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The concluding chapter summarises the main arguments of the study. In particular the conclusions explore the following aspect of piracy and colonisation in Southeast Asia: (1) the cross-cultural aspects of different aspects of piracy and its suppression; (2) the association, in the eyes of contemporary European observers, between piracy and racial or religious characteristics, particularly with regard to the coastal Malays and their adherence to Islam; (3) the historical and cultural explanations to piracy, including the indirect stimulus that the European expansion provided for maritime raiding; (4) the reasons for the different modus operandi for suppressing piracy by the five colonial powers, including the varying levels and types of violence deployed; (5) the securitisation of piracy and its usefulness for justifying colonial expansion; (6) the anti-imperial critique of attempts to securitise piracy; (7) the relation between piracy, its suppression and sovereignty; and (8) the association between the suppression of piracy and the civilising mission.
Legendary jazz musician Louis Armstrong developed his autobiography in a variety of ways of far-reaching complexity and subtlety to expose and challenge the realities of Jim Crow–era racism. He ultimately sought, in these moves, to preserve the sound world of his upbringing, and in turn, a world otherwise hidden, even erased by the dominant society’s racist logic in that era. The movement of the sounds of the music across traditional racial boundaries and the movement of the musicians themselves around the city both functioned as precursors to broader possibilities of free movement that ultimately brought significant pressure to bear on the oppressive structures of the Jim Crow era.
Whether Kant’s late legal theory and his theory of race are contradictory in their account of colonialism has been a much-debated question that is also of highest importance for the evaluation of the Enlightenment’s contribution to Europe’s colonial expansion and the dispossession and enslavement of native and black peoples. This article discusses the problem by introducing the discourse on barbarism. This neglected discourse is the original and traditional European colonial vocabulary and served the justification of colonialism from ancient Greece throughout the Renaissance to the eighteenth century. Kant’s explicit rejection of this discourse and its prejudices reveals his early critical stance toward colonial judgements of native peoples even before he developed his legal theory. This development of his critical position can be traced in his writings on race: although he makes racist statements in these texts, his theory of race is not meant to ground moral judgements on ‘races’ or a racial hierarchy but to defend the unity of mankind under the given empirical reality of colonial hierarchies.
Socially silenced topics such as racism can be of important social significance. Yet this significance can drive a topic underground, making it resilient and resistant to exposure and difficult for fieldworkers to observe as a phenomenon. While numerous ethnographic studies have demonstrated the importance of studying silenced phenomena, we still know little about how to conduct ethnographic research in silenced environments. Based on our experiences conducting ethnographic research (including participant observation, interviews and focus groups), along with the published reflections of others, in this chapter we discuss the broader significance and purpose of race-related silences and the various manifestations of racialized social silence, and then propose strategies for addressing them. We focus specifically on government and institutional silence, interpersonal silence, and interview or focus group silence. In doing so we hope to provide ethnographers with a toolkit for unearthing the deeper meanings associated with social silences. Although we focus on race in the Americas, our discussion and suggestions are intended to inform researchers encountering various forms of social silence across different contexts.
The rules that different internet companies put in place about what content they allow are complicated and often controversial. All types of intermediaries are coming under pressure from many different directions to change their rules in different and often conflicting ways. Nowhere is this more visible than in the growing attention to the abuse, harassment, and hatred that has become so commonplace on the internet. Over the past decade, sustained media attention has driven a recognition that the rules and technical design of the internet’s social spaces have enabled hatred to flourish in a way that is harmful to individuals and to the quality of our shared media and debates. Internet companies are under a great deal of pressure to do more to limit abuse and to ensure that vulnerable people are not exposed to harm or driven off and silenced. Making real change, though, requires not only difficult debates about where to draw the lines, but also a rethinking and retrofitting of the core assumptions built into many of the services that enable us to communicate online. In this chapter, we will address how society is turning to internet intermediaries to help tackle the abuse problem and why this is such a complicated problem to address.
This chapter analyzes major shifts in US educational policies toward bilingual education in California, where voters are often called on to decide policy by voting on propositions. It focuses on: how language policies have functioned as an instrument of social control; the lingering impact of the Americanization century and English-only ideologies on contemporary educational policies; the contemporary English-only movement and its impact on language minority education; and how a series of discriminatory propositions in California set the stage for language restriction in 1998. The chapter next looks at factors affecting the resurgence of bilingual education as “dual-language” education amidst discourses of globalization since 2016. The chapter concludes by noting new threats to immigrants posed by the criminalization of immigrant status and efforts to deny education as a human right. Implicit in this discussion are questions related to the relationship between language policy and racism and the salience of language policies in racial politics.
This chapter argues that disciplining of bilingual education as a scholarly field served to divorce discussions of bilingual education from broader political and economic struggles in favor of the seemingly objective pursuit of the benefits of bilingual education. This disciplining of bilingual education was part of a larger discursive shift that reframed discussions of racial inequality from a focus on unequal access and the need for structural change to a focus on the deficiencies of racialized communities and the need for modifying these deficiencies. The chapter ends with a call for bilingual education scholars to situate issues of language inequality within the broader white supremacist and capitalist relations of power. This will offer bilingual education scholars tools for rejecting deficit perspectives of language-minoritized children and pointing to the broader racial stratification that makes these deficit perspectives possible to begin with.
