The subject of this book is social relations, the concrete ties that are established between individuals, and the networks these ties constitute. Family members, friends, neighbors, business or work colleagues, romantic partners, vague acquaintances: all play a part in people’s lives, helping, influencing, and giving them ideas, but also preventing them from doing certain things. Some they entrust with little secrets and problems; with others they share leisure time and evenings out. When this network changes, life also changes to a greater or lesser extent. Conversely, a significant change in life has repercussions on the individual’s network: he sees less of certain friends and more of others who more closely match new concerns and desires. The aim of this book is to offer an overview of social relations and their dynamics at the level of individuals and their social surroundings. We draw, firstly, on two surveys we carried out and, secondly, on the accumulated findings of the tradition of social network analysis.

Relationships are not only an expression of sociability and the pleasure of being together. They also have a "utility" dimension: under certain conditions, they are a means of accessing resources. People who are in a relationship provide each other with many services, but these services alone are not enough to qualify relationships. This chapter examines the way in which relationships and networks can become resources, particularly economic resources, but also form the basis of daily mutual aid and influence. The best known case is that of the labor market, but the "economic" use of relationships goes far beyond that. Mutual aid and social support, but also influence within the personal network are other forms of relational resources.

The chapter covers the geography and resources that enabled state formation in Etruria. The first section of the chapter covers the physiography of landscape, relative to the sea, rivers, geology and mountains. The landscape is broken down into four regions: the coast, the Tuscan uplands, the volcanic South and the inland tectonic valleys. These are then matched with the potential of agriculture and minerals, and followed by the application of technology to these resources. This section traces the development of agriculture and metallurgy.

Chapter 1 introduces the questions this volume is going to address, the empirical approach it is going to adopt, and the three regions of Europe that are going to serve as a key structuring device in presenting the results. The volume descriptively addresses three claims that have been made in the literature on protest mobilization during the Great Recession: the existence of an internationally interconnected protest wave, the transformation of action repertoires, and the ‘return of the economy’ in the demands of protesters. Second, the volume asks about the drivers of protest mobilization, relying on three key concepts of social movement studies – grievances, resources, and political opportunity structures. More specifically, the chapters assess the role of economic and political grievances in driving protest: Do economic grievances mobilize or de-mobilize protest? They analyze the role of political parties in organizing protest in times of crisis and ask which parties take to the streets in times of crises, and they consider the role of political opportunity structures in moderating the link between economic grievances and protest. Since the distinction between the macro-regions is so important for the presentation of the results, the introduction also provides three sets of arguments why this distinction makes sense as a general grid in the analysis of the data. These three sets of arguments are linked to the same three sets of explanatory factors.

Chapter 4 examines the role of international administrative mechanisms (linked with a judicial mechanism) in the provision of reparations for international crimes. It questions whether reparations should be dealt with primarily by administrative mechanisms such as trust funds or claims commissions, and examines these questions through the lens of the legal framework and experience of the ICC Trust Fund for Victims (TFV), as the main administrative mechanism dealing with reparations for international crimes. Considering the important questions that the TFV raises regarding reparations and the central role it has played thus far in the ICC context, the book devotes a separate chapter to the TFV to fully engage with the unique dimensions of its mandates, the challenges it faces and whether it can serve as a model for the development of other administrative mechanisms for reparations for international crimes. This chapter carefully analyses the TFV within the ICC structure, its reparations and assistance mandates, the role it has played in the implementation of the first decisions on reparations, and how this role should further develop. It also discusses the practical implications of the activities of the TFV on reparative justice, and its practical challenges, including scarcity of resources.

One of the mechanisms by which power sharing contributes to the development of minimalist democracy, we argue, is by helping to distribute political power and resources more equitably across individuals and social groups. This chapter tests the existence of this relationship, which we refer to as involving the promotion of democracy from below. Our claim in this instance is that power-sharing institutions can help empower citizens and groups in ways that have the effect of enhancing their ability to participate in politics. This occurs as groups formerly excluded from politics are included in one or more domains of state power and as the distribution of resources enables individuals and groups, particularly those that were formerly marginalized, to take part in the political process.

In Chapter 8: Resources, you will select resources for your learning activity. Resources are sources of information that support learning. You will apply adult learning principles to the resources you select.

In Chapter 13, we examine the notion that population is important for national power, an idea widely recognized among scholars but rarely explored empirically. We begin by laying out a theoretical rationale, highlighting the notion that enhanced numbers of people should bring greater returns. Specifically, we emphasize that people provide economic resources, human capital, and innovation. Together, the greater capital, human capital, and innovation that a large population affords allows a society to produce more, which should promote greater self-sufficiency. In the analytical sections, we explore these hypotheses systematically across economic, military, and cultural dimensions of power. We find that size is associated with higher GDP, greater iron and steel production, and lower import and aid dependence. In addition, more populous countries tend to have more military personnel, higher military expenditures, and greater naval tonnage. Finally, larger countries have a greater number of universities, more patent applications, and more tourists. Our empirical analyses, coupled with analyses conducted by other scholars, thus place the thesis that size brings power beyond much doubt.

Having grown up in an industrial township, the author reflects upon housing that was conditional and retractable, being linked to the job, as well as a means through which one’s socio-economic location was visibly reinforced. This chapter focuses on a cement factory, and the way businesses control a particular landscape, the mineral wealth and other natural resources, without having either historical or cultural roots in the land, and the relative powerlessness of indigenous communities that were the original inhabitants.

