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This chapter examines the Christian Democratic ideology’s trajectory of diffusion and implantation outside its primary context of origin, focusing in particular on the two American continents. Most of the analysis will concentrate on the experience of Latin American Christian Democracy, since this is where Christian Democratic ideas and principles have had the greatest historical impact. As I already mentioned in the Introduction, in fact, almost all Latin American countries have had some sort of Christian Democratic party compete in national elections, and in several – notably in Chile, Mexico and Venezuela – these parties also succeeded in rising to power, even though Latin American Christian Democracy never acquired the degree of political hegemony it exercised in Europe during the second postwar period. In the final section of the chapter, I will also briefly consider the question of why no comparable Christian Democratic party or movement ever developed in the United States. This will offer the opportunity to examine the historical relevance of Christian Democratic ideas and principles to this context too, and to shed further light on some of this ideology’s distinctive features.
Why do citizens elect political actors who have perpetrated violence against the civilian population? Despite their use of atrocities, political parties with deep roots in the belligerent organizations of the past win postwar democratic elections in countries around the world. This article uses new, cross-national data on postwar elections globally between 1970 and 2010, as well as voting, survey, archival, and interview data from El Salvador. It finds that belligerents’ varied electoral success after wars can be explained not by their wartime levels of violence or use of electoral coercion, but by the distribution of military power at the end of conflict. It argues that militarily stronger belligerents are able to claim credit for peace, which translates into a reputation for competence on the provision of security. This enables them to own the security valence issue, which tends to crosscut cleavages, and to appeal to swing voters. The stronger belligerents’ provision of security serves to offset and justify their use of atrocities, rendering their election rational. This article sheds light on political life after episodes of violence. It also contributes to understanding security voting and offers insights into why people vote in seemingly counterintuitive ways.
Contending rationales of peace and conflict coexist between countries and within regional spaces as conditions that motivate or constrain militarized behaviors. While the idea of balancing is still a relevant concept to understand contemporary security in South America, the region produces patterns of a nascent security community. This article argues that the regional repertoire of foreign and security policy practices draws on a hybrid security governance mechanism. The novelty brought by the cumulative interaction among South American countries is that the coexistence turns into a hybrid between both practices and discourses. To explain how hybrid formations are produced, this study analyzes the most empirically intense and academically controversial political and security interactions from interstate relations in the two security complexes in the region, the Southern Cone and the Northern Andes.
‘1989’ saw the adoption of liberal democracy in a series of negotiated, peaceful roundtable settlements that would provide a model for other regional political transitions in the following years. Yet few in Eastern Europe had been committed to such values in the previous decades. Oppositions were often committed to socioeconomic rights, whilst some reformers sought pluralism within the system. Authoritarian modernizations also remained attractive. And the use of force for regime survival remained an option until the end. Here we trace both the local and the international contexts in which reform Communists and oppositionists eventually came to embrace liberal democracy, reject the violence that was used to suppress reform in China, and embrace negotiation. In so doing, other movements addressing the crises of the 1970s and 1980s – those advocating social rights, collectivist-egalitarian values, populism, or direct or socialist democracy – were sidelined. Thus, for some 1989 represented the disciplining power of a newly emerging transitional elite allied to a global ‘democracy industry’. From the mid-1990s, the political right instrumentalised such interpretations to attack the post-1989 liberal order.
The Caste War stands out from the numerous other rebellions and civil wars in Mexico in the nineteenth century due to its duration, its magnitude and its consequences. While war-related casualties added up to hundreds or even several thousands in most other conflicts, they probably amounted to tens of thousands in the Caste War. Apart from the Yaqui rebellions, the Caste War was the only rural uprising that led to the establishment of independent rebel polities lasting more than a few months or years. Leaving these particularities aside for the moment, it is evident that many features of the Caste War were far from unique but mirrored widespread patterns of violence, politics and state-building in Latin America.Political instability, gross inequality, a lingering racist ideology and rivalry for power, not least to access revenues in the context of an economy slow to recover, shaped the background against which the Caste War and other revolts and civil strifes evolved. Given the weakness of formal institutions, caudillism became the dominant pattern of politics and rule for decades after Independence, not only among Yucatecan factions and kruso’b but all over Mexico and beyond.
This paper reports on an innovative survey of long-term care facilities for older people in the Argentine city of La Plata. It applies a range of qualitative methodologies, including a clandestine audit conducted by older people living in the community. The paper pays particular attention to the types and availability of services, perceived quality and the rigour of regulatory processes. It finds that there has been a rapid growth in the availability of formal services, but that there are many gaps in provision, especially for older people with complex care needs. There are strong indications that service quality is uneven and, in some cases, this amounts to the contravention of basic human rights. State regulation is hampered by institutional fragmentation and weak governance. A wider set of expert interviews and the limited available published information indicate that these findings are unlikely to be exceptional, and that similar issues affect rapidly emerging long-term care systems in many low- and middle-income countries.
This study examines how Salvadoran women shaped revolutionary praxis, thus challenging prior academic accounts that have situated armed struggle and socialism in opposition to feminism. The Association of Salvadoran Women (AMES), an organization composed of combatants, peasants, and exiles, redefined revolution to mean the overthrow of both capitalism and patriarchy. The sites of feminist praxis included guerrilla territories in El Salvador, refugee camps in Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and solidarity networks in Mexico, Nicaragua, and the United States. Within the guerrilla territories, AMES members actively participated in community councils, an experiment in popular democracy, and generated a feminist praxis that linked the exigencies of wartime survival to the long-term liberation of women. At the international level, Salvadoran women collaborated with other radical women from Latin America and the United States in order to push their organizations in more feminist directions. This study is the first detailed analysis of AMES and offers a novel interpretation of the rise of Salvadoran feminism.
The Nutrition Transition model posits that vegetable oils, animal source foods (ASFs) and caloric sweeteners contribute to increases in adiposity and hence body mass index. Body mass index (BMI) is increasing more rapidly among Latin American populations of low versus high socioeconomic status (SES). The objectives of this study among Costa Rican women were to: (1) compare indicators of adiposity and dietary intake by SES and (2) evaluate the relationship between intake of foods high in vegetable oils, ASFs or caloric sweeteners and body fatness. This cross-sectional study, conducted in 2014–2015, included 128 low-, middle- and high-SES non-pregnant, non-lactating women aged between 25 and 45 years with 1–4 live births. Anthropometry was used to assess BMI, body composition and body fat distribution. Dietary recalls (n = 379) were used to assess dietary intake. Percentage body fat was greater in low- versus high-SES women (31.5 ± 3.9 vs 28.2 ± 4.7%). Skinfold measurements at four sites on the upper and lower body were greater in low- versus high-SES women. Body mass index did not vary in low- versus high-SES women. Intake frequency of foods high in vegetable oils was greater in low- and middle- (1.8 and 1.8 times/day, respectively) versus high- (1.1 times/day) SES women. For individual foods, intake frequency varied significantly by SES for high-fat condiments, fried vegetables, dairy, sweetened coffee/tea and pastries and desserts. Intake frequency of Nutrition Transition food categories was not associated with percentage body fat after adjustment for energy intake. Indicators of body composition provide additional information beyond BMI that are useful in understanding SES–adiposity associations in Latin America. Approaches to understanding diet and adiposity in Latin America that focus on vegetable oils, ASFs and caloric sweeteners should consider within-country variation in the pace of the Nutrition Transition, especially when explaining variation in adiposity by SES.
A significant proportion of the population in Latin America depends on the informal economy and lacks adequate protection against a variety of economic risks. This article suggests that economic vulnerability affects the way individuals relate to political parties. Given the truncated structure of welfare states in the region, citizens in the informal sector receive lower levels of social security benefits and face higher economic uncertainty. This vulnerability makes it difficult for voters to establish strong programmatic linkages with political parties because partisan platforms and policies do not necessarily represent their interests and needs. Using cross-national microlevel data, this study shows that individuals living in informality are skeptical about state social policy efforts and exhibit weaker partisan attachments. The findings suggest that effective political representation of disadvantaged groups remains a challenge in Latin American democracies.
Neglected tropical diseases (NTDs) share certain traits: they are parasitic infections, prevailing in tropical environments and affecting marginalized sectors of the population. Six NTDs – ascariasis, cysticercosis, echinococcosis, hookworm infection, onchocerciasis and trichuriasis – all of them endemic in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), are analysed in this work. This review aims to discuss key information on the function of excretory/secretory (E/S) proteins from these parasites in their infectivity, pathogeny and diagnosis. The modulation of the host immune system to favour the permanence and survival of the parasite is also discussed. An updated knowledge on the function of E/S molecules in endemic parasitoses in LAC may lead to new approaches for the clinical management and diagnosis of these diseases. In turn, this could allow us to optimize their treatment and make it more affordable – a relevant goal given the economic constraints that the region is facing.
This paper examines educational inequality in nine Latin American countries at the sub-country level from the 1950s to the 1990s. Educational inequality is measured by the difference in schooling years between the taller and the shorter half of the female population. Schooling years significantly increased across birth cohorts, especially before the 1980s, regardless of socio-economic stratum, region or country. However, educational inequality persisted. This finding reflects the achievement of the import substitution industrialisation era in educational development and its failure in mitigating the unequal distribution of education rooted in Latin America's social structure. Trade liberalisation and educational expansion are found to reduce educational inequality in capital and urban regions, whereas democracy and tax reform increased it. By contrast, educational inequality in rural regions was hardly influenced by policy changes. This finding urges future explorations into whether the persistence of educational inequality in rural regions is due to endemic social structure.
The recent development of value frameworks to inform healthcare resource allocation responds to a demand to make the decision-making process more inclusive and explicit. The objectives of the 2018 Latin American (LAtam) Health Technology Assessment International (HTAi) Policy Forum were to explore the current international experiences and to discuss the potential application of value frameworks in Latin America.
A background paper, presentations, and group discussions of Policy Forum members (43 participants, 12 LAtam countries represented) at the 2018 HTAi Policy Forum meeting informed this paper.
Participants agreed that HTA and decision making based on more comprehensive and inclusive value frameworks could improve health system effectiveness, efficiency, sustainability, and equity; promote transparency in the decision process; sustain a more comprehensive assessment of technologies; and facilitate stakeholder participation as well as accountability of decisions. Criteria that were identified as essential to be included in a value framework for LAtam were burden of illness and severity of the disease, effectiveness and safety of the technology, quality of the evidence, cost-effectiveness, and budget impact. Potential challenges identified for the application of value frameworks in LAtam, included scarcity of human resources and delays in the assessment process.
Forum participants agreed that the next steps should be to identify appropriate processes and methodologies, adapted to the context of each country, regarding the application of value frameworks to improve the link between HTA and decision making.
Latin American history is full of populist experiments. The result of this history is a political culture across the continent characterized by conflict and polarization. The most recent wave of Latin American populism is represented by neo-populism. Neo-populism identifies itself as the “socialism of the 21st century.” Its most representative expression is the Chavista regime, which was led first by Hugo Chávez, and then by Nicolás Maduro. This Article, after examining what populism is, considers how regional human rights institutions of the Americas have dealt with the Chavista regime. In doing so, this Article describes the efforts deployed by both the Inter-American Commission and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights to keep Chávez under control. This Article concludes that regional human rights supervision, being relevant in the context of the Venezuelan experience, was finally incapable of either preventing or stopping the authoritarian path adopted by Chávez. This was because: (a) early supervision over the Chavista regime did not avert its leaders from abusing human rights afterwards; and (b) intensifying regional supervision over the regime became paradoxically self-defeating after it took full control of the State apparatus.
Regional economic differences in Colombia have persisted over time. The present study seeks to contribute to the debate on the territorial differences of the country through the identification of patterns of low coverage in both primary and secondary education between 1904 and 1958. The results, coinciding with other studies on income, show a tendency towards the formation of an educational cluster in the centre of the country and the existence of a human capital trap in the periphery. The results also suggest that there is a high correlation between fiscal capacity and enrolment rates. Finally, it can also be observed that territories with the highest enrolment rates are associated with high urban enrolment rates during the process of country-wide urbanisation.
This article investigates whether residents of Mexico City value air quality. Our results suggest that air quality improvement in PM10 is equivalent to a marginal willingness to pay (MWTP) of US$440.31 per property for the period 2006–2013. The corresponding MWTP for PM2.5 is US$880.63, for O3 is US$623.78, and for SO2 is as much as US$2091.50. These estimates are considerably larger in magnitude compared to the few other studies in similar settings. As a percentage of annual household income, these represent 2.44 per cent for PM10, 4.88 per cent for PM2.5, 3.46 per cent for O3 and 11.59 per cent for SO2. Our estimates of land value–pollution elasticities for PM10 (−0.26 and − 0.58) are within range of hedonic estimates for total suspended particulate matter in US cities around the 1970s. The corresponding elasticities range from − 0.55 to − 0.84 for PM2.5, from − 0.06 to − 0.49 for O3 and from − 0.11 to − 0.34 for SO2.
The private security industry in Latin America has been associated with human rights abuses, particularly in the context of extractive operations. Most private security guards in the region are poorly trained and do not undergo adequate vetting. These factors combined with serious deficiencies in the rule of law across the region too often enable private security companies to effectively operate outside state control and engage in human rights abusive practices. This article argues that adoption of the International Code of Conduct for Private Security Providers (ICoC) by Latin American private security companies and states, coupled with civil society engagement with ICoC’s Association, may help reduce negative human rights impacts arising out of private security services within the extractive industry.