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Chapter 30 of The Cambridge Companion to Sappho examines the reception of Sappho’s poetry in Latin America, examining figures such as José Martí, Julio Herrera y Reissig, Esteban de Luca, Lucas José de Alvarenga, TomÁs Antônio Gonzaga, Carlos Guido y Spano, Álvares de Azevedo, Antônio Frederico de Castro Alves, Mario Faustino, SalomÓn de la Selva, Haroldo de Campos, Décio Pignatari, Mercedes Matamoros, Juana de Ibarbourou, Alfonsina Storni, Alejandra Pizarnik, Rosario Castellanos, Mercedes CortÁzar, and Ana Cristina César.
A Black middle class has emerged in many Latin American countries. Yet given the fluidity of Black identity, it is unclear if socioeconomic gains will result in the consolidation of a Black middle-class group identity with a sense of political responsibility or purpose. In this article, we use qualitative interviews with twenty-two Black professionals in Cali, Colombia, plus a small convenience survey, to explore the following research questions: Does the intersection of being Black and middle class cohere into a group identity? If so, does it translate into a Black political consciousness? And if not, what are the obstacles? We find that while respondents individually identify with a Black middle-class label, they do not experience it as a group that feels symbolic bonds of attachment or acts in a coordinated or mutually cognizant manner. It is a category without shape or coherence. It is amorphous. There are four primary explanations for Black middle class amorphism: the absence of shared or positive markers of collective Black identity; a lack of organizational infrastructure; taboos against organizing along racial lines in the workplace; and a strong individualist ethos towards protecting opportunities and enhancing personal status. We situate our findings within the field of Black politics to discuss what might be lost or gained by this amorphism.
To describe the strategies implemented in 17 Latin American countries for obesity prevention and to provide an overview of their impact.
A thorough search of strategies and their impact was done through an Internet search, governmental webpages, reports, and research articles in English, Spanish, and Portuguese.
Latin America (not including the Caribbean countries).
The Ministry of Health is the main oversight for obesity prevention, with six countries having a specific structure for this. Regular obesity monitoring occurs in a few countries and 13 countries have a national obesity prevention plan. The main regulations being implemented/designed are front-of-package labeling (16 countries), school environment (15 countries), school nutrition education (9 countries), promotion of physical activity level (9 countries), and sugar-sweetened beverage tax (8 countries). All countries have dietary guidelines. The main community-based programs being implemented are school meals (17 countries), complementary nutrition (11 countries), nutrition education (14 countries), promotion of physical activity (9 countries), and healthy environments (9 countries). Most of these strategies have not been evaluated. The few with positive results have used a coordinated, multi-disciplinary, and multi-sector approach, with legislation and executive-level support.
important obesity prevention strategies are being implemented in the 17 Latin American countries included in the present review. However, few have been evaluated to assess their impact on preventing obesity. This information can help assess which actions can be generalized to other countries within the region and can help inform how to prevent obesity in different settings.
Other regions are indeed following paths that diverge from the route taken by the industrialized leaders over the last two centuries. In terms of the overall effort to spending tax money on social programs, both for social insurance and for public education, while the later-developing regions have spent lower shares of GDP than do the leading rich countries today, they pay higher tax shares for social spending than did the leaders did at the same levels of real income in the past. Fifty years from now, social spending will well take more than twenty percent of GDP in Japan and many countries of Eastern Europe, and even North America. Yet elsewhere many countries, some with low social spending and some with high, appear to be making wrong choices within their social budgets. This criticism applies especially to India, Turkey, Greece, Latin America, and other nations within the global South. These countries generally have lower PISA scores, lower GDP per person, and higher inequality to show for it.
Este artículo analiza las trayectorias de modernización estructural para la industria de ocho países latinoamericanos (Bolivia, Brasil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, México, Perú, Uruguay) desde 1970 hasta la fecha. Desde una perspectiva teórica estructuralista que explora las interacciones dinámicas entre el cambio estructural y el escalamiento tecnológico, se construye un índice de modernización. Los hallazgos muestran que el establecimiento de modelos económicos neoliberales en Latinoamérica a partir de los años ochenta, significó un punto de ruptura en estas trayectorias. Mientras la racionalización de procesos productivos por parte de las empresas implicó un desplazamiento del empleo en dirección de usos de baja productividad relativa, el desarrollo de industrias intensivas en capital e insertas en dinámicas globales, no impulsó la modernización estructural debido a la naturaleza de las tareas efectuadas. Los ejercicios permiten esbozar una primera tipología en términos de las carencias más apremiantes de cada caso.
