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Digital financial technologies and innovations are opening up access to financial services to the poor. This is particularly significant in Kenya, where M-PESA has changed and revolutionized the nature and structure of the financial sector. There is, however, little understanding of the underlying mechanisms influencing the rapid diffusion and adoption of financial technologies in Africa. Following the systematic path approach to examine the emergence and diffusion of M-PESA, and analysing the functionality of M-PESA mobile money using the technology innovation system framework, this chapter contributes to the emerging literature on digital financial innovations in developing countries. The findings suggest that, despite mobile money being introduced at a time where regulatory frameworks did not exist, there has been enactment and improvement of regulations over the years. In fact, the regulatory infrastructure in the setting of Kenya has been found to have co-evolved and improved tremendously, with the co-evolution process generating alongside it useful institutional innovation and learning.
There is growing evidence that early life conditions are important for outcomes during adolescence, including cognitive development and education. Economic conditions at the time children enter school are also important. We examine these relationships for young adolescents living in a low-income drought-prone pastoral setting in Kenya using historical rainfall patterns captured by remote sensing as exogenous shocks. Past rainfall shocks measured as deviations from local long-term averages have substantial negative effects on the cognitive development and educational achievement of girls. Results for the effects of rainfall shocks on grades attained, available for both girls and boys, support that finding. Consideration of additional outcomes suggests the effects of rainfall shocks on education are due to multiple underlying mechanisms including persistent effects on the health of children and the wealth of their households, underscoring the potential value of contemporaneous program and policy responses to such shocks.
This article traces the impact of Kenya's Mau Mau uprising in Jamaica during the 1950s. Jamaican responses to Mau Mau varied dramatically by class: for members of the middle and upper classes, Mau Mau represented the worst of potential visions for a route to black liberation. But for marginalized Jamaicans in poorer areas, and especially Rastafari, Mau Mau was inspirational and represented an alternative method for procuring genuine freedom and independence. For these people, Mau Mau epitomized a different strand of pan-Africanism that had most in common with the ideas of Marcus Garvey. It was most closely aligned with, and was the forerunner of, Walter Rodney, Stokely Carmichael, and Black Power in the Caribbean. Theirs was a more radical, violent, and black-focused vision that ran alongside and sometimes over more traditional views. Placing Mau Mau in the Jamaican context reveals these additional levels of intellectual thought that are invisible without its presence. It also forces us to rethink the ways we periodize pan-Africanism and consider how pan-African linkages operated in the absence of direct contact between different regions.
Child soldiers are often viewed as a contemporary, “new war” phenomenon, but international concern about their use first emerged in response to anti-colonial liberation struggles. Youth were important actors in anti-colonial insurgencies, but their involvement has been neglected in existing historiographies of decolonization and counterinsurgency due to the absence and marginalization of youth voices in colonial archives. This article analyses the causes of youth insurgency and colonial counterinsurgency responses to their involvement in conflict between ca. 1945 and 1960, particularly comparing Kenya and Cyprus, but also drawing on evidence from Malaya, Indochina/Vietnam, and Algeria. It employs a generational lens to explore the experiences of “youth insurgents” primarily between the ages of twelve and twenty. Youth insurgents were most common where the legitimate grievances of youth were mobilized by anti-colonial groups who could recruit children through colonial organizations as well as family and social networks. While some teenagers fought due to coercion or necessity, others were politically motivated and willing to risk their lives for independence. Youth soldiers served in multiple capacities in insurgencies, from protestors to couriers to armed fighters, in roles that were shaped by multiple logics: the need for troop fortification and sustained manpower; the tactical exploitation of youth liminality, and the symbolic mobilization of childhood and discourses of childhood innocence. Counterinsurgency responses to youthful insurgents commonly combined violence and development, highlighting tensions within late colonial governance: juveniles were beaten, detained, and flogged, but also constructed as “delinquents” rather than “terrorists” to facilitate their subsequent “rehabilitation.”
Kenya adopted a new constitution in 2010 after a long and difficult journey. It was the result of two processes, involving different bodies, different decision-making rules, and each under significantly different political conditions. This chapter describes these linked processes, exploring why the first failed and the second led to the adoption of a new constitution. There is, of course, no simple or single answer to this question but, as the chapter shows, a central difference between them was the different ways in which they dealt with elites and ordinary citizens. In short, insisting on a "people-driven" process and failing to secure elite buy-in was fatal for the first process; requiring consensus among the elite, along with a degree of public involvement, was key to bringing the second process to a successful conclusion.
