth-century plan to include the United States in the European system, and the non-European world was not considered as an equal partner at the negotiating table. From 1830 onwards, France was no longer considered an aggressor or enemy. The network of fortifications was losing its function, and the reputation of Allied solidarity slowly crumbled. The instruments to curb terror had spawned new protests and resistance across Europe. A novel, nationalist and radical rhetoric trumped the emotional vocabulary of ‘balance’, ‘moderation’ and collective security, and Spanish, Portuguese, South American, Belgian and German voices of dissent considered the Allied interventions too exclusive and imperialistic. Allied dictates were ignored, or openly rebelled against with radical counter-violence.
This chapter studies the role of public opinion in the politics of education reforms in Spain between 2011 and early 2018. The influence of public opinion in education reforms varied, depending on how salient and coherent public opinion was. Public opinion sent a loud and clear signal in opposition to the government´s cuts in public education spending. Although heavily constrained by the major financial and economic crisis, the government corrected some of its budget cuts in the run-up to the 2015 elections and especially once it had lost its parliamentary majority in the same elections. On aspects related to the structure and governance of the education system, salience was high, but public opinion was much more divided (loud but noisy politics). In this case, the conservative government was clearly appealing to its core constituencies and relied on its parliamentary majority to enact its major education reform in 2013. In this political environment, the public gave little attention to policy reforms in early childhood education and care and vocational education and training. Quiet politics lent greater influence to the government’s budgetary concerns and to organized interests in the development and implementation of reforms in these sectors.
An extensive literature in political science and sociology has analyzed how state repression shapes attempts by social movements to pursue political objectives. Less studied, however, is the effect that state repression of activists has on the broader public. Understanding public responses to repression is important, as both states and social movements take action with an eye toward (de)mobilizing broader constituencies. This letter analyzes this dynamic in the context of contemporary Catalonia, where the Spanish state cracked down on efforts by Catalan activists to hold a public referendum on independence. Matching poll respondents in the months before and after the crackdown in late 2017, the study finds that repression increased public sympathy for independence for a short period, and heightened animosity towards actors perceived to be associated or complicit with the Spanish state. The findings speak to the potential for state repression of nonviolent movements to create windows of opportunity for broader mobilization.
Chapter 10 examines the housing bubble which occurred in Ireland, Spain, the UK and the United States in the 2000s. House prices in many parts of these countries more than doubled in the years leading up to 2007. They then crashed with terrible consequences for the global financial system, which imploded in September 2008 when Lehman Brothers entered bankruptcy. The chapter then discusses how the bubble triangle explains this episode. Financial alchemy meant that mortgage finance could be provided to a wider range of people, thus making the family home much more marketable and an object of speculation. The spark which ignited the subprime bubble was a policy decision taken in the late 1990s that attempted to use loose mortgage lending standards as a substitute for government-provided social housing. The chapter concludes by examining the economic, social and political consequences of the bubble. The housing bubble of the 2000s is a perfect example of an economically and socially destructive bubble, despite extraordinary measures taken by governments and central bankers to save the system. The chapter concludes by drawing a line from the housing bubble and its collapse to the rise of populism.
Changes in population and family structures are altering the provision of care for dependent older people. In Southern European countries like Spain, such care is still largely provided by family, typically spouses and adult daughters. However, an increasing proportion of women have entered the labour force, thereby affecting their availability. To study the demand and supply balance of informal care and to quantify the need for formal care when there is a deficit, we have developed a mixed microsimulation–agent-based model (ABM). Based on nuptiality, fertility and mortality levels of cohorts born at ten-year intervals between 1908 and 1968, the model starts with a microsimulation of the lifecycle of individuals and their close relatives until death. The ABM then determines the amount of time available or needed to care for family members, starting from age 50. Estimates are derived from Spanish survey data on employment, disability and time of care received. Surprisingly, results show that the family care deficit was greater in the older cohorts due to higher mortality and thus a greater impact of widowhood. However, for future elderly persons, we foresee that persistent below-replacement fertility and, paradoxically, the prolongation of the lifespan of couples will increase the demand for formal care as there will be more couples with both members incapacitated but without children to take care of them.