There are few studies on twins in Ecuador and Latin America. It requires a better understanding of perinatal conditions, especially from an ethnic perspective. This work aims to assess perinatal factors related to twin pregnancy in Ecuadorian Mestizo individuals. We performed an epidemiological, observational and cross-sectional study at the Hospital San Francisco and Hospital Nueva Aurora in Quito, Ecuador, from November 2019 to January 2020. It included 203 newborns from twin pregnancies, including mothers with and without pathological history. The average gestational age was 31 weeks, and the APGAR score at first minute was 6.86, with significant differences. Regarding the metabolic balance, the mean pH was 6.14; and bicarbonate was 11.57, with significant differences. Twins had intrauterine growth restriction in 6.9% of cases, with significant differences (p = .003); 81.4% required supplemental oxygen, with significant differences (p = .002); 93% required noninvasive mechanical ventilation (NIMV), with significant differences (p = . 003); 93% required inotropic and sedation, with substantial differences; 69% required antibiotics (≥21 days), with significant differences (p = .014); and 17.2% needed between 8 to 14 days of hospitalization, and 51% more than 28 days, with significant differences. The studied mothers’ demographic profile was mostly Mestizos, with an average age of 32 years, and 93% had a poverty status. Most of the twins were diamniotic monochorial and were discordant twins. It found jaundice, premature anemia and sepsis in 100% of twins and hyaline membrane disease in 89.66% of twins. Twins of women with relevant prenatal care had more premature births (30.4 ± 2.6 weeks), more acid−base imbalance, APGAR at ≥7 min in 90% of cases, and patent ductus arteriosus in all. There was also a greater need for double intensive phototherapy than twins of healthy women.
The right to arbitration has a liberal foundation. Whether the Constitution should guarantee arbitration as a right, however, is a separate question, which is likely to be answered differently in diverse constitutional traditions. A comparative examination of the United States, Europe, and Latin America on the constitutional status of arbitration is instructive in this regard. Contrasting conceptions about the scope of the constitutional domain of rights, about the intensity of judicial review of legislation, and about the potential effect of constitutional rights in the private sphere, lead to disparate conclusions about the constitutional status of arbitration. There is nevertheless a general argument in favor of constitutionalization: arbitration can be better protected against unduly restrictive legislation, if arbitration is rooted in the Constitution. The government is forced to justify its restrictive norms in a judicial forum.
This chapter presents our core argument – the close association of prisons and crime – and shows that more imprisonment may have increased criminality. It presents several hypotheses for the prison growth and studies the nature of policies enacted in response to the rise in criminality and which led to the prison explosion. We use an in-depth analysis of three representative countries: Colombia, Mexico, and Chile. We maintain that high turnover and the increased severity of punishment for very serious crimes account for the prison explosion, impacting critical living conditions within correction facilities throughout Latin America. We argue that prison growth has endogenously produced more crime on the streets because high inmate turnover has created large new cohorts who reenter society and rapidly reengage in criminal acts. We test this hypothesis by modeling a regression analysis of incarceration rates for property crime in order to prove that imprisonment has a delayed-lagged effect on property crimes, providing substantial evidence for the criminogenic effect of prisons.
The quality of health care is one of the issues that highlights the great divide between advanced and less developed societies. In this chapter we present a view of the global healthcare industry, describing key indicators and its many different activities. Then, we look at trends and innovative actions that are shaking the industry, along with the drivers of health care shortly. Afterwards, we present a broad panorama of health care in Latin America. Five exemplary cases serve the purpose of illustrating how companies and individuals are bringing new solutions to the market, thus fostering change and improving the quality of life for many people. Those cases refer to dental services, specialized clinics for diabetes, pharmacies, home care services, and hospitals. We look at the founders of the chosen organizations, scanning the steps taken until the complete success of their proposals. Thus, we drive our quest for those elements of their business models that are suitable to reproduce in emerging nations with similar market conditions. In the end, we present some recommendations for companies of any size that are willing to venture into the healthcare industry in Latin America.
The world is witnessing unparalleled shifts in income distribution. How people with lower income are benefiting from improvements in their standard of living is a well-debated topic in managerial literature, not so much the changes occurring in the middle of the pyramid (MoP). We analyze the advance of that segment of the population across emerging economies, with a comparison of the performance of selected nations across the world. Additionally, we look at how different groups within those societies are moving from the base of the pyramid upward to reach middle-income status. Then, we focus our research on Latin America, looking for those factors that are revamping the business context in the region. First, we study the local consumer, describing the peculiarities of the leading markets, such as Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, and Peru. Afterwards, we look at the positive impact of innovation in the betterment of middle-classes in Latin America. Finally, we share the conclusions from our study, to demonstrate how innovation is a primary factor for the new prosperity of the middle-classes and how original proposals may fit as well into other emerging economies.
Local Content and Sustainable Development in Global Energy Markets analyses the topical and contentious issue of the critical intersections between local content requirements (LCRs) and the implementation of sustainable development treaties in global energy markets including Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, Latin America, South America, Australasia and the Middle East While LCRs generally aim to boost domestic value creation and economic growth, inappropriately designed LCRs could produce negative social, human rights and environmental outcomes, and a misalignment of a country's fiscal policies and global sustainable development goals. These unintended outcomes may ultimately serve as disincentive to foreign participation in a country's energy market. This book outlines the guiding principles of a sustainable and rights-based approach – focusing on transparency, accountability, gender justice and other human rights issues – to the design, application and implementation of LCRs in global energy markets to avoid misalignments.
The challenge of education for everyone is a problem for middle-income countries around the world. The experience demonstrates that these nations cannot provide an extensive and quality education, specifically in the secondary and tertiary Education. At the same time, this reality is a significant opportunity for business. In fact, where the presence of State is weak to fulfill its social obligations to citizens, new opportunities for enterprises emerge. This chapter analyzes the condition of education in Latin America and how some schools and universities that focus on the population of the middle of the pyramid have emerged. As the middle class has risen in these countries, the demands for an accessible and quality education have increased. Therefore, the “emerging middle class” in Latin America is a critical economic and social actor because of its potential as an engine of growth and a way to solve social demands. The analyses of six cases in Peru, Colombia, and Mexico evidence that it is possible to offer quality academic services to the population sector. This article concludes emphasizing the importance of the innovation process to expansion and consolidation of the educational market.
This groundbreaking work examines Latin America's prison crisis and the failure of mass incarceration policies. As crime rates rose over the past few decades, policy makers adopted incarceration as the primary response to public outcry. Yet, as the number of inmates increased, crime rates only continued to grow. Presenting new cross-national data based on extensive surveys of inmates throughout the region, this book explains the transformation of prisons from instruments of incapacitation, deterrence, and rehabilitation to drivers of violence and criminality. Bergman and Fondevila highlight the impacts of internal drug markets and the dramatic increase in the number of imprisoned women. Furthermore, they show how prisons are not isolated from society - they are sites of active criminal networks, with many inmates maintaining fluid criminal connections with the outside world. Rather than reducing crime, prisons have become an integral part of the crime problem in Latin America.
When Argentine president Mauricio Macri announced in March 2018 that he supported a “responsible and mature” national debate regarding the decriminalization of abortion, it took many by surprise. In a Catholic country with a center-right government, where public opinion regarding abortion had hardly moved in decades—why would the abortion debate surface in Argentina when it did? Our answer is grounded in the social movements literature, as we argue that the organizational framework necessary for growing the decriminalization movement had already been built by an emergent feminist movement of unprecedented scope and influence: Ni Una Menos. By expanding the movement's social justice frame from gender violence to encompass abortion rights, feminist activists were able to change public opinion and expand the scope of debate, making salient an issue that had long been politically untouchable. We marshal evidence from multiple surveys carried out before, during, and after the abortion debate and in-depth interviews to shed light on the sources of abortion rights movements in unlikely contexts.
Public preferences for wildlife protection can dictate the success or failure of conservation interventions. However, little research has focused on wildlife preferences among youth or how youth prioritize species-based conservation. We conducted a study of youth between 7 and 20 years old (n = 128) at five local schools situated near critical hawksbill turtle (Eretmochelys imbricata) nesting beaches in El Salvador to determine their wildlife preferences and how they prioritize species for conservation based on five attributes: endemism; use for hunting and fishing; rapid decline in population size; presence around their home; and ecological significance. These Salvadoran youth showed preferences for native over non-native species and tended to rank rapid population decline as the most important attribute for prioritizing wildlife for protection, followed by use for hunting and fishing. Participants in local environmental education activities placed greater importance on species in rapid decline than non-participants, who considered endemism as most important. Overall, these findings reveal how environmental education may successfully promote increased prioritization of imperilled species among youth. Economic payments for conserving hawksbill turtles may link the two top reasons that Salvadoran youth provided for protecting species by compensating for the reduced hunting required to facilitate population stabilization.
: The Republican colonizationists had always fixated on Latin America, especially Central America, where African American settlers might resist “filibusters,” expansionist expeditions supported by American citizens. For their part, the region’s rulers toyed with an influx of immigrants that would expand their population but darken its complexion. Once Abraham Lincoln came to power, he focused on the province of Chiriquí in what is now Panama (then part of Colombia), where black colonists might secure an isthmian crossing for US troops and traders. Announcing the venture in a notorious address of August 1862, the president had to retreat once he came to realize the instability of Colombian politics and the extent of his own associates’ stake in the business. Accordingly, the very same day that Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation, he instead signed an agreement with a contractor to settle a party of freed slaves on the Île à Vache, one of Haiti’s satellite islands. That colony’s tragic failure finally impressed on him that he should not deal with sovereign states via shady contractors.
Across myriad literatures, it is widely held that expanding economic grievances induce violence, protest, or other forms of backlash. In Latin America, where economic liberalization deepened the downturn of the ‘lost decade’ of the 1980s (and 1990s), reform has been tightly associated with protest and mobilization. At the same time, liberal economic reforms have proven to be remarkably durable, even where long-promised benefits are hard to discern. This article makes the case that economically liberal reforms, despite inducing or deepening severe and sustained economic downturns, have actually undermined political protest. Previous work confirming the conventional wisdom foundered on two main methodological problems. First, selection into economic reform was a consequence of the very economic pain and macroeconomic imbalances it also served to induce. Secondly, because of this, these key (macro)economic characteristics are both pre- and post-treatment. Utilizing a marginal structural model approach to assess the impact of economic liberalization on protest outcomes net of this selection process, and the prior history of treatment, the study finds that painful reform reduces political protest even as it heightens grievances. This depoliticizing dynamic helps to explain the surprising durability of liberal reforms in Latin America.
Latin American states took dramatic steps toward greater inclusion during the late twentieth and early twenty-first Centuries. Bringing together an accomplished group of scholars, this volume examines this shift by introducing three dimensions of inclusion: official recognition of historically excluded groups, access to policymaking, and resource redistribution. Tracing the movement along these dimensions since the 1990s, the editors argue that the endurance of democratic politics, combined with longstanding social inequalities, create the impetus for inclusionary reforms. Diverse chapters explore how factors such as the role of partisanship and electoral clientelism, constitutional design, state capacity, social protest, populism, commodity rents, international diffusion, and historical legacies encouraged or inhibited inclusionary reform during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Featuring original empirical evidence and a strong theoretical framework, the book considers cross-national variation, delves into the surprising paradoxes of inclusion, and identifies the obstacles hindering further fundamental change.
The aims of this review article are two-fold: (1) to set out the key theoretical trends in the study of religion, populism and social policy as antithetical concepts that also share common concerns; (2) to re-assert the relevance of social policy to the social and political sciences by making the case for studying outlier or indeed rival topics together – in this case populism and religion. Social policy scholars do not necessarily associate these two topics with modern social policy, yet they have a long history of influence on societies all over the world; populism is also especially timely in our current era. The article contributes to the literature by: (a) helping social policy better understand its diverse and at times contradictory constituencies; (b) contributing to a more complex and inclusive understanding of social policy and, therefore, social welfare. In setting out the state-of-the-art, the article also draws upon research on social policy which spans various continents (North America, Europe, the Middle East and North Africa and Latin America) and a preceding paper collaboration by the authors on religion and social policy (Pavolini et al., 2017).
Developing countries face the daunting challenge of stimulating innovation-intensive sectors to increase their participation in the knowledge economy. In this context, two pressing questions arise: What types of state-business relations foster the adoption of industrial upgrading policies? And, what are the mechanisms through which some state-business relations configurations shape the likelihood of policy adoption under more democratic and open conditions? Bridging developmental state and business politics literature, this paper presents a novel framework that posits that the levels of bureaucratic quality and business cohesion generate diverse industrial upgrading policymaking patterns, and thus outcomes. An in-depth case study of the software sector and a cross-case comparison of the aerospace sector in Mexico during the 2000s illustrate and refine the framework. This article makes three main contributions. First, it expands extant political economy theories of industrial upgrading in developing democracies. Second, it improves our understanding of the private sector by carefully analyzing sectoral business cohesion. And third, the paper specifies the mechanisms through which bureaucrats and firms in democratic developing countries collaborate to enact programs that spur high-tech industries in the twenty-first century.