In this chapter we reflect on the experiences and knowledge gained by instructors and administrators within the first five years of the Borderless Higher Education Project for Refugees (BHER) in Dadaab, Kenya. We are interested in the ethical reshaping of institutional and pedagogical praxis and use and develop the term ‘equity failure’ to refer to moments that reveal gaps in the foundations and planning for equity within the project. These gaps make evident how the work put towards developing ethical relationships does not always enable equity. ‘Equity failure’, therefore, is the metaphor we adopt to point to the productive challenges brought about by the continuous reencounters between different worldviews, positionalities and, as well, the logistical challenges of coordinating higher education in a context rife with many reproducing marginalisations and that play out in a variety of ways. The chapter begins by detailing the history of the BHER project. This is followed by a discussion of two project spaces where issues related to the tuition-free aspects of the BHER initiative and classroom discussions about the construction of identity and forced migration are raised. We conclude by reiterating the importance of learning from equity failure to engender more ethical relationships within North–South partnerships that may unintentionally replicate power and knowledge disparities.
Reproductive externalities are important for fertility behavior in Kenya. We identify from anthropology structural forms of social interaction operating across individuals belonging to different ethnic and religious groups on the number of children ever born. We use the 1998 Demographic and Health Survey, combined with primary meteorological data on Kenya, and GMM methods, to show that social interaction effects by ethnicity are important over and above an individual's characteristics such as their religion to explain variations in fertility. Our findings have implications for policy debates in Kenya and in other developing countries about ethnic, religious, and other differences in fertility behavior.
Does a leader's ethnicity affect the regional distribution of basic services such as education in Africa? Several influential studies have argued in the affirmative, by using educational attainment levels to show that children who share the ethnicity of the president during their school-aged years have higher attainment than their peers. In this paper we revisit this empirical evidence and show that it rests on problematic assumptions. Some models commonly used to test for favouritism do not take adequate account of educational convergence and once this is properly accounted for the results are found to be unstable. Using Kenya as a test case, we argue that there is no conclusive evidence of ethnic favouritism in primary or secondary education, but rather a process of educational convergence among the country's larger ethnic groups. This evidence matters, as it shapes how we understand the ethnic calculus of politicians.
This article is concerned with the colonial state as a producer, consumer, and regulator of print. Propaganda and censorship may represent two extremes in the management of a colonial public sphere. Censorship was an interactive and negotiated process—one whose successful management was in the interest of both the censoring agents and those censored. One might think that censorship is a measure taken in order for communication to break down. If we imagine colonial print communication as a continuum suspended between partners that at one end desire full freedom of expression and at the other full control, absolute censorship does constitute silence, like that represented by the dramatic closure of the African press in Kenya with the Emergency of 1952. In a politicised colonial environment, like that in postwar Kenya, censorship may be understood as negotiation between colonisers and colonised on the limits of free speech. The article examines what changed in Kenya's late-colonial period in relation to the production, broadcasting, censoring, and suppression of non-European newspapers, and how the change affected the institutions and groupings that produced and received texts. More narrowly, it seeks to trace the dynamics of textual interfaces between the European print frameworks and those of the consolidated or emerging non-European publicists and publics. An examination that situates censorship in a broader context of management of discourse, of negotiation and dialogue, one that tests and goes beyond the dualism of suppression and resistance, may make it clearer why and to what extent a number of critical, anti-colonial publications were allowed to exist, and some were encouraged; and what the limits were, when opposition became unacceptable, and communication broke down.
This article is focused on a magazine called Jambo, which was published by the British East Africa Command for troops in its employ between 1942 and 1945. Jambo was an agglomeration of political articles, general interest stories, propaganda, cartoons, crosswords, and more, with many of its contributions authored (or drawn) by men serving in the Allied forces. Here, I use Jambo to consider notions of the “colonial” and “imperial” during the Second World War, exploring how the realities of racial segregation in the colonies fit awkwardly with imperial service. Jambo also permits us a window into the views of some hundreds of British servicemen, who wrote extensively about the Africans with whom they served, revealing the complexities and shifts in British perceptions of African peoples during the conflict. Jambo is unique in another respect: it also provided a forum for African troops. In few other publications—and even fewer with such wide circulation—could educated (but nonelite) African peoples reach thousands of British readers. Though their published letters and articles were few compared to those written by Jambo's British authors, African writers used the venue to critique the conditions of their military service, argue about the sort of social ordering they desired in their home communities, and create an alternate narrative of the war. Like most colonial publications, Jambo had intended audiences, but also voracious, additional, alternate publics that mediated the articles which appeared in its pages. All this suggests that we might think of the colonial public sphere as both local and global, inward and outward looking, personal and communal, and situated along a continuum between colonial and imperial contexts.
To develop a semi-quantitative FFQ and to evaluate its validity and reproducibility for the assessment of total dietary intake of Kenyan urban adult population, given its non-existence in Kenya.