For over a century, flamenco has been closely associated with productions of Carmen around the world. Bizet’s gypsy protagonist is often depicted as a flamenco performer while it has become commonplace to perceive aspects of flamenco in Bizet’s score. Yet this nexus only developed gradually during the first three decades of the opera’s existence. Bizet was largely unfamiliar with flamenco and composed Carmen while flamenco as we recognise it today was still coalescing in Spain, especially in the flamenco-orientated cafés cantantes of Seville and Madrid. During the Belle Époque the rise of flamenco and its global recognition occurred almost in tandem with Carmen’s establishment in the international operatic repertory. French and Spanish opera singers of this period, from Emma Calvé to Elena Fons and Maria Gay, sought hispanic authenticity for their Carmens by drawing on the Spanish entertainment cultures of Seville, Granada and even Barcelona. The tripartite structure of this chapter employs the conceit of offering different perspectives on the intersection of Carmen and flamenco in the Belle Époque loosely framed around the basic elements of the artform: toquey palos, baile and cante.
To adapt a short FFQ (SFFQ) and evaluate its relative validity and reproducibility to assess food group intake in a population resident in the Basque Country. Moreover, the possible influence of associated variables (such as education level) on its validity and reproducibility was determined.
Nine-day 24-h recalls (24HR) were used as a reference to explore validity over the course of 1 year. The degree of misclassification in the SFFQ was evaluated by a contingency table of quartiles and by Bland–Altman plots comparing SFFQ2 and 24HR. SFFQ was administered twice to explore reproducibility at 1 year.
Basque Autonomous Community.
Adults aged ≥21 years (n 99). The sample was randomly selected and representative of the target population.
For validity, statistically significant correlations were observed for more than half of the food groups, with the lowest correlations (r or ρ) for fat (–0·008) and the highest for other foods (0·963). The mean percentage of the subjects’ food intake that was classified into the same or adjacent quartile in both methods was 75·2 %. Reproducibility was explored by the correlation coefficient and ranged from 0·201 to 0·809, and 82·6 % of participants were in the same or adjacent quartile in both SFFQ. The associated variables did not seem to influence the validity and reproducibility of the SFFQ.
An adapted SFFQ presented good reproducibility and validity for measuring most food groups in the target population, and these results did not seem to be influenced by the associated variables.
This paper analyses the mechanisms through which capital flows produced financial instability in Spain over a 165-year period. We study why and how capital bonanzas make crises more likely and severe, and whether their incidence varies depending on types of crises (currency, banking and debt crises). We conclude that most of them occurred in different monetary policy regimes, but they were associated with capital bonanzas in a liberal regulatory framework, both of which contributed to a higher likelihood and greater severity of crises. The analysis of the different monetary policy regimes, financial structures and the types of crises allows us to draw some policy implications that emphasise the need for sound financial regulation and supervision.
Chapter 8 discusses the arrival of vaccination in Portugal and Spain. An early recipient of cowpox, Portugal proved barren ground until the Prince Regent promoted the practice. Given its long rejection of smallpox inoculation, Spain moved surprisingly rapidly to embrace the new prophylaxis, with the first vaccination at the end of 1800, with vaccine sent from Paris. During 1801, vaccination was established in Madrid and other major centres and there was a flurry of publications on the procedure, some original, others customised translations. Grandees patronised vaccination in the provinces and local initiatives led to good coverage in Barcelona and Navarra. In 1803, the Royal and Philanthropic Vaccine Expedition was organised to extend the practice through the Spanish empire, beginning in the Canary Islands. War and political upheaval frustrated measures to consolidate vaccination in Spain and Portugal, but the authorities, political and medical, and some communities retained their commitment to the practice.
Victims have become a topic of scholarly debate in conflict studies, especially regarding the impact of their activism on the evolution and termination of violence. Victims of terrorism are now enlisted within counter-terrorism, given their moral authority as spokespeople for counter-narratives and de-escalation. Our research explores how Spanish terrorism victims’ associations have evolved across eras of political violence and how they mediate the translation of international War on Terror discourses into Spanish counter-terrorism. We offer a topography of how the War on Terror has opened a ‘social front’ in Spanish counter-terrorism, with Spanish political elites prominently employing the victims’ associations to this end. Contemporary terrorism discourses are read back onto the memory of ETA, with victims’ associations assisting the equation of ETA with al-Qaeda and ISIS. Collective memory of the defeat of ETA has also contributed the veneer of ‘lessons learned’ to contemporary counter-terrorism measures. Our research explores the fluidity of terrorism-memory and the importation of global terrorism discourses into Spanish politics, relying upon interviews with key stakeholders in victims’ associations, local politics, and the research director of the new Victims of Terrorism Memorial Centre in Vitoria.