San Francisco sex workers in California filed a complaint for declaratory and injunctive relief against the district attorney, arguing that the criminalization of sex work violates several constitutional rights, including the right to sexual privacy and free speech. The Ninth Circuit rejected the sex workers’ arguments, concluding, in part, that there is no fundamental liberty interest to engage in prostitution. In addition, the Ninth Circuit relied on the lower court’s determination that there is an established link between prostitution and trafficking. A feminist opinion could offer much more insight into the nature of sex work, the question of sexual privacy, and the reliance on claims that sex work is inherently dangerous.

To demonstrate the principles of democratic policing in action, this chapter looks at seven cases of policing that incorporates them: (1) Not arresting Black Lives Matter protesters who block traffic during rush hour; (2) Reducing the car stops a police department makes as a way to decrease the negative consequences of this type of enforcement for a community; (3) Sanctuary city policies that explicitly limit police department cooperation with federal immigration enforcement officials; (4) A decision not to voucher condoms as evidence when making prostitution arrests; (5) Not arresting suspects for prostitution when there is cause to believe the suspects are being trafficked into doing so; (6) Not arresting individuals in possession of personal-use quantities of unprescribed addiction treatment medication; (7) Advocating for the redesign of smartphones to deter theft.

Police are the gatekeepers to the criminal justice system. Without police officers investigating offenses and bringing cases to prosecutors, criminal courts would have little to do. Thus, the decisions made by police are critical to understanding Mass Incarceration.

Chapter 1 spans the first decade of Cuban independence and explores the juxtaposition of “modern” concerns like hygiene and ancient concerns like honor and proper behavior. At the turn of the century, domestic workers’ physical bodies were subjects of scrutiny and avatars for early republican anxieties. Wet-nursing in particular was a hugely important topic as high infant mortality rates plagued the island. The Cuban government’s focus on literal hygiene and the figurative hygiene of the new republic regularly resulted in a hostile fixation on working-class women’s bodies and movements. The chapter examines the connections between domestic service and prostitution and uses court cases to demonstrate the physical vulnerability of African-descended women and girls both before and after slavery’s end in Cuba.

The chapter considers the range of features that enable investigators to describe a killing as ‘sexual’, such as clothes removed, objects inserted into the body and presence of seminal fluids on the body. Some killing done in association with sexual behaviour is not motivated by lust. For example, it might represent an attempt to avoid capture following a sexual assault or the accidental result of choking. Some killers reach orgasm from simply cutting a victim, while others (e.g. David Berkowitz) are sexually aroused by shooting a courting couple. The chapter describes a number of common features of a ‘composite killer’, such as cruelty to animals and voyeurism. Various ruses might be used in order to get a victim in the situation where he or she can be killed, such as offering a lift or seeking help. However, the most common method appears to be to engage the services of a sex worker.

Revenge probably features in most, if not all, lust killing. This chapter exemplifies where revenge for perceived transgression comes into the clearest focus and seems to occupy center stage. Of course, the revenge was disproportionate to the ‘offence’, a feature of displaced aggression and ‘revenge collecting’. Part of the trigger to revenge is a blow to self-esteem. The antagonism that Peter Sutcliffe felt towards women appeared to derive from suspicions over his partner’s infidelity and being cheated by a sex worker. Sutcliffe seemed to have a kind of love-hate relationship with sex workers. He was fascinated by them and engaged them in sex but was also disgusted by them and killed them. It can be speculated that Levi Bellfield’s toxic trajectory started when as a boy he was jilted by a blond girl. Most of his victims were blond girls, yet he sought this type as his girlfriends. Sergey Golovkin targeted boys.

Chapter 1 examines how Italians responded to the interracial encounters that took place during the war and in the immediate postwar years. In the midst of economic difficulties, fears of crime dominated public opinion, and foreigners were blamed (especially if they had a dark skin) along with the women who associated with them. The fraternization between Allied soldiers and civilians generated tensions that triggered frequent clashes between Italian men and the male occupiers, competing for the favors of Italian women. Interracial sex was often cast as a form of moral degradation, obscuring the genuine love relationships that also occurred between Italian women and non-white Allied soldiers.

This chapter looks at Sun City, the massive resort and casino that opened up in Bophuthatswana in 1979. Just a 2-hour drive from Johannesburg, Sun City was a massive entertainment complex that served as the most visible symbol of the Bophuthatswanan state. Part of Sun City’s appeal was that it flouted many of the laws in the Republic, most notably apartheid’s racial segregation and prohibitions on miscegenation, as well as South Africa’s proscriptions against gambling. Sun City was an important flashpoint in the battle over Bophuthatswana’s contested sovereignty, especially because it attracted marquee sports and entertainment figures who were willing to break the anti-apartheid cultural boycott. The contours of these battles were often counterintuitive and surprising. Frank Sinatra’s opening of the Superbowl venue in 1981 began the short golden age of Sun City that would last until the release by Artists United Against Apartheid (AUAA) of the “Sun City” in 1985. Thereafter, the cultural boycott applied equally to Bophuthatswana as it did to South Africa proper.

delves more deeply into the role of biopolitics in community formation by studying, via criminal court records, how policy makers in practice connected or associated physical health threats to those to morality and social order. The convergence is particularly clear for three themes: poverty, leprosy and sexuality. These topics convey social groups who were each affected by a vision of a healthy, orderly and prosperous community. Policing the common good through targeting these groups was in many ways the same as performing community: it helped constituting civic conduct and moral leadership. Besides accentuating public health as a factor, the aim of this chapter is to show that the same system of reasoning and perception of community shaped attitudes toward each of these groups or issues. This reasoning was for the most part based on a medical, Galenic worldview, which is best summarised by the notion of dynamic balance. Balance can be understood as a tool in biopolitics, and it worked on two levels: the practical and the metaphorical. Analysing these two levels demonstrates how urban authorities integrated the eradication of sin as a part of their program to protect communal health.