The current study adopted a cross-sectional design. A culture-sensitive semi-quantitative FFQ was developed and its validity was tested relative to three non-consecutive 24-h recalls (24hR). Reproducibility was tested by the test–retest method, with a 3-week interval. Spearman’s correlation coefficients and intra-class correlation coefficients were calculated for several macro- and micronutrients. Cross-classification into quartiles and Bland and Altman plots were analysed.
Nairobi county (Dagoreti South and Starehe constituencies).
A convenient sample was recruited in three different clusters in Nairobi.
A culture-sensitive 123-food-item semi-quantitative FFQ showed higher nutrient intakes compared with the 24hR (total energy median 12543·632 v. 8501·888 kJ, P < 0·001). Energy-adjusted and deattenuated Spearman’s correlations for macronutrients ranged between 0·21 (total fat) and 0·47 (protein). The agreement in the same quartile varied from 28 % (protein) to 41 % (carbohydrates). Including adjacent quartiles, the range increased: 76 % (protein and fat) to 81 % (carbohydrates). The extreme disagreement was low. The first FFQ application resulted in higher mean values for all nutrients compared with the second FFQ (total energy median 12459·952 v. 10485·104 kJ, P < 0·001). Energy-adjusted correlations for macronutrients ranged from 0·28 (carbohydrates) to 0·61 (protein). Intra-class correlation coefficients for macronutrients were moderate, between 0·6 and 0·7.
The developed semi-quantitative FFQ was shown to be a valid and reproducible tool for ranking urban adult Kenyans according to their dietary intake.
To determine whether the prevalence of stunting differed between an intervention group and a control group and to identify factors associated with the children’s linear growth.
This was a follow-up study of mother–child pairs who participated in a 2012–2015 cluster randomised controlled trial. Linear mixed effects models were performed to model the children’s linear growth and identify the determinants of child linear growth.
The study was conducted in two slums in Nairobi. The intervention group received monthly nutrition education and counselling (NEC) during pregnancy and infancy period.
A birth cohort of 1004 was followed up every 3 months after delivery to the 13th month. However, as a result of dropouts, a total of 438 mother–child pairs participated during the 55-month follow-up. The loss to follow-up baseline characteristics did not differ from those included for analysis.
Length-for-age z-scores decreased from birth to the 13th month, mean –1·42 (sd 2·04), with the control group (33·5 %) reporting a significantly higher prevalence of stunting than the intervention group (28·6 %). Conversely, the scores increased in the 55th month, mean –0·89 (sd 1·04), with significantly more males (16·5 %) stunted in the control group than in the intervention group (8·3 %). Being in the control group, being a male child, often vomiting/regurgitating food, mother’s stature of <154 cm and early weaning were negatively associated with children’s linear growth.
Home-based maternal NEC reduced stunting among under five years; however, the long-term benefits of this intervention on children’s health need to be elucidated.
In October 2015, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 2242 calling on member states to work toward the greater integration of the women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda with efforts to counter terrorism and violent extremism. While the rapprochement between counterterrorism and WPS may appear to be a step forward, particularly for those seeking to increase women's participation in areas traditionally dominated by men, it is also potentially dangerous. This article makes a significant contribution to the larger debate on the WPS agenda by studying the impact and unintended consequences of linking WPS with countering violent extremism on the ground in Kenya. Based on original research in the field, including key informant interviews, I argue that in the Kenyan context, connecting WPS with violent extremism has had several damaging consequences for women and their communities. Far from advancing the WPS agenda, this new policy shift has caused tension between local and international priorities, precipitated the redirection of donor funding away from important gender initiatives and toward countering violent extremism, and resulted in women's additional stigmatization, insecurity, and exclusion.
Chapter 1 introduces the four major themes around the intersection of state power and international criminal justice that this book explores: the strategic use of self-referrals to the ICC, complementarity between national and international justice systems, the limits of state compliance with international courts, and the use of international courts in domestic political conflicts. Each of these major themes revolves around the ICC and its relationship with states. The four empirical cases – Uganda, Libya, Côte d’Ivoire, and Kenya – are also introduced briefly to highlight the ways in which they tie into the four themes, respectively. Chapter 1 also presents the theoretical framework and design of the book, and explains the selection of case studies.
The need for state compliance and cooperation constrains the ability of the ICC to accomplish its mission. By ratifying the Rome Statute, states delegate their power and privileges to an international institution whose main purpose is to limit the sovereignty of said states. Chapter 5 uses the example of Kenya to show that a state can withdraw compliance and cooperation with the Court if the targets for investigation are that state’s officials. Chapter 5 also outlines the limits of state cooperation in the area of international criminal justice.