This chapter focuses on the question of resources. Who owned the wood required for firing the kilns, and who could set the price of that wood? Who had access to the equipment and tools that furnished the various workshops, and who controlled the expensive pigments required in the production of fine ceramics? Questions over ownership and price, access and control arose in all of the stages of the production process. For the representatives of the imperial administration, i.e. the officials who were posted in the local county capital, Fuliang, and had supervisory responsibilities over the production of the porcelains that would go on to make up the imperial tribute, there was most at stake. For these administrators, the fluidity that characterised the movement of resources amounted to a loss of control over the costs of production and thereby over the goods they needed to supply. The flows of natural resources brought about the desire of the administrators to stem those flows and assert their control over them, but ultimately, their control was entirely elusive.

Polycentric governance systems can promote conflict as overlapping units contest their authorities, roles, and interests, but also provide venues that mitigate conflict. Conflict can lead to learning and institutional adaptation that enhance the functioning of polycentric systems, but conflict can also become entrenched and impede adaptation. Understanding the nature of conflictual interactions in polycentric systems and how those systems provide conflict resolution is critical to understanding performance. This chapter examines conflict and conflict resolution in two polycentric systems that govern hydraulic fracturing and shale development across two US states: Colorado and New York. It examines the extent that conflicts have been resolved and whether learning or adaptation of the governance systems occurred. The chapter considers how the authority, information, and resources of the actors explain incentives for conflict and conflict resolution within the polycentric systems. We observe differences in the conflict interaction patterns, as well as in the performance of polycentric governance in these two settings.

How can communities, associations, governments, and other organizations work better together? This chapter looks at putting polycentricity into practice for improving governance, focusing on collective action among autonomous decision centres in contexts of cooperation, competition, conflict resolution, and social learning. Practising polycentric governance may involve assessing and appreciating the ways in which a situation is already polycentric and might be improved; applying principles and mechanisms to craft specific institutional arrangements for polycentric governance; and facilitating the emergence of polycentric governance, including co-creation of more inclusive networks, common knowledge, and 'power with'.

Governing complexity tends to produce complex governance. This book has aimed to provide a conceptual and empirical analysis of polycentric governance that can help carry detailed research on the determinants, change and performance of polycentric arrangements into a future research program as well as new fields of application. The chapter reviews the main points of the preceding chapters.

This chapter addresses the challenges of establishing and sustaining governance arrangements conducive to environmental citizenship. The significance of this concern is illustrated by Australian experiences with governance arrangements seeking to promote citizenship among rural landholders in natural resources conservation. The chapter draws from Vincent Ostrom's thinking about polycentric governance, who drew from de Tocqueville. Ostrom identified ‘the way people think and relate to one another’ (corresponding with the meta-constitutional level of analysis in the Institutional Analysis and Development framework) as vital for governance that is capable of promoting citizenship, and the citizenship required to sustain polycentric governance. Progress in empirical investigation of relationships between polycentric governance and environmental citizenship is reviewed. One relationship of this kind is illustrated by policy reform in Australia’s Murray-Darling Basin.

This chapter addresses the challenges of establishing and sustaining governance arrangements conducive to environmental citizenship. The significance of this concern is illustrated by Australian experiences with governance arrangements seeking to promote citizenship among rural landholders in natural resources conservation. The chapter draws from Vincent Ostrom's thinking about polycentric governance, who drew from de Tocqueville. Ostrom identified ‘the way people think and relate to one another’ (corresponding with the meta-constitutional level of analysis in the Institutional Analysis and Development framework) as vital for governance that is capable of promoting citizenship, and the citizenship required to sustain polycentric governance. Progress in empirical investigation of relationships between polycentric governance and environmental citizenship is reviewed. One relationship of this kind is illustrated by policy reform in Australia’s Murray-Darling Basin.

This chapter compares insights from our empirical cases of three kinds of interactions: cooperation, conflict and conflict resolution, and competition. The elements of authority, information, and resources affected incentives and interactions differently. Focusing on interactions as a unit of analysis points to a variety of performance criteria that may be appropriate. These criteria for assessing outcomes and processes cannot all be optimized at once, as trade-offs are evident, and different types of interaction are likely to entail different performance combinations. In our case studies, no performance criterion scored high across all cases, and no case performed well across all performance criteria.

Cooperation is an important way that decision centres interact in a polycentric governance system. Cooperation in governance has been studied by numerous scholars in the field of 'collaboration', although such scholarship seldom explicitly sets it within the framework of polycentricity. Cooperation involves multiple decision centres working across boundaries to pursue shared goals, and it is especially prevalent for addressing complex socio-ecological systems. This chapter examines cooperation in the Puget Sound basin, USA, for ecosystem restoration. This chapter describes how authority, information, and resources affected cooperation in formation of the Puget Sound Partnership and related Local Integrating Organizations, development of ecosystem recovery plans, and implementation of ecosystem recovery projects. It assesses polycentric governance performance in terms of outcomes and processes. The Puget Sound ecosystem restoration efforts exhibit relatively high levels of coherence, representation, and adaptability; relatively low levels of efficiency and accountability; and mixed results on efficacy and network building.

Constitution-making involves a 'Faustian bargain' in which individuals and smaller communities give up some of their autonomy for the sake of the benefits brought by larger-scale societies. Transitioning from small-scale quasi-egalitarian societies towards a complex, but more hierarchical, political system makes possible collective action and the provision of public goods at much larger scales, including defence, establishing larger common markets, and basic infrastructure. After introducing the concept of the 'Faustian' bargain, the chapter explains how constitutive rules create such bargains. We turn to the role of monitoring, conflict resolution, and sanctioning as means of building commitments to constitutions, providing for stability and flexibility. The chapter illustrates these relationships using two cases of constitution-making: the multi-level governance of New York City watersheds, and post-conflict situations in which leaders of different ethnic groups come to agreement.