Over the last two decades, fighting modern slavery and human trafficking have become a cause célèbre. Yet, large numbers of researchers, nongovernmental organizations, trade unions, workers, and others who would seem like natural allies of the fight against modern slavery and trafficking are hugely skeptical of these movements. They object to anti-slavery and anti-trafficking framings of the problems, and are skeptical of the "new abolitionist" movement. Why? In this Introduction, we explain how our edited book tackles key controversies surrounding the anti-slavery and anti-trafficking movements and scholarship head-on. We have assembled champions and sceptics of anti-slavery to explore the fissures and fault-lines that surround efforts to fight modern slavery and human trafficking today. These include: whether efforts to fight modern slavery displace or crowd out support for labor and migrant rights; whether and to what extent efforts to fight modern slavery mask, naturalize, and distract from racial, gendered, and economic inequality; and whether contemporary anti-slavery and anti-trafficking crusaders’ use of history are accurate and appropriate.

This chapter examines contemporary New Abolitionism as it redefined human trafficking law in Mexico. Until 2012, Mexico’s federal law understood human trafficking consistent with the United Nations protocol as action, means, and purpose. Under the ultra-right presidential administration of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa (2006–2012), New Abolitionists attained a level of national political influence and mounted a successful campaign to replace existing law with legislation defining human trafficking as slavery. New Abolitionists likewise framed human trafficking as a lucrative activity of drug cartel networks. Linking human trafficking to international organized crime fostered a new alliance between Calderón and President George W. Bush based on mutual national security interests against cartel violence and a shared view that human trafficking included sex work. With the advance of the General Law, although dubious according to labor rights and feminist critics, Neo-Abolitionism gained traction within anti-feminicide (feminicidio) circles as a potential legal instrument to fight gender violence and sexual exploitation. The drift of anti-feminicide politics toward Neo-Abolitionism, although incomplete, departed from customary feminist advocacy of labor and sex worker rights for greater individual freedoms. In such reconfigurations, violent and often lethal security measures to combat the war on drugs transferred to the fight against human trafficking.

Darkness offered economically underprivileged and socially marginal groups livelihood and leisure opportunities that were hardly available during the day. These populations therefore figured prominently in the city’s nocturnal life. But the night offered cover also to the “respectable” residents of the city, and to its rulers. Darkness indeed had a blinding effect, but it also made it easier to turn a blind eye. Whereas infringements in broad daylight were a direct challenge to established order, it was often comfortable for all parties to pretend nighttime violations never happened. Both order and its alleged enemies, could more easily transgress their bounds at night, assuming that what happened in the dark remained in the dark. Throughout most of the eighteenth century, a huge nightlife scene was allowed to exist, as long as it remained out of sight and did not openly undermine diurnal order.

Chapter 4 considers the intersection of appetite and desire in plays such as Middleton’s The Bloody Banquet and Jonson’s Bartholomew Fair. It argues that the elision of these two drives lends a gustatory logic to the theatre’s depiction of excessive desire. The chapter explores the extent to which this serves to associate desire with the excessive appetites unleashed by material excess and tyranny. But it also emphasises the vulnerability which the culinary logic instils in representations of desire, emphasising the period’s profound ambiguity regarding who, precisely, is being consumed in the context of a sexual relationship. Finally, the chapter emphasises the extent to which the imagery of appetite foregrounds the potentially debilitating consequences of sexual desire, at a time in which humoral theory asserted a model of the body as porous, and potentially vulnerable.

After an introductory discussion of Flaubert’s development as a writer and his direct experience (with Maxime Du Camp) of the February Revolution, this chapter focuses on his great novel, Sentimental Education. This novel is both the story of an unconsummated love affair and an account of the experience and imaginative life of the generation of young people who came to maturity around 1840 and whose lives were either broken or redirected by the revolution of 1848. Our analysis emphasizes the care taken by Flaubert to establish a counterpoint between the collapse of political ideals in 1848 and the collapse of the dreams of the individual characters. The novel is considered as a work of history and compared to the work of historians like Georges Duveau and Maurice Agulhon. A number of specific scenes and vignettes are discussed in an attempt to show how Flaubert brings the past to life. We conclude with a discussion of Bouvard and Pecuchet, which includes a chapter on the revolution of 1848 as it affected a village in Normandy. Though written in an overtly comic vein, this chapter reinforces the picture offered by Sentimental Education of history as ruled by elemental forces that overwhelm the plans of individuals.

Chapter 7 reviews the development of different types of prostitution driven by the gender imbalance in the nascent cities of central Africa, especially Léopoldville and Brazzaville. It describes how this core group played a key role in the dynamics of all sexually transmitted pathogens, including HIV. Initially, ‘soft’ prostitution, where ‘free women’ had three or four regular clients who visited them on a weekly basis, had low potential for amplifying HIV. After the turmoil of the Belgian Congo’s independence in 1960, however, a new type of prostitution emerged, where sex workers had intercourse with three or four different men every day, or more than 1,000 per year, which enabled the sexual amplification of HIV. The life and work of Suzanne Comhaire-Sylvain provide an early example of the links between Haiti and the Congo. She was a Haitian anthropologist who studied prostitution in Léopoldville and described the profound changes in the sex trade in the early 1960s.