In August 2017, several hundred white nationalists marched on the small university town of Charlottesville, Virginia. The rally turned tragic when one of the protesters rammed his car into a crowd of counterprotesters, killing 32-year-old Heather Heyer. The Washington Post characterized the protesters as “a meticulously organized, well-coordinated and heavily armed company of white nationalists.”1
The Caste War stands out from the numerous other rebellions and civil wars in Mexico in the nineteenth century due to its duration, its magnitude and its consequences. While war-related casualties added up to hundreds or even several thousands in most other conflicts, they probably amounted to tens of thousands in the Caste War. Apart from the Yaqui rebellions, the Caste War was the only rural uprising that led to the establishment of independent rebel polities lasting more than a few months or years. Leaving these particularities aside for the moment, it is evident that many features of the Caste War were far from unique but mirrored widespread patterns of violence, politics and state-building in Latin America.Political instability, gross inequality, a lingering racist ideology and rivalry for power, not least to access revenues in the context of an economy slow to recover, shaped the background against which the Caste War and other revolts and civil strifes evolved. Given the weakness of formal institutions, caudillism became the dominant pattern of politics and rule for decades after Independence, not only among Yucatecan factions and kruso’b but all over Mexico and beyond.
Despite its ambiguity and malleability, ideology can become a strong motivational force, mobilizing both rational and emotional energy for a specific cause. Yucatecan politicians cultivated the deep-rooted fear of a mass Indian uprising to attract followers to fight against the Caste War rebels. In their desperate situation during the first years of the war, the latter found moral support in the Cult of the Speaking Cross.The Yucatecan and Mexican elites coincided in their interpretation of the Caste War as a racial or ethnic conflict, a struggle between civilization and barbarism. This official discourse tied in with established images of Indians as savages, created at the time of the conquest to legitimize colonialism.While the Caste War rebels did not have an elaborated political program, their major concerns emerged from the sources, the most prominent of which were reduction of taxes and religious fees, free access to land for cultivation and equal rights. In contrast to the interpretation of the war as a racial conflict that pervaded official Yucatecan discourse, rebel statements demanded equality for all groups and were generally phrased in economic and political terms.
While Yucatecan elites consistently characterized the Caste War as a racial conflict and labelled the rebels as Indians, the insurgents were in fact a fairly mixed population. Ample evidence from contemporary observers shows that many non-Indians were found in the rebel ranks. The rebels employed terms of self-identification that reflect their mixed social and ethnic composition and religious affiliation, generally referring to themselves as cristiano’b (Christians), otsilo’b (poor), masewalo’b (commoner) or kruso’b (the crosses) and not as Indians or Maya. It comes as no surprise that legally most rank and file rebels were Indians, as revealed by their Maya surnames. Legal Indians were overrepresented among the rural lower classes, the insurgents’ main social base. In addition, the preponderance of Indians simply mirrors Yucatán’s demographic structure, since the bulk of the rebels came from areas where this group outnumbered vecinos by three or four to one.
This article presents the first nationally representative analysis of the association between racial discrimination and psychological distress among older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. Results show: (1) experiences of racism (as measured by unfair treatment) and avoidance are encountered by a significant minority of older Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people; (2) there is a clear association between experiences of racism and avoidance with psychological distress, with these results being robust to a range of confounding factors and complex survey design features; and (3) the associations between racism and distress are amplified by the severity of racism, and, when occurring, with avoidance. The association remains strong or is strengthened when racism and avoidance occur in contexts or situations crucial to the human capital development of older people (e.g., health care, education, and the workplace). Our findings underscore the importance of culturally safe health and social services/programs and further the imperative to address discrimination in all its forms.
The Catholic Worker Movement, widely known for its critique of violence and capitalism in American culture, has largely neglected racism. This seems surprising because its urban houses of hospitality, staffed mostly by middle-class whites, provide material resources disproportionately to impoverished African Americans. The movement's embodiment as a white movement and the failure of its founders (Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin) to prioritize racial justice has impeded its ability to adequately confront racism. This article contrasts the ways in which racism was addressed by the founders with the way it was addressed by two prominent African American Catholic Workers. The article includes a new Catholic Worker narrative to explain the movement's relationship with racial justice and offer suggestions for ways the movement can mine its own rich resources to become an authentically anti-racist movement.
Conversations around improving access to psychological therapies for BAME (Black, Asian and minority ethnic) service users have been ongoing for many years without any conclusion or resolution. BAME service users are often under-represented in primary care mental health services, and often have worse outcomes, leading to them being portrayed as ‘hard to reach’, and to deterioration in their mental health. They are over-represented in secondary care mental health services. The authors of this article argue that more resources are required in order to understand the barriers to accessing mental health services, and improve both access and recovery for BAME service users. This paper examines concepts such as race, ethnicity and culture. It aims to support service managers and therapists to develop their confidence to address these issues in order to deliver culturally competent psychological therapies to service users from BAME communities, with a focus on primary care. It is based on our experiences of working with BAME communities and the feedback from our training events on developing cultural competence for CBT therapists. The paper also discusses the current political climate and the impact it may have on service users and the need for therapists to take the wider political context into consideration when working with BAME service users. Finally, the paper stresses the importance of addressing structural inequalities at a service level, and developing stronger ethical guidelines in the area of working with diversity for CBT therapists in the UK.
Key learning aims
(1)To examine concepts such as race, ethnicity and culture and to provide a shared understanding of these terms for CBT therapists.
(2)To assist CBT therapists and supervisors to develop their confidence in addressing issues of race, ethnicity and culture with BAME service users within the current political climate and to deliver culturally competent therapy.
(3)To assist service managers to promote equality of access and of outcomes for service users from BAME communities.
(4)To understand how unequal expectations of therapists in services impacts on CBT therapists from BAME communities.
(5)To widen understanding of some of the structural inequalities at service level which the CBT community needs to overcome, including recommending stronger ethical guidelines around working with diversity in the UK.
The aim of the study was to examine racism and the Pinkerton syndrome in Singapore. Specifically, the study examined the effects of race on hiring decisions in a simulated hiring decision task. Participants were 171 (61% males) Singaporean Chinese undergraduates from a private university in Singapore. They were randomly assigned into one of nine groups and asked to review a resume of a job applicant. The study used a 3 (Academic qualifications: strong, moderate, or weak) × 3 (Race: White, Chinese, or Malay) between-subjects design with perceived warmth, competence, applicant suitability and recommended salary as the dependent variables. The results showed that while Chinese participants discriminated against Malay applicants (racism), they discriminated in favor of White applicants (the Pinkerton syndrome). The results provided a potential explanation to the economic disparities between Malays and the other races, and first experimental evidence for racism and the Pinkerton syndrome in Singapore.
Experiences of racism can be a cumulative risk factor for developing mental health problems. Cognitive Behaviour Therapists working with Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) service users should be confident in their ability to establish the necessary rapport to ask about these experiences and be able to incorporate this information into longitudinal formulations and as part of maintenance cycles. This paper sets out guidelines as to how to do this as part of a wider engagement process.
This essay explores three turn-of-the-century spinoffs of King Lear: Kristian Levring’s The King is Alive (2000), Don Boyd’s My Kingdom (2001) and Eli Udell’s King of Texas (2002). In each of these films, King Lear becomes a vehicle for the ‘new racism of the developed world’ (Slavoj Žižek). This ideology has been taken to an extreme by US President Donald Trump, whose Muslim ban and plans for a wall separating the USA from Mexico are merely the latest variations on a xenophobic theme. The chapter argues that the roots of this crisis moment, magnified by ‘the immigrant flood’ of Syrian refugees converging upon Europe, are rooted in gender, as ongoing efforts to subjugate and micromanage the female body are becoming the very condition of the state of exception. What the chapter refers to proleptically as the ‘Trump effect’, namely, the definition of the female body as the subject of punishment, or in Agamben’s terms, as homo sacer – a life that can be killed but not sacrificed – emerges in each film’s interpolated scenes of gratuitous violence against women.
Le présent article propose une analyse des transformations récentes de la laïcité française, observées à partir d’un changement dans la hiérarchisation des différentes normes laïques. Après un retour sur le dispositif juridique et historique de la laïcité et sur son interprétation comme « libéralisme ambigu » (Jean-Pierre Machelon), nous mettons en lumière le rapport particulier qu’elle entretient avec l’islam. Une deuxième partie est consacrée à la période 2002-2012 et particulièrement à l’action politique de l’ancien ministre de l’Intérieur puis Président de la République Nicolas Sarkozy. Nous reconstruisons trois étapes de transformation : de la « nouvelle laïcité » à la « laïcité falsifiée » en passant par la laïcité dite « positive ».
This paper examines intersections and divergences between Catholic universalism and Fascist ethno-nationalism in the pages of La Tradotta del Fronte Giulio, a satirical weekly newspaper for Italian military personnel in occupied Yugoslavia during the Second World War. Military propagandists appealed to grassroots Catholicism to motivate demoralised Italian soldiers in the last year of war against the communist-led Yugoslav partisan movement. Their use of Catholic themes revealed overlapping values but also apparent incongruities between Christianity, Fascism, and Italian military culture that had been evident throughout the ventennio. While Catholic anti-communism blended relatively seamlessly with nationalist-Fascist anti-Slavism to depict the partisan enemy as a dehumanised Other, the use of conventional piety and Christian humanitarianism in the army’s propaganda contradicted Fascist and military concepts of the ideal Italian ‘new man’. In the process, military propagandists sowed the seeds for the brava gente myth that dominated postwar memory and national identity in Italy.