In Kenya, the prophecies of the late Elijah Masinde, leader of the anti-colonial religious revival Dini ya Msambwa, remain contested. MacArthur explores the religious innovations, intellectual work, and moral debates for the first time through Masinde’s own words. During his 1948 deportation trial, while the prosecution sought to remake Masinde from prophetic madman into calculating criminal, Masinde used the courtroom to challenge the pathologization of rebellion and remake his own patriotic vision. MacArthur argues that Masinde’s trial reveals colonial justice and psychiatry as discursive arenas for contestations over resistance, social control, and moral authority in colonial and postcolonial Africa.
Taking as a starting point the observation that Tanzania has historically been a more effective nation-builder than Kenya, Gorham asks why that is the case, focusing on the construction of national narratives in state-run museum spaces to gain a better understanding of official nationalist pedagogy. State-run museums are spaces where states can articulate their vision of the nation, and by cataloging and analyzing the content of exhibits, one can better understand the different types of narratives constructed by states with diverging nation-building strategies. The narratives produced in museum sites in Tanzania and Kenya differ in terms of their consistency, clarity, and inclusivity.
Poultry production is an important way of enhancing the livelihoods of rural populations, especially in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). As poultry production in LMICs remains dominated by backyard systems with low inputs and low outputs, considerable yield gaps exist. Intensification can increase poultry productivity, production and income. This process is relatively recent in LMICs compared to high-income countries. The management practices and the constraints faced by smallholders trying to scale-up their production, in the early stages of intensification, are poorly understood and described. We thus investigated the features of the small-scale commercial chicken sector in a rural area distant from major production centres. We surveyed 111 commercial chicken farms in Kenya in 2016. We targeted farms that sell the majority of their production, owning at least 50 chickens, partly or wholly confined and provided with feeds. We developed a typology of semi-intensive farms. Farms were found mainly to raise dual-purpose chickens of local and improved breeds, in association with crops and were not specialized in any single product or market. We identified four types of semi-intensive farms that were characterized based on two groups of variables related to intensification and accessibility: (i) remote, small-scale old farms, with small flocks, growing a lot of their own feed; (ii) medium-scale, old farms with a larger flock and well located in relation to markets and (iii) large-scale recently established farms, with large flocks, (iii-a) well located and buying chicks from third-party providers and (iii-b) remotely located and hatching their own chicks. The semi-intensive farms we surveyed were highly heterogeneous in terms of size, age, accessibility, management, opportunities and challenges. Farm location affects market access and influences the opportunities available to farmers, resulting in further diversity in farm profiles. The future of these semi-intensive farms could be compromised by several factors, including the competition with large-scale intensive farmers and with importations. Our study suggests that intensification trajectories in rural areas of LMICs are potentially complex, diverse and non-linear. A better understanding of intensification trajectories should, however, be based on longitudinal data. This could, in turn, help designing interventions to support small-scale farmers.
The key populations who are most vulnerable to HIV – sex workers, people who inject drugs, men who have sex with men, transgender people – are criminalized in many countries, and often lead double lives, hiding in order to survive. This creates a data paradox, in which governments deny or minimize the existence of key populations, no research is done on their health needs, and lack of data reinforces official denialism. Criminalization of same-sex sexuality is statistically associated with implausibly low size estimates of men who have sex with men. Low size estimates can also contribute to implausibly high reported coverage of HIV testing among men who have sex with men, leading countries that are failing to reach key populations to mistakenly believe they are successful. In Kenya, a government effort to conduct a size estimation study of key populations, including gathering biometric data, faced resistance from those groups, who feared the data could expose them to risk of arrest and abuses. Working with Kenyan key populations advocates and human rights lawyers, the author documented this resistance, and growing demands by key populations that they play a leadership role in the design, implementation and evaluation of research about their health.
Global health donors, under pressure to demonstrate progress in order to persuade US and UK government representatives to continue funding for the global HIV response, have intensified efforts to get more people at risk of HIV to test and know their status in high-prevalence regions, such as East and Southern Africa. PEPFAR, the US bilateral HIV financing program, has mastered doing this by using granular data to set priorities and manage funding. Women living with HIV in Kenya have raised concerns about the donor-driven practice of assisted partner notification services (aPNS), an approach in which those who test positive for HIV are required to share the contacts of their sexual partners with health workers, in order to inform those partners that they are at risk and should test for HIV. This chapter examines the delicate problem of eliciting disclosure of intimate partner violence safely and ethically, and how this is neglected in the academic studies on which the World Health Organizations based its recommendations. It shows that lack of evidence of domestic violence was used as evidence of lack of such violence, in order to promote donor-driven efforts to test more people for